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http://archive.org/details/northcarolinahis1963nort 



North Carolina Sfate Library 
Raleigh 



*7&c 'Jtontfa @anoU*tct, 



Issued Quarterly 

Volume XL - Numbers 1-4 







7(Ji#tten - SfrUety - Summer - ?4utt€*K*t 

1963 



The North Carolina Historical Review 



Christopher Crittenden, Editor in Chief 

Mrs. Memory F. Mitchell, Editor 

Mrs. Elizabeth W. Wilborn, Editorial Associate 



ADVISORY EDITORIAL BOARD 
John R. Jordan, Jr. William S. Powell 

Miss Sarah M. Lemmon Miss Mattie Russell 

Henry S. Stroupe 



STATE DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY 

EXECUTIVE BOARD 

McDaniel Lewis, Chairman 

Miss Gertrude Sprague Carraway Josh L. Horne 

Fletcher M. Green Edward W. Phifer 

Ralph P. Hanes Daniel J. Whitener 

Christopher Crittenden, Director 



This review was established in January, 1924, as a medium of publication and dis- 
cussion of history in North Carolina. It is issued to other institutions by exchange, 
but to the general public by subscription only. The regular price is $3.00 per year. 
Members of the North Carolina Literary and Historical Association, Inc., for which 
the annual dues are $5.00, receive this publication without further payment. Back 
numbers still in print are available for $.75 per number. Out-of-print numbers may be 
obtained on microfilm from University Microfilms, SIS North First Street, Ann Arbor, 
Michigan. Persons desiring to quote from this publication may do so without special 
permission from the editors providing full credit is given to The North Carolina 
Historical Review. The Review is published quarterly by the State Department of 
Archives and History, Education Building, Corner of Edenton and Salisbury Streets, 
Raleigh. Second class postage paid at Raleigh, North Carolina. 






VOLUME XL 



NUMBER 1, WINTER, 1963 



THE EDUCATION OF WILLIAM A. GRAHAM I 

Max R. Williams 

THE PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH AND THE NEGRO 

IN NORTH CAROLINA DURING RECONSTRUCTION ____ 15 

John L. Bell, Jr. 

THE NORTH CAROLINA LOWER HOUSE AND THE 

POWER TO APPOINT PUBLIC TREASURERS, 1711-1775 ____ 37 

Jack P. Greene 

BLEASEISM AND THE 1912 ELECTION 

IN SOUTH CAROLINA __ 54 

Clarence N. Stone 

FIGHTING IN NORTH CAROLINA WATERS 75 

Edited by Roy F. Nichols 

BOOK REVIEWS 85 



Patton, Messages, Addresses, and Public Papers of Luther Hartwell Hodges, 
Governor of North Carolina, 1954-1961, Volume II, 1957-1958, and 
Hodges, Businessman in the Statehouse: Six years as Governor of 
North Carolina, by Willard B. Gatewood, Jr. 85 

Rouse, Some Interesting Colonial Churches in North Carolina, 

by Thomas H. Spence, Jr. 87 



Contents 

Davis, The Cowpens-Guilford Courthouse Campaign,* by Don Higginbotham .... 88 

POE, True Tales of the South at War: How Soldiers Fought and 

Families Lived, 1861-1865, by James J. Geary 89 

Durden, Reconstruction Bonds & Twentieth-Century Politics: South 

Dakota v. North Carolina (190 U), by Allen J. Going 90 

Schinhan, The Frank C. Brown Collection of North Carolina Folklore, 

Volume V, The Music of the Folk Songs, by Norman C. Larson 92 

Hutchinson and Rachel, The Papers of James Madison, Volume II, 

20 March 1780-2S February 1781, by Philip F. Detweiler 92 

Wineman, The Landon Carter Papers in the University of Virginia Library: 

A Sketch, by Winthrop D. Jordan 93 

Duffy, The Rudolph Matas History of Medicine in Louisiana, Volume II, 

by Loren MacKinney 94 

Doherty, The Territory of Florida, by John J. TePaske 97 

Carter, The Territorial Papers of the United States, Volume XXVI, The 

Territory of Florida, 1839-18^5, by Rembert W. Patrick 98 

Proctor, Dickison and His Men: Reminiscences of the War in Florida, 

by Charles W. Arnade 99 

Hall, Reflections of the Civil War in Southern Humor, by Arlin Turner 101 

Gould, Early American Wooden Ware and Other Kitchen Utensils, 

by Sue R. Todd 101 

Carman and Thompson, A Guide to the Principal Sources for American 
Civilization, 1800-1900, in the City of New York: Manuscripts; 
Carman and Thompson, A Guide to the Principal Sources for American 
Civilization, 1800-1900, in the City of New York: Printed Materials, 
by H. G. Jones 103 

Other Recent Publications 104 



HISTORICAL NEWS 106 



NUMBER 2, SPRING, 1963 



WILLIAM LOUIS POTEAT AND THE 

EVOLUTION CONTROVERSY 135 

Suzanne Cameron Linder 

THE CONFEDERATE REFUGEES IN NORTH CAROLINA ___158 

Mary Elizabeth Massey 

NORTH CAROLINA'S REACTION TO THE 
CURRENCY ACT OF 1764 183 

Robert M. Weir 



Contents 

A NEW HISTORY BUILDING FOR NORTH CAROLINA 200 

McDaniel Lewis 

NORTH CAROLINA NONFICTION BOOKS, 1961-1962 206 

C. Hugh Holman 

THREE HUNDRED YEARS OF CAROLINA HISTORY 213 

Chalmers G. Davidson 

LOCALIZED HISTORY IN THE AGE OF EXPLOSIONS 221 

Clifford L. Lord 

NORTH CAROLINA BIBLIOGRAPHY, 1961-1962 232 

William S. Powell 

BOOK REVIEWS 240 



Hamilton, The Papers of William Alexander Graham, Volume IV, 

1851-1856, by William S. Hoffmann 240 

Arnett, O. Henry from Polecat Creek, by H. G. Kincheloe 241 

Roberts and Gorrell, The Face of North Carolina, by Elizabeth W. Wilborn . .242 

Roberts, Ghosts of the Carolinas, by Richard Walser 243 

Wellman, The County of Moore, 1847-1947: A North Carolina Region's 

Second Hundred Years, by John Mitchell Justice . 244 

Hayes, The Land of Wilkes, by Daniel J. Whitener . . .245 

Matthews, North Carolina Votes, by Christopher Crittenden .247 

Morrison, Josephus Daniels Says . . . An Editor's Political Odyssey From 

Bryan to Wilson and F. D. R., 1894-1913, by James A. Tinsley 248 

McAdoo, The Priceless Gift: The Love Letters of Woodrow Wilson and 

Ellen Axson Wilson, by George Osborn 250 

Chapman, Florida Breezes: Or, Florida New and Old, by David L. Smiley 251 

Rogers, Evolution of a Federalist: William Loughton Smith of Charleston 

(1758-1812), by Gilbert L. Lycan 252 

Anderson, By Sea and By River: The Naval History of the Civil War, 

by Alvin A. Fahrner 253 

Ambrose, Halleck: Lincoln's Chief of Staff, by Eugene C. Drozdowski 255 

Munden and Beers, Guide to Federal Archives Relating to the Civil War, 

by A. M. Patterson 257 

Noggle, Teapot Dome: Oil and Politics in the 1920's, by William H. Wroten, Jr. . . .258 

Campbell, The Farm Bureau and the New Deal: A Study of the Making of 

National Farm Policy, 1933-40, by Stuart Noblin 259 

Other Recent Publications 261 

HISTORICAL NEWS 264 



Contents 
NUMBER 3, SUMMER/ 1963 

JARED SPARKS IN NORTH CAROLINA 285 

John H. Moore 

ABOLITIONIST MISSIONARY ACTIVITIES IN 

NORTH CAROLINA 295 

Clifton H. Johnson 
ENTERTAINMENT IN RALEIGH IN 1890 321 

Sarah McCulloh Lemmon 

THE ELECTIONS OF 1872 IN NORTH CAROLINA 338 

Douglass C. Dailey 
THE FOUNDING OF NEW BERN: A FOOTNOTE 361 

Edited by Fred J. Allred and Alonzo T. Dill 

BOOK REVIEWS 375 



Harrington, Search for the Cittie of Ralegh: Archeological Excavations 

at Fort Raleigh National Historic Site, North Carolina, by Stanley South . .375 

Parker, North Carolina Charters and Constitutions, 1578-1698, 

by Wesley Frank Craven 376 

Brown, A History of the Education of Negroes in North Carolina, 

by Richard Barry Westin 377 

Tucker, Front Rank, by Charles P. Roland 378 

North Carolina Advisory Committee to the United States Commission 
on Civil Rights, Equal Protection of the Laws in North Carolina, 
by Memory F. Blackwelder 379 

Gwynn, Abstracts of the Records of Jones County, North Carolina, 

1779-1868, by Charles R. Holloman 381 

Powell, North Carolina Lives: The Tar Heel Who's Who, by Cyrus B. King . . . .382 

Dabney and Dargan, William Henry Drayton and the American 

Revolution, by Hugh F. Rankin 383 

Waring, The Fighting Elder: Andrew Pickens (1739-1817), by Jack C. Barnes . .384 

Parks, General Leonidas Polk, C.S.A.: The Fighting Bishop, by Avery Craven . .386 

Brown, The South Carolina Regulators, by C. G. Gordon Moss ..-.'. 388 

Davis, William Fitzhugh and His Chesapeake World, 1676-1701, by Cecil Johnson . .389 

McPh^RSON, The Journal of the Earl of Egmont: Abstract of the Trustees 
Proceedings for Establishing the Colony of Georgia, 1732-1738, 
by James K. Huhta .....:......,,. .-. ,, .390 

McMillan, The Alabama Confederate Reader, by Buck Yearns 391 

Eaton, The Growth of Southern Civilization, 1790-1860, 

by John Edmond Gonzales '. ... 392 



Contents 

Parks, Ante-Bellum Southern Literary Critics, by Louis J. Budd 393 

Gottschalk, Generalization in the Writing of History: A Report of 
the Committee on Historical Analysis of the Social Science 
Research Council, by Thornton W. Mitchell 394 

Other Recent Publications 395 

HISTORICAL NEWS 398 



NUMBER 4, AUTUMN, 1963 

OUR LIVING AND OUR DEAD: A POST-BELLUM 
NORTH CAROLINA MAGAZINE OF LITERATURE 
AND HISTORY 423 

Ray M. Atchison 

ALBION W. TOURGEE: CARPETBAGGER _434 

Otto H. Olsen 

JOSEPH HEWES AND INDEPENDENCE: A SUGGESTION __455 

Allan J. McCurry 

NORTH CAROLINA AND FEDERAL AID TO 

EDUCATION: PUBLIC REACTION TO THE BLAIR 

BILL, 1881-1890 465 

WlLLARD B. GATEWOOD, Jr. 

CHAMPAGNE AT BRINDLETOWN: THE STORY OF 

THE BURKE COUNTY GOLD RUSH, 1829-1833 489 

Edward W. Phifer 

BOOK REVIEWS 501 

Walser, Poets of North Carolina, by Norma Rose 501 

MacMillan, The North Carolina Portrait Index, 1700-1860, 

by Catherine G. Barnhart 502 

Arnett, William Swaim, Fighting Editor: The Story of O. Henry's 

Grandfather, by Robert N. Elliott . 503 

Hemphill, The Papers of John C. Calhoun, Volume II, 1817-1818, 

by Thomas D. Clark 504 

Cumming, The Southeast in Early Maps: With an Annotated Check List of 
Printed and Manuscript Regional and Local Maps of Southeastern 
North America During the Colonial Period, by Roger Jones 505 



Contents 

Wiley, Four Years on the Firing Line, by James F. Uoster 506 

McKitrick, Slavery Defended: The Views of the Old South, by Philip Davidson . .507 

Rosenberger, Records of the Columbia Historical Society of Washington, 

D. C, 1960-1962, by Mattie Russell 508 

Braeman, The Road to Independence: A Documentary History of the Causes 

of the American Revolution, 1768-1776, by Frank W. Ryan 509 

Whitehill, Independent Historical Societies: An Enquiry into Their 
Research and Publications Functions and Their Financial Future, 
by Margaret L. Chapman 510 

Congdon, Early American Homes for Today: A Treasury of Decorative 

Details and Restoration Procedures, by John Allcott 512 

Other Recent Publications 513 



HISTORICAL NEWS 516 



to/i 



North Carolina State Library 
Raleigh 



Ac 



m 







7(/i*tt&i t<?63 



The North Carolina Historical Review 



Christopher Crittenden, Editor in Chief 
Mrs. Memory F. Blackwelder, Editor 
Mrs. Elizabeth W. Wilborn, Editorial Associate 

ADVISORY EDITORIAL BOARD 

Frontis W. Johnston Miss Sarah M. Lemmon 

John R. Jordan, Jr. William S. Powell 

Robert H. Woody 



STATE DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY 
EXECUTIVE BOARD 

McDaniel Lewis, Chairman 

James W. Atkins Ralph P. Hanes 

Miss Gertrude Sprague Carraway Josh L. Horne 

Fletcher M. Green Daniel J. Whitener 

Christopher Crittenden, Director 



This review was established in January, 192U, as a medium of publication and dis- 
cussion of history in North Carolina. It is issued to other institutions by exchange, 
but to the general public by subscription only. The regular price is $3.00 per year. 
Members of the North Carolina Literary and Historical Association, Inc., for which 
the annual dues are $5.00, receive this publication vAthout further payment. Back 
numbers still in print are available for $.75 per number. Out-of-print numbers may be 
obtained on microfilm from University Microfilms, 313 North First Street, Ann Arbor, 
Michigan. Persons desiring to quote from this publication may do so without special 
permission from the editors providing full credit is given to The North Carolina 
Historical Review. The Review is published quarterly by the State Department of 
Archives and History, Education Building, Corner of Edenton and Salisbury Streets, 
Raleigh. Second class postage paid at Raleigh, North Carolina. 



COVER — The map on the cover shows Plymouth and its defenses, 
April 17-20, 1864. It is taken from Histories of the Several Regiments and 
Battalions from North Carolina in the Great War 1861-65, edited by 
Walter Clark, Vol. V, between pages 184 and 185. For letters telling of 
action during the Battle of Plymouth, see pages 75-84. 






Volume XL Published in January, 196') Number 1 



CONTENTS 
THE EDUCATION OF WILLIAM A. GRAHAM 1 

Max R. Williams 

THE PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH AND THE NEGRO 
IN NORTH CAROLINA DURING RECONSTRUCTION _____ 15 

John L. Bell, Jr. 

THE NORTH CAROLINA LOWER HOUSE AND THE 
POWER TO APPOINT PUBLIC TREASURERS, 1711-1775 37 

Jack P. Greene 

BLEASEISM AND THE 1912 ELECTION 
IN SOUTH CAROLINA 54 

Clarence N. Stone 

FIGHTING IN NORTH CAROLINA WATERS 75 

Edited by Roy F. Nichols 

BOOK REVIEWS 85 

HISTORICAL NEWS 106 



BOOK REVIEWS 

Patton, Messages, Addresses, and Public Papers of Luther 
Hartwell Hodges, Governor of North Carolina, 1954-1961, 
Volume II, 1957-1958, and Hodges, Businessman in the 
Statehouse: Six Years as Governor of North Carolina, 
by Willard B. Gatewood, Jr 85 

Rouse, Some Interesting Colonial Churches in North Carolina, 

by Thomas H. Spence, Jr 87 

Davis, The Cowpens-Guilford Courthouse Campaign, 

by Don Higginbotham 88 

Poe, True Tales of the South at War: How Soldiers Fought 

and Families Lived, 1861-1865, by James J. Geary 89 

Durden, Reconstruction Bonds & Twentieth-Century Politics: 

South Dakota v. North Carolina (1904), by Allen J. Going 90 

Schinhan, The Frank C. Brown Collection of North Carolina Folklore 
Volume V, The Music of the Folk Songs, by Norman C. Larson . . 92 

Hutchinson and Rachel, The Papers of James Madison, 
Volume II, 20 March 1780-23 February 1781, 
by Philip F. Detweiler 92 

Wineman, The Landon Carter Papers in the University of Virginia 

Library: A Sketch, by Winthrop D. Jordan 93 

Duffy, The Rudolph Matas History of Medicine in Louisiana, 

Volume II, by Loren MacKinney 94 

Doherty, The Territory of Florida, by John J. TePaske 97 

Carter, The Territorial Papers of the United States, Volume 
XXVI, The Territory of Florida, 1839-1845, 
by Rembert W. Patrick 98 

Proctor, Dickison and His Men: Reminiscences of the War 

in Florida, by Charles W. Arnade 99 

Hall, Reflections of the Civil War in Southern Humor, 

by Arlin Turner 101 

Gould, Early American Wooden Ware and Other Kitchen Utensils, 

by Sue R. Todd 101 

Carman and Thompson, A Guide to the Principal Sources 

for American Civilization, 1800-1900, in the City of New York: 

Manuscripts; Carman and Thompson, A Guide to the 

Principal Sources for American Civilization, 1800-1900, 

in the City of New York: Printed Materials, by H. G. Jones . . . .103 

Other Recent Publications 104 



THE EDUCATION OF WILLIAM A. GRAHAM 

By Max R. Williams* 

September, 1804, was characteristic of innumerable other Septem- 
bers in Lincoln County, North Carolina. Days were hot and often 
humid, but cool nights and frequent early morning fog anticipated fall. 
Vesuvius Plantation, the seat of planter-iron entrepreneur Joseph 
Graham, hummed with activity. Well-kept slaves busily tended corn 
and hay for support of livestock and cotton for an expanding market. 
Although for the moment the production of iron at Vesuvius Furnace, 
a venture requiring winter's cold, was overshadowed, Joseph Graham 
was negotiating a consolidation of his holdings that would make him 
a leading iron manufacturer in the State. 

Amid the cares of business responsibility Graham paused to enjoy 
a frequently heard sound, as the cry of his eleventh child wafted 
through big, comfortable "Vesuvius." On September 5, 1804, Isabella 
Davidson Graham bore a fine son, her seventh. As usual at such 
moments parental pride caused Isabella and Joseph Graham optimis- 
tically to envision future greatness for their temporarily helpless infant. 
Little did they know that their hopes would be largely realized; for 
this child, William Alexander Graham, was destined to become one of 
North Carolina's most renowned sons. 

William A. Graham, whose seventy-one years spanned a period of 
remarkable growth and change in his State, was a noted lawyer and 
a devoted public servant. He served in both houses of the North Caro- 
lina General Assembly and was Speaker of the House of Commons 
twice. He was elected for two consecutive terms as Governor of North 
Carolina, serving from 1845 to 1849. He was a United States and a 
Confederate States Senator. After having distinguished himself as Sec- 
retary of the Navy in the Fillmore Cabinet, Graham was the Whig Par- 
ty's Vice-Presidential candidate in 1852. He was a long-time trustee of 
the University of North Carolina, his alma mater, and, after 1865, the 
elder statesman of State politics. He performed his duties conscienti- 
ously and ably in every capacity. Perhaps no North Carolinian held so 

* Mr. Williams is a doctoral candidate at the University of North Carolina, Chapel 
Hill. 



2 The North Carolina Historical Review 

many offices of trust; few exerted greater influence among their con- 
temporaries. 

To those who recognize the role in history played by exceptional 
men, a careful analysis of the heredity, environment, and education 
of the child often suggests the key to understanding the man and his 
career. The purpose of this article is to examine the education of 
Governor Graham. 

A child's first school is the home; his first teachers are his parents. 
Since there were no public schools on which to rely in early nineteenth- 
century North Carolina, parents who appreciated the value of educa- 
tion recognized their own responsibilities. The Grahams of Lincoln 
County were Scotch-Irish and their Presbyterian background inspired 
a respect for knowledge. An education was much coveted by Presby- 
terians for their sons. The Reverend William Henry Foote, the first 
historian of Presbyterianism in North Carolina, wrote that Presbyterian 
mothers "would forego comforts and endure toil that their sons might 
be well instructed, enterprising men." * Joseph and Isabella Davidson 
Graham were no exception. Unfortunately, however, she died when 
young William was only four. The family fell directly under the 
tutelage of the father, Joseph Graham. 

Joseph Graham was a remarkable man whose patriotism and enter- 
prise were well known among the people of western North Carolina. 
He had been trained at Charlotte's Queen's Museum and was well 
prepared to supervise the education of his children. 2 More emphasis 
was placed on formal training for his sons, although the daughters 
were taught the rudiments of education in addition to the skills of 
homemaking. Three of the seven sons of Joseph Graham— James, 
George Franklin, and William Alexander— were graduated by the Uni- 
versity of North Carolina. All three received additional training. James 
and Will read law with Judge Thomas Ruffin of Hillsboro while George 
Franklin earned a medical degree at the University of Pennsylvania. 
The other four sons of Joseph Graham partook of whatever amount of 
formal education they desired. Apparently they preferred the practical 
experience of plantation and iron forge. 3 

William A. Graham received considerable attention from his father. 
There are several plausible explanations for this. Besides being the 

1 William Henry Foote, Sketches of North Carolina Historical and Biographical, 
Illustrative of the Principles of a Portion of Her Early Settlers (New York: Robert 
Carter, 1846), 512. 

2 William Alexander Graham, General Joseph Graham and His Papers on North 
Carolina Revolutionary History . . . (Raleigh: Privately printed [Edwards and Brough- 
ton], 1904), 19, hereinafter cited as Graham, General Joseph Graham. 

8 Graham, General Joseph Graham, 174 ff. 



i 



The Education of William A. Graham 3 

youngest son, he was rendered motherless at age four. Perhaps Joseph 
Graham felt a particularly tender affection for this son, or perhaps 
he perceived the lad's keen intelligence. At any rate the son profited 
from close association with his father. It is easy to imagine that young 
Will accompanied his father on the frequent tours of inspection about 
"Vesuvius" and on the weekly trips to court day in nearby Lincolnton. 
The effect of this relationship is immeasurable; however, a letter writ- 
ten in 1836 by William to his wife to report the death of his father is 
indicative. Oppressed by grief, Graham wrote: 

My venerated father is no more! . . . When I look back on his multiple 
acts of kindness towards me, his great solicitude in my behalf, when I 
remember how I was literally nursed in his bosom after the premature 
loss of my other parent & generously supplied in every want, how care- 
fully he endeavoured to instruct me in the principles of virtue and piety, I 
feel the privation most sorely. 4 

Probably Joseph Graham gave the fundamentals of education to 
his youngest son in the home as was the custom among the Scotch- 
Irish Presbyterians. This instruction may have been supplemented by a 
local old-field or subscription school although there is no conclusive 
evidence. 5 Most of William A. Graham's early formal education was 
in academies (sometimes called classical schools). 

The academy was the principal source of secondary education in 
North Carolina during the ante-bellum period. Often the academy 
was nothing more than a subscription school on sounder financial foot- 
ing. Most academies were State chartered and were administered by 
boards of trustees. Before 1800 the North Carolina Legislature char- 
tered 41 academies; between 1800 and 1860, 287 were chartered. Aside 
from these organizational differences, the academy placed more em- 
phasis on Greek and Latin than did the subscription schools. Almost 
every community of any size had an academy at one time or another; 
yet few academies were financially successful, and their operations 
were often of short duration. The quality of instruction varied con- 
siderably from one academy to another, depending largely on the 
physical facilities and the qualifications and ability of the staff. Fortu- 
nate was the town which could boast of an academy whose master 
was university trained. Some academies were staffed by clergymen. 
Discipline was usually severe, and moral regularity and a religious 
demeanor were virtues inculcated by nearly all of them. 6 

4 William Alexander Graham to Susan Washington Graham, November 20, 1836, 
J. G. de Roulhac Hamilton (ed.), The Papers of William Alexander Graham (Raleigh: 
State Department of Archives and History, 4 volumes, 1957-1961), I, 452, hereinafter 
cited as Hamilton, Graham Papers. 

B Hamilton, Graham Papers, I, 3. 

"Guion Griffis Johnson, Ante-Bellum North Carolina: A Social History (Chapel Hill: 
The University of North Carolina Press, 1937), 284-285; Charles L. Coon (ed.), North 



4 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Between 1816 and 1819 William A. Graham attended academies in 
Lincolnton and Statesville. He was twelve years old when he was sent 
to Lincolnton's Pleasant Retreat Academy of which his father was a 
trustee. 7 Young Will was probably reluctant to leave the carefree life 
of a country boy, and there may be truth in the story that he was 
dragged by his heels from under a bed where he had hidden to avoid 
departing Vesuvius Plantation. 8 Graham was a student at Pleasant 
Retreat before it was housed in the beautiful Georgian brick structure 
which may be seen in Lincolnton today. Probably he enrolled in the 
classes in reading, writing, spelling, and mathematics. 

Attendance at the academy in Lincolnton did not represent a sharp 
break from Graham's early life. Home was only about ten miles distant 
and his father was often a visitor. In addition, his roommate was 
Cousin Theodore Brevard of a neighboring plantation. Removal to 
the Statesville Academy of the Reverend John Mushat required more 
courage and independence, but young Will was equal to the occasion. 
Self-reliance and a sense of responsibility were desirable traits dis- 
cerned (even in youth) by his contemporaries. A brother-in-law, the 
Reverend Robert Hall Morrison, said that he demonstrated from child- 
hood a high sense of honor and truth. No less remarkable was "his 
exemption from the levities and vices common to youth." 9 

The Reverend Mushat had come to the Statesville Academy in 1815 
and offered his students the Greek, Latin, and Hebrew languages, 
English grammar, geography, Euclid's elements of geometry, natural 
and moral philosophy, rhetoric and logic. 10 Mushat was a reputable 
scholar and a stern taskmaster. He felt a keen accountability for his 
charges. In 1821 he published a set of rules which had doubtlessly 
been evolving for several years. Each student could select a store in 
the town with which to trade; but, to prevent youthful extravagance, 
a monthly check of accounts would be made. Gambling and imbibing 
in "ardent spirits" were strictly forbidden. A monthly check with the 
local tavern keepers and landlords was to be made to insure sobriety 
and proper conduct. 11 Although it is not certain what portion of these 
rules was enforced during Graham's stay in Statesville, it is obvious 
that the Reverend John Mushat was not a man to tolerate frivolity 
and moral laxness. 

Carolina Schools and Academies, 1790-1SU0: A Documentary History (Raleigh: The 
North Carolina Historial Commission [State Department of Archives and History], 
1915), v-xlv, passim, hereinafter cited as Coon, North Carolina Schools. 

7 Graham, General Joseph Graham, 164. 

8 Hamilton, Graham Papers, I, 72. 
• Hamilton, Graham Papers, I, 72. 

10 Coon, North Carolina Schools, 187. 

u Coon, North Carolina Schools, 187-188. 



The Education of William A. Graham 5 

Will Graham was a diligent student who sought knowledge with a 
devotion which left a minimum of time for mischievous activities. 
During the school term, he studied several hours a day except on the 
Sabbath. Theodore Brevard, who accompanied his cousin to the States- 
ville Academy later said that '' 'he was the only boy I ever knew who 
would spend his Saturdays in reviewing the studies of the week.' 

Such testaments of Graham's industry in studies should not be con- 
strued to imply a lack of sociability. Indeed, by his middle teens Will 
was beginning to evince the social poise and confidence which would 
make him a favorite among his intimates— both male and female. 
Later, political foes would accuse Graham of aristocratic coldness; but 
in actuality they were misled by a natural reserve. Thus, while he did 
not engage actively in the sport of his classmates, Graham was an 
esteemed friend. 

Recesses and holidays were spent at "Vesuvius" in the pleasant 
company of family. Will loved the country and must have wandered 
over the familiar terrain of eastern Lincoln County. Years later he 
wrote of the rusticity of the habitations and people of his native coun- 
ty. In admiration he described a life "far removed from the corrup- 
tions of a seaport and the luxurious effeminacy incident to more com- 
mercial communities." 13 By tradition, on one recess, probably in the 
winter of 1818-1819, William A. Graham was given charge of Spring 
Hill Forge. Joseph Graham was absent. Although Will could turn to 
brother John for advice, the responsibility for forge operations was 
his. According to the proud father, Will presided over one of the most 
profitable seasons in the history of the Spring Hill works. This was no 
mean accomplishment for a fourteen-year old. 14 

William A. Graham was maturing rapidly. All his successes were 
not academic; however, his aptitude as a scholar was notable. He 
aspired to attend the State university in Chapel Hill as had his 
brothers, James and George Franklin, who graduated in the classes 
of 1814 and 1815 respectively. 15 In final preparation for the University 
Joseph Graham sent his youngest son to the widely respected Hills- 
borough Academy. The year was 1819 and Will was nearly fifteen. 

The town of Hillsboro was itself an education for the young man 
from Lincoln County. Although he occupied a secure place in the 
society of his home county, Will Graham was scarcely accustomed 



12 
13 



Hamilton, Graham Papers, I, 4. 

Dialectic Society Addresses, First Series, A-K, University of North Carolina Pa- 
pers, Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina Library, Chapel Hill, 
hereinafter cited as Di Society Addresses. 
14 Hamilton, Graham Papers, I, 73. 
* Graham, General Joseph Graham, 176, 179. 



6 The North Carolina Historical Review 

to the bustle of commercial, social, and political activity which char- 
acterized Hillsboro. Historic Hillsboro had a relatively small perma- 
nent population of about 800; nevertheless, it was a center of enlight- 
enment in upcountry North Carolina, the county seat of populous 
Orange County, and the home of several notable men. Among the bet- 
ter known were Willie P. Mangum, Thomas Ruffin, and Archibald D. 
Murphey. During the summer months, Hillsboro's population was 
swelled by scores of well-to-do-people— young and old— who came up- 
country to avoid the heat and tedium of tidewater plantations. These 
gay easterners must have appealed to young Graham because of his 
own background of piety and frugality. Here were people who used 
their wealth, if guardedly, in a manner calculated to bring pleasure. 16 

While William A. Graham was in Hillsboro, Dennis Heartt estab- 
lished in 1820 his well-known newspaper, the Hillsborough Recorder. 17 
Advertisements in the Recorder reveal that Hillsboro could boast 
several dry goods stores, a tailor, a dressmaker, a coppersmith, a candy 
shop, an apothecaiy, plus the inevitable saddler, blacksmith, and 
taverns. 18 In addition, town folks could look with pride to their aca- 
demy which attracted students from near and far. 

On November 10, 1801, the Raleigh Register announced the open- 
ing of the Hillsborough Academy under the direction of the Reverend 
Andrew Flinn. With a proper assistant Flinn would offer "the Latin, 
Greek, and English Languages, Reading, Writing, Arithmetic, Geog- 
raphy, and the plainer Branches of Mathematics." This curriculum 
was the common fare in the academies of the time. Both male and 
female students were welcomed and board was said to be readily avail- 
able in the town. Tuition depended on the course pursued but was 
either $16.00 or $12.00 per year. 19 

The Academy prospered despite several changes in teaching per- 
sonnel. In 1812 the trustees proudly reported that the Hillsborough 
Academy had secured the services of the Reverend William Bingham, 
a teacher of wide repute and great skill. At the same time Elizabeth 
Russell was in charge of the Female Department which offered needle- 
work, painting, and drawing in addition to the usual courses. Accord- 
ing to the trustees, few places could claim such academic advantages 
plus "salubriety [sic] of climate and cheapness of living in a degree 
superior to Hillsborough. 



20 



10 



Hugh Lefler and Paul Wager (eds.), Orange County, 1752-1952 (Chapel Hill: [The 
Orange Printshop], 1953), 84 and passim, hereinafter cited as Lefler and Wager, 
Orange County. 
"Lefler and Wager, Orange County, 125. 
18 Hillsborough Recorder, 1820-1822, passim. 
18 Coon, North Carolina Schools, 280. 
Coon, North Carolina Schools, 281-282. 



s» 



The Education of William A. Graham 7 

When William A. Graham enrolled in the Hillsboro institution, it 
was under the principalship of a Presbyterian clergyman, the Reverend 
John Witherspoon. Witherspoon was ably assisted by John Rodgers, 
who in 1822 succeeded his superior as principal. 21 High academic 
standards had been maintained, and in 1818 Witherspoon had formu- 
lated rather severe rules which set the tone of discipline for the 
Academy. Will required little guidance in proper conduct; but it is 
interesting to note that academy scholars were forbidden to use pro- 
fane language or "Ardent spirits" or "to lounge about any Store or 
Tavern, or the public streets. . . ," 22 Attendance was required daily 
at morning and evening worship. Strict observance of the Sabbath was 
to be rendered. Public worship and prescribed recitations from the 
Scriptures were to absorb the Lord's Day as pupils were advised to 
refrain from ordinary studies and every kind of amusement. 23 

Apparently Will did not find this regime unreasonable. He studied 
at the Hillsborough Academy for about eighteen months. Examinations 
for the fall term of 1820 were held in January, 1821; and on the thir- 
teenth, after a successful recitation before Professor William Hooper 
of the University of North Carolina, William A. Graham was admitted 
to the Freshman Class in that institution. 24 If this examination were 
typical of those ordinarily given for freshman standing, Will Graham 
was probably asked to demonstrate competence in Caesar, Ovid, 
Cicero, the Greek Testament, Horace, and Graeca Majora. 25 It was 
with eagerness that Will Graham, a few months past his sixteenth 
birthday, went to Chapel Hill, seat of the University. 

The distance between Hillsboro and Chapel Hill was not great. 
Though wonderfully endowed by nature, Chapel Hill was unde- 
veloped in comparison to Hillsboro. Chapel Hill had grown slowlv 
since lots were laid off by University trustees in 1793. As late as 1818 
the town consisted of thirteen houses, two stores, a blacksmith shop, 
and a public house. 26 It seems reasonable to assume that when Graham 
attended the University, although student enrollment increased be- 
tween 1818 and 1821, there were fewer than a score of dwelling 

91 Coon, North Carolina Schools, 282-283. 

25 Coon, North Carolina Schools, 283. 

28 Coon, North Carolina Schools, 282-283. 

34 Faculty Minutes, 1814-1821, Mss. Vol. II, The University of North Carolina Papers, 
University of North Carolina Library, hereinafter cited as Faculty Minutes with the 
appropriate years. On September 25, 1820, a "Mr. Graham" was admitted to sophomore 
standing. Apparently this was Thomas Graham who graduated in the class of 1823. 
William A. Graham must have been the "Graham" admitted to the Freshman Class after 
an examination on January 13, 1821, in Hillsboro. 

* Survey of Faculty Minutes, 1821-1841, Mss. Vol. III. 

8 * Archibald Henderson, The Campus of the First State University (Chapel Hill: The 
University of North Carolina Press, 1949), 56-57, hereinafter cited as Henderson, 
Campus of the First State University. 



8 The North Carolina Historical Review 

houses in Chapel Hill. Certainly local dry* goods stores lacked the 
variety of the larger Hillsboro mercantile houses. 

Despite the rather unpromising growth which characterized the first 
quarter century of Chapel Hill's history, its citizens were optimistic. 
The considerations which caused them to stake their collective futures 
in the village would surely be vindicated. Chapel Hill enjoyed three 
notable advantages. Its location was rendered choice by the works of 
God and men. Aside from being a spot of striking physical beauty, 
Chapel Hill was located at the intersection of two great highways. 
Just south and slightly west of the main street ( called even then 
Franklin Street) an interstate highway linking Petersburg and Pitts- 
boro crossed an east-west artery which stretched from New Bern west- 
ward through Raleigh to Greensboro. 27 Usually the meeting of two 
such highways would have signaled a commercial life for the im- 
mediate vicinity, but the destiny of Chapel Hill was bound to the 
educational institution about which it grew. The University of North 
Carolina (though university was probably a misnomer when Graham 
came to Chapel Hill in 1821 ) was the third advantage to which local 
people looked hopefully. 

Chapel Hill, then as now, mirrored the progress of the University. 
Its slow growth was a testament to the early struggles of the University 
to overcome poverty, poorly prepared students, and the taint of Fed- 
eralism. At one time in 1817, early in the second administration of 
President Joseph Caldwell, the University found itself in the peculiar 
position of having no professors. Students were taught by Caldwell 
and a small supporting cast of tutors. 28 But Caldwell was an unusually 
able man who soon effected a renaissance at Chapel Hill. The first 
five years of his second administration, which began in 1816, were 
years of transition. Upon the resignation of Headmaster Abner W. 
Clopton in 1819, the University's Grammar School was closed. Aban- 
donment of the Preparatory Department with its excellent reputation 
as a classical school signifies that the quality of North Carolina 
academies was on the ascendancy. It is interesting to note that the 
Hillsborough Academy which prepared Graham was acknowledged as 
an uncommonly good classical school and became the preparatory 
school recognized by the University. 29 At about the same time the 
University admitted the impracticality of sponsoring a common dining 

27 Henderson, Campus of the First State University, 23. 

28 Kemp Plummer Battle, History of the University of North Carolina . . . (Raleigh: 
Edwards and Broughton Printing Company, 2 volumes, 1907-1912), I, 249, hereinafter 
cited as Battle, History of the University. 

29 Battle, History of the University, I, 283. 



The Education of William A. Graham 9 

hall. Steward's Hall was rented to a Mrs. Burton on condition that 
she supply food to student applicants at a rate not to exceed $9.00 per 
month the first year or $10.00 per month subsequently. Probably 
Graham boarded for a time with Mrs. Burton, who was in business 
until 1825. 30 

Even more significant to the future of Chapel Hill and the University 
were steps taken by President Caldwell to enlarge the faculty and to 
establish a new curriculum. By 1821 the University was on the thresh- 
hold of an era which would bring it fame. The faculty consisted of 
four professors and two tutors in addition to Caldwell, who was Pro- 
fessor of Moral Philosophy. In keeping with a course of study which 
placed more emphasis on mathematics and science, Caldwell had 
secured the services of two young Yale graduates with particular 
ability. The Reverend Elisha Mitchell, who was to become a long-time 
member of the faculty and a noted naturalist, was Professor of Mathe- 
matics and Natural Philosophy. Mitchell's classmate, Denison Olmsted, 
was Professor of Chemistry and Mineralogy, a position which he held 
until 1825 when he became a professor at Yale. 31 Both men were in- 
fused with the vigor inspired by keen intellect and both were dominant 
figures on the University of North Carolina campus when Graham was 
a student. 

No doubt Graham was impressed by the broad scope of subjects 
offered by the University. The academies which he had attended 
placed primary emphasis on classical languages; the University as- 
sumed a degree of competence in Greek and Latin and gave more 
attention to science, mathematics, and philosophy— particularly after 
the sophomore year. 32 Despite these variations in curriculum there was 
much in student life at Chapel Hill which reminded young Graham 
of his academy experiences. The religious influence was unmistakable. 
The trustees of the University of North Carolina had consciously pat- 
terned the institution after the Presbyterians' College of New Jersey 
(Princeton). The laws of the University enforced a routine of hard 
work, religious indoctrination, and moral correctness. A typical week- 
day began at dawn when the students were awakened by the campus 
bell. After a short period of time a second bell sounded the call to 
morning prayers. From morning prayers until eight o'clock, from nine 
until noon, and from two to five in the afternoon were the hours set 



80 Henderson, Campus of the First State University, 63. 

81 Faculty Minutes, 1821-1841; Battle, History of the University, I, 300; The Univer- 
sity of North Carolina Catalogue, 1828-1824, University of North Carolina Library, 
hereinafter cited as University Catalogue, 1828-1824. 

82 University Catalogue, 1823-182 A. 



10 The North Carolina Historical Review 

aside for classes and study. Every student Vas expected to attend 
evening prayers at five o'clock in Person Hall. A bell which rang at 
eight in the evening in winter and nine in summer signified that every 
student should return to his room where silence and order were to 
prevail. Saturday mornings were spent in recitation as directed by the 
faculty. Saturday afternoons were usually reserved for pleasure, but 
attendance at Sunday sermons made the Sabbath a day of worship. 33 
During the frequent religious services all students were to refrain 
from "whispering, talking, laughing, or indecent behavior of any 
kind. ..." 34 

Student decorum was scarcely left to chance. Respect for the faculty 
was required by law. Fellow students, village and country folk were 
not to be insulted. Students were forbidden to "make horses race," or 
to keep fowls, or to "engage in any game of hazard," or to "have 
spirituous or fermented liquors" in their rooms, or to go to "a tavern, 
beer-house, or any such place for the purpose of entertainment or 
amusement" without permission. 35 It seems safe to venture that these 
rules were rather unpopular with the student body generally. Un- 
doubtedly many rules were subverted with the ingenuity typical of 
every student generation confronted by odious regulations. 

While the regimentation noted in the University routine discouraged 
some would-be scholars, William A. Graham applied his intellectual 
ability with characteristic diligence. The boy who spent his Saturday 
afternoons at the Statesville Academy in study had matured into a 
careful student. In a day when the exercise of memory was paramount, 
Professor Olmsted paid Graham a high compliment by saying that 
Will could exactly reproduce the chemistry lecture of the previous 
day. 36 Three of Graham's University notebooks which are extant reveal 
skillful handwriting, good spelling, and a mature literary style. The 
order and care of these notebooks attest that Graham was a meticulous 
student; however, significantly he emerges as a young man whose mind 
was more retentive than original or analytical. 37 

University students in the 1820's were given frequent opportunities 
to demonstrate the results of their studiousness. In Graham's day the 
University was in session two terms yearly, with one ending in De- 
cember and the other in Tune. At the end of a session every student 

88 The Laws of the University of North Carolina as Revised in 18 IS (Hillsboro: Dennis 
Heartt, 1822), 4, 7-8, 11, 18, hereinafter cited as University Laws. 



84 University Laws, 11. 
8 University Laws, 12. 



36 Hamilton, Graham Papers, I, 73. 

87 William Alexander Graham Papers, Southern Historical Collection, University of 
North Carolina Library. 



The Education of William A. Graham 11 

was publicly examined by the faculty, much to the delight of trus- 
tees, families, and friends. The examination period, particularly in the 
spring, was a time of gaiety, at "the Hill" because of numerous visitors 
who enlivened society. It was even a pleasant interlude for scholars 
who were well prepared for the academic ordeal. In December, 1821, 
William A. Graham and his fellows in the Sophomore Class were tested 
on their knowledge of Greek, Latin, algebra, and geometry. Graham 
distinguished himself by being designated one of the best seven schol- 
ars. 38 A precedent was set. Graham's name was among the praise- 
worthy scholars at every subsequent examination period until his grad- 
uation in 1824 when he was one of four honor students in a class of 
thirty-four. 39 

It is difficult to say which of Graham's professors exercised the 
deepest influence over his development. Certainly President Joseph 
Caldwell with his high sense of integrity, morality, and public respon- 
sibility was influential. The traits which he typified, however, were 
characteristics inculcated in Will by his father, Joseph Graham. Since 
Will was an apt student, it is reasonable to assume that his relations 
with all of his professors were proper and amicable. He was particularly 
impressed by the abilities of Dr. Elisha Mitchell. Probably Mitchell 
instilled in Graham his own enthusiasm for knowledge and stimulated 
the love of nature which Will had felt since his youth at Vesuvius 
Plantation. In 1825 when Olmsted was invited to the Professorship in 
Mathematics at Yale, Graham was surprised because he felt that 
Mitchell was "his superior not only as a Mathematician but in every 
department of science." 40 

All of William A. Graham's education at the University of North 
Carolina was not of the formal, measurable variety. He was an active 
participant in the affairs of the Dialectic Society, one of the two 
literary societies at "the Hill." Literary societies occupied a significant 
place on most southern campuses; and the Di, whose history was nearly 
as old as that of the University, exercised considerable influence on the 
lives of its members. By providing experience in self-government, 
parliamentary rules of order, and public debate, the Dialectic Society 
helped to develop valuable leadership. It is no mere coincidence that 

38 Student Records, May, 1820-December, 1822, The University of North Carolina 
Papers, University of North Carolina Library, 115, hereinafter cited as Student Records 
with the appropriate years. 

^Student Records, 1820-1822, 123, 132-133; Student Records, June. 1822-June, 1824, 
145, 155-156. 

40 William Alexander Graham to Thomas Ruffin, October 5, 1825, J. G. de Roulhac 
Hamilton (ed.), The Papers of Thomas Ruffin (Raleigh: The North Carolina Historical 
Commission [State Department of Archives and History], 4 volumes, 1918-1920), I, 332. 



12 The North Carolina Historical Review 

the Di rolls included the names of future State and national leaders 
such as James K. Polk, Archibald D. Murphey, Thomas Ruffin, 
Leonidas Polk, Calvin H. Wiley, and Willie P. Mangum. 41 Innumer- 
able other Dis were active in State government and achieved recogni- 
tion in their chosen professions. 

The membership of the Dialectic Society varied in size, but the 
usual number of active members in the early 1820's fell between 
seventy-five and one hundred. As a general rule the young men from 
Piedmont and western North Carolina found the company of the Di 
Society more congenial than that of its more pretentious rival, the 
Philanthropic Society. Weekly meetings were held in South Building 
during the regular sessions. The Dialectic Society was divided into 
four groups or classes. On a typical meeting night, after the dispatch 
of business, one class would exhibit composition, one would declaim, 
and the other two would debate a topic of current interest. Attendance 
was expected of all members. These meetings were conducted in an 
orderly fashion by close adherence to the rules of parliamentary pro- 
cedure. Members who failed to maintain the proper conduct were 
fined. 42 

After joining the Dialectic Society in February, 1821, William A. 
Graham became a loyal member who actively engaged in its affairs. 
The fact that he missed only one regular meeting in three and a half 
years indicates an attention to his responsibilities which was a trade- 
mark of Graham's public career. Graham served the Di Society in 
numerous capacities. It was probably here that he won his first election. 
He held at various times the offices of president, secretary, treasurer, 
librarian, assistant librarian, corrector, and committeeman. 43 Signifi- 
cantly, he held every office in the Society except that of "censor 
morum." Since the "censor morum" was the disciplinarian of the Society 
and inspected the behavior of its members, it seems reasonable to as- 
sume that his fellows did not wish to have their conduct evaluated by 
the conscientious Graham. 

Fortunately for the historian the Di Society maintained an archive 
as a depository for compositions and speeches prepared by its mem- 
bers. Three extant Graham works reveal a serious young man imbued 
with patriotism, a sense of history, and the Calvinist virtues of pro- 

41 Hallie S. McLean, "The History of the Dialectic Society, 1795-1860" (unpublished 
master's thesis, University of North Carolina, 1949), 115; Dialectic Society Minutes, 
1818-1826, The University of North Carolina Papers, University of North Carolina 
Library, passim, hereinafter cited as Di Society Minutes, 1818-1826. 

42 Di Society Minutes, 1818-1826, passim. 

43 Di Society Minutes, 1818-1826, April 10, 1821; April 3, May 22, August 10, 1822; 
January 8, August 6, September 17, October 11, 1823. 



The Education of William A. Graham 13 

priety, self-reliance, and diligence. Most suggestive is the presidential 
address delivered at the time of his inauguration on August 27, 1823. 
In a verbose and pretentious style popular with orators of his day 
Graham praised the national Constitution for the liberties it guar- 
anteed. He concluded of the founding fathers' work, "Never did 
providence so evidently interpose his kindly aid in directing Legisla- 
tors. . . ." 44 After rejoicing in the absence in our institutions of primo- 
geniture, monarchial favorites, and hereditary privileges, Graham aver- 
red in a burst of democratic enthusiasm, "Equality of right and rank 
is the keystone of our political arch." 45 All political offices were pro- 
claimed open to "those whom talents and integrity recommend." 46 
An idealistic Graham praised the Western Hemisphere by saying that 
only here can exist a "government which extends to every citizen those 
invaluable privileges which nature designed to_be possessed by the 
whole human family." 47 While he depicted a glowing future for 
America, Graham interjected a note of warning. He cautioned his 
listeners that, despite the promise of America, personal eminence would 
be attained only by personal exertion. Shallow upstarts might gain 
passing success, but their ultimate harvest would reflect their youthful 
preparation. "Superiority of intellect is the avenue to distinction in 
every . . . department," advised Graham who felt that "the man who 
in his youth has treasured up that which gold cannot purchase stands 
unmoved amid the contentions of party and the storms of adversity." 48 
This address, which states so clearly the personal philosophy of Wil- 
liam A. Graham, ended with an exhortation to his fellow students to 
use the opportunity which was theirs to ready themselves for respon- 
sible citizenship. 

One can only speculate as to the impact of the Dialectic Society on 
Graham. In addition to affording experience in leadership and public 
speaking, membership in the Di brought with it a wide number of 
acquaintances and provided the basis for lasting friendships. There 
were, however, less positive influences which defy evaluation. For 
example, one wonders how Graham was affected by such debates in 
the society as these: "Should the United States encourage manufac- 
tures?" "Ought the United States establish a national college?" "Should 
free schools be established in North Carolina?" "Should honest debtors 

44 Di Society Addresses, Graham Inaugural, August 27, 1823, 1, hereinafter cited as 
Di Society Addresses, Graham Inaugural. 

^ Di Society Addresses, Graham Inaugural, 2. 
Di Society Addresses, Graham Inaugural, 2. 
Di Society Addresses, Graham Inaugural, 2-3. 
1 Di Society Addresses, Graham Inaugural, 3. 



45 

46 
47 
48 



14 The North Carolina Historical Review 

be imprisoned?" "Should North Carolinians Iconfine their trade exclu- 
sively within their own state?" "Should suffrage be universal?" 49 These 
questions touched subjects which would be controversial throughout 
much of Graham's public career. Were these debates, in part, respon- 
sible for an evolving political philosophy which one day led him into 
the Whig Party? Certainly Graham favored State aid to education and 
internal improvements as early as his college years. 50 

Graham's University years were formative. The young man who 
emerged had utilized his educational opportunities well. Will had been 
encouraged by the moral and financial support of a wise parent, but 
only he could supply the industry to develop his intellect. Because of 
his academic standing, he was accorded the honor of delivering the 
classical oration at the graduation of his class, the class of 1824. The 
boy who needed the coercion of being dragged from under a bed to 
begin his formal schooling had come far. Graham's education did not 
end with conclusion of his formal training. He went on to read law 
with Judge Ruffin in Hillsboro; but this too was only a prelude to a 
life-long quest for the growth which comes only from knowledge and 
its wise application. 

49 Di Society Minutes, 1818-1826, April 10, March 20, March 6, 1822; September, 1823; 
January 15, April 28, 1824. 

60 Hamilton, Graham Papers, I, 131-132. This undated composition was written while 
Graham was a member of the Dialectic Society. 



THE PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH AND THE NEGRO 

IN NORTH CAROLINA DURING 

RECONSTRUCTION 

By John L. Bell, Jr.* 

The separation of Negro communicants from white congregations 
and their formation into separate Negro churches was one of the most 
significant developments in the Synod of North Carolina of the Pres- 
byterian Church in the United States 1 from 1865 to 1875. This im- 
portant transition resulted from the interaction of these major elements: 
the civil and political freedom of the Negro, the work of missionaries 
sent to North Carolina by the Northern Presbyterian Church, and 
North Carolina Presbyterians' denial to the Negro of a social and 
religious equality in the church to which he thought himself entitled 
by virtue of his newly-gained freedom. 

Southern Presbyterians tried to remain neutral in the religious con- 
troversies over slavery which raged before the Civil War. They sue 
cessfully avoided conflict over slavery and averted until 1861 a schism 
with their northern brethren such as had occurred in Baptist and 
Methodist ranks in the 1840's. In order to prevent a schism, Southern 
Presbyterians had officially disclaimed any interest in emancipation, 
which they strictly viewed as a political province, and had actively 
ministered to the religious needs of their slaves. Even after they sep- 
arated from Northern Presbyterians, members of the 1861 General 
Assembly of the Southern Presbyterian Church still proclaimed them- 
selves "neither the friends nor the foes of slavery" having no authority 
"either to propagate or abolish it." The General Assembly further 
declared that the determination of slavery's existence or non-existence 
belonged exclusively to the State. "We have no right ... to enjoin it 
as a duty, or to condemn it as a sin," asserted the assembled divines. 



* Mr. Bell is a graduate student in history, University of North Carolina, Chapel 
Hill. 

lr The southern branch of the Presbyterian Church, after 1865, was officially "The 
Presbyterian Church in the United States," as distinguished from its parent body, and 
northern branch, "The Presbyterian Church in the United States of America." For 
purposes of clarity and brevity, the former will be called the "Southern Presbyterian 
Church," and the latter the "Northern Presbyterian Church," in this study. 



16 The North Carolina Historical Review 



"The social, civil, political problems connected with this great sub- 
ject transcend our sphere. . . /' 2 

An indifference to the fate of the institution of slavery did not, how- 
ever, preclude an interest in the subjects of slavery. By 1865 eleven 
thousand North Carolina Presbyterians had gathered almost two 
thousand Negro communicants into nearly two hundred white 
churches. 3 However, Negro members did not enjoy the same privileges 
as white members. Negroes, because of provisions of North Carolina 
law, became ministers with difficulty; they were forbidden to learn 
to read and write in Sabbath schools. 4 Presbyterians, as did other de- 
nominations, voluntarily made racial distinctions in all religious serv- 
ices to maintain the system and discipline of slavery. Negroes, espe- 
cially when they formed a large part of the congregation, sat apart 
from the whites either in the rear seats of the churches or in galleries. 5 
Negroes were denied admission to church office to remind them further 
of their subservient place in the church and society. 6 

The Southern Presbyterian Church justified its ministry to Negroes 
and their subordinate position in the church by affirming their human- 
ity and immortality, but by denying their social and intellectual equal- 
ity with whites. The church demonstrated the Negro's humanity and 
immortality by tracing his origin to Adam and Eve. Because whites 
also descended from this primogenial pair, then whites and Negroes 
together must experience a "common humanity" and immortality. 7 
Therefore, the Southern Presbyterian Church, in accordance with its 
primary mission of preparing human beings for life after death, as- 
sumed its obligation to the immortal soul of the Negro, "one whom 
God the Father waiteth to receive as a returning prodigal to his heart 
and to his home." 8 



8 North Carolina Presbyterian (Fayetteville), February 21, 1866, hereinafter cited as 
North Carolina Presbyterian. 

'Individual church minutes contain the only record of the number of Negro church 
members. Only a few records were available for research. From these, the writer con- 
servatively estimates that there were about 2,000 Negro Presbyterians in North 
Carolina in 1865. Several of these records apportioned Negro membership as from 15 
to 40 per cent of the total membership. The Synod of North Carolina had 13,974 mem- 
bers in 1866. Fifteen per cent of 13,974 is approximately 2,000. 

*Laws of North Carolina, 1831, c.VI, s.l; 1832, c.IV, s.l. 

5 Samuel Caldwell Alexander and John K. Goodman, History of Back Creek Presby- 
terian Church. Rowan County, N. C., for 100 Years (n.p.: c. 1905), 33; North Carolina 
Presbyterian, April 18, 1866. 

""The General Assembly of 1869," The Southern Presbyterian Review, XX (July, 
1869), 406. 

7 "The Future of the Freedmen," The Southern Presbyterian Review, XIX (April, 
1868), 275-276; North Carolina Presbyterian, May 16, 1866; for similar theories, see 
also William Sumner Jenkins, Pro-Slavery Thought in the Old South (Chapel Hill: 
The University of North Carolina Press, 1935), 200-284. 

8 George D. Armstrong, The Christian Doctrine of Slavery (New York: Charles 
Scribner, 1857), 131-132, hereinafter cited as Armstrong, Doctrine of Slavery. Arm- 
strong was a Presbyterian minister in Norfolk, Virginia. 



Presbyterian Church and the Negro During Reconstruction 17 

Recognition of common human characteristics among whites and 
Negroes did not lead white Presbyterians to disavow what to them 
appeared as real and everlasting racial differences. To Southern Pres- 
byterians, the Negro race, because it had existed for many generations 
in sin and barbarity, had become deeply degraded and intellectually 
inferior to the white race. 9 White Presbyterians feared that they might 
acquire inferior Negro characteristics through social contact with 
Negroes. For that reason and purposes of discipline, they adhered to 
social customs which prevented the social mingling of the races in the 
churches. Colored Presbyterians' best religious interests in slavery and 
even in emancipation demanded that whites, superior in intellect, 
morality, and ability, should have complete control over Negro com- 
municants. The above rationalizations justified and made possible the 
acceptance of Negro slaves into white congregations, but at the same 
time denied to Negro communicants the full rights of church member- 
ship. 

Emancipation of all slaves in North Carolina in 1865 brought Pres- 
byterians face-to-face with new social and ecclesiastical problems con- 
cerning the proper relations between free Negro church members and 
the white congregations with which they worshiped. Between 1865 
and 1875 the exigencies of the new social order posed to the church 
such questions as: What is the Christian duty of the church toward 
the freedmen; shall freedmen be entitled to equal church privileges 
with whites; must the church educate its Negro members; shall the 
church provide separate churches and ministers for freedmen; and, 
shall freedmen have a ministry of their own color? The Presbyterian 
Church in North Carolina tried to solve these problems by applying the 
religious and racial concepts developed by the Church in a slave so- 
ciety. A paternalistic care for the Negroes' religious welfare continued 
to be the duty of white Presbyterians who paradoxically qualified their 
solicitude with slavery-inspired concepts of the marked degradation, 
sinfulness, and inferiority of the Negro race. 

Recognizing their spiritual salvation as its prime duty toward the 
freedmen, the General Assembly of 1865 advised its churches that 
"the debt of love and service" which they owed to their colored mem- 
bers was in no degree lessened by the abolition of slavery. The church's 
commission to carry the gospel to all lands and all people was to be 
fulfilled best by retaining its Negro communicants and preaching to 

9 The term "white race" is used loosely to describe all whites in the South who 
qualified as such by law. Armstrong, Doctrine of Slavery, 131. 



£t££lb igaionna State Ltbrar> 



18 The North Carolina Historical Review 

them regularly. 10 Ecclesiastical separation of the races would "threaten 
evil to both races, and especially to the colored. . . ." Presbyterians 
were urged "to dissuade the freed people from severing their con- 
nexion with our churches, and to retain them with us as of old." In 
1866 the General Assembly further counseled its churches to give 
the gospel to the Negroes, to encourage them in worship, to baptize 
their children, and to organize colored Sabbath schools. 11 

North Carolina Presbyterians were urged to give to the Negroes 
"counsel, sympathy and aid." Concord Presbytery, located in Piedmont 
and western North Carolina, requested its churches to aid the Negroes 
as the good Samaritan had aided the stranger who lay injured by the 
roadside. "We cannot, we dare not, like the inhuman priest and Levite, 
pass by on the other side; but, like the good Samaritan, it is our duty 
to extend all practicable aid to them, in their hours of need." 12 The 
Gaston Bible Society affiliated itself with the Presbyterian Church in 
Gaston County to encourage the possession and reading of the Bible. 
The Society proclaimed that the happiness and prosperity of future 
generations in North Carolina would depend upon the improved in- 
telligence and morality of the Negroes. The Society therefore pledged 
itself to encourage efforts for the moral and intellectual improvement 
of the Negro race, to disapprove "unreasonable prejudices" against the 
elevation of Negroes, and to supply destitute white and colored families 
in its vicinity with Bibles. 13 

Non-religious motives also prompted North Carolina Prebyterians 
to express anxiety for the welfare of the Negro race. The North Caro- 
lina Presbyterian, official organ of the Synod of North Carolina, 
advocated the continuation of the Negro in his accustomed place in 
society as a common laborer. The Negro, best suited for common labor 
by "natural constitution" and past training, said the Presbyterian, 
would thus become indispensable to the economic recovery and re- 
source development of the South. The South faced a labor shortage, 
however, due to the idleness of large numbers of Negroes. The pangs 
of want eventually would teach Negroes the necessity of honest, hard 
labor, but this would be a slow process. The Presbyterian urged its 
readers to hasten the formation of an adequate labor supply by finding 
work for the freedmen, by assisting them to obtain a fair wage, by 

10 Minutes of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in the U. S., 1865 
(Augusta, Georgia: Constitutionalist Job Office, 1865), 370-371, hereinafter cited as 
Minutes of the General Assembly with appropriate year. 

11 Minutes of the General Assembly, 1866, 35-36. 

12 North Carolina Presbyterian, May 16, 1866. 

M North Carolina Presbyterian, March 13, 1867. 



Presbyterian Church and the Negro During Reconstruction 19 

soliciting "wholesome laws" to restrain their excesses, and by en- 
couraging them to remain among their white friends. 14 

The constant fear of Negro riots also moved Presbyterians to advo- 
cate white religious control over freedmen. Presbyterians considered 
preaching the gospel the highest possible demonstration of their love 
for the unfortunate Negroes. Preaching the gospel would indicate not 
just a temporal concern for them but an interest in their eternal wel- 
fare. Thus, reasoned the Presbyterian, Negroes, who could plainly 
see that white Christians desired only to effect the Negroes' religious 
welfare, would be content to live in peace with their white brethren. 
"In this way, then," urged the Presbyterian, "we take the best means 
for allaying the prejudice which so many of his race have against 
us, and the best measure for securing ourselves against the outbreak 
of these prejudices into open and confessed bitterness and hatred." 15 
Concord Presbytery advised its white communicants in the interest of 
"peace and safety" to educate their Negro members who otherwise 
might turn for education to northern teachers. 16 Southerners feared 
and oftentimes ostracized northern teachers who usually taught by 
lesson or example doctrines of racial equality which were inimical to 
the interests of southern society. 17 

A genuine concern for the spiritual and material welfare of Negroes 
led North Carolina Presbyterians to institute numerous Negro Sabbath 
schools directed by individual churches. Even though Sabbath schools 
proved inadequate to the real educational needs of Negro children 
and adults, they nevertheless gave tangible evidence of humanitarian 
concern and contributed their small part to the elevation of Negroes 
in North Carolina. 

Southern Presbyterians advanced two opposite opinions concerning 
the education of Negroes. Many white Presbyterians believed strongly 
in the inherent inferiority of Negroes and thought the Negro unable 
to achieve, under any circumstances, the intellectual position of the 
white man; a very small group, said the Presbyterian, considered the 
Negro amenable to the highest degree of education and capable of 
intellectual achievement comparable to any white man. The former 
view of limited education prevailed among North Carolina Presby- 
terians. But, in line with their traditional emphasis on education, thev 
nevertheless agreed that Negroes were "capable of elevation to a de- 

14 North Carolina Presbyterian, May 16, 1866. 

16 North Carolina Presbyterian, August 8, 1866. 
19 North Carolina Presbyterian, May 16, 1866. 

17 For the attitudes of southerners toward northern teachers of freedmen, see Henry 
Lee Swint, The Northern Teacher in the South, 1862-1870 (Nashville, Tennessee: Van- 
derbilt University Press, 1941), passim. 



The North Carolina Historical Review 




Dr. Henry Lawrence McCrorey 



Reverend Samuel Carruthers Axexa nder 



/.#■■ 





$$ 



Is 



1 1 
1 1 ' 




Dr. Stephen Mattoon 



Major Henry J. Biddi e 



>m Down Through the Years . . . Johnson C. Smith University, compiled by Arthur Henry George, 
with permission of Johnson C. Smith University. 

>ur leaders who were active in Presbyterian work with the Negroes are pictured 
e. 



Presbyterian Church and the Negro During Reconstruction 21 

gree that will be a great advance upon their present condition of 
ignorance and helpless dependence." 18 

The General Assembly of 1866 recognized the urgent need for 
immediate elementary education for Negroes but found itself with 
inadequate funds to co-ordinate any South-wide program of educa- 
tion. Even as late as 1867, the General Assembly had on hand for the 
benefit of the colored people only $422.55— hardly enough money for 
even a county educational program. The Publications Committee did 
not have the resources to print and distribute among the freedmen a 
primer and spelling book which had been prepared for that purpose. 1 ^ 
The General Assembly perceived that for financial reasons the burden 
of Negro education must lay upon the individual churches. It im- 
pressed upon ministers, elders, and congregations their duty "to or- 
ganize Sabbath schools for colored children and adults, in which they 
shall be taught to read the word of God, and be instructed in the duties 
of religion." 20 The General Assembly specifically delegated this duty 
to the church sessions in a resolution of November, 1866, recommend- 
ing that "Sabbath schools for the benefit of the freed people, especially 
the young, be established in connexion with our churches, and that 
the sessions of the churches take these schools into their charge, and 
provide suitable teachers for them." 21 

All three of North Carolina's presbyteries complied with the recom- 
mendation of the General Assembly. Fayetteville Presbytery had be- 
gun organizing Sabbath schools even before the November, 1866, 
resolution. It reported in September, 1866, several schools in opera- 
tion "under the care of discreet men," who gave instructions in "Bible 
and elementary Catechism." 22 In 1867 the eastern presbytery reported 
the establishment of Sabbath schools for the Negroes "in some in- 
stances." 23 The Fayetteville Presbyterian Church in 1872 reported its 
colored Sabbath school to be making encouraging progress. 24 

Concord Presbytery also concurred in the recommendation in favor 
of Negro Sabbath schools. 25 The Rocky River Church in Cabarrus 
County boasted a Sabbath school taught by six or eight whites, both 



18 North Carolina Presbyterian, August 29, 1866. 

19 Minutes of the General Assembly, 1866, 69; 1867, 197. 

20 Minutes of the General Assembly, 1866, 13. 
^Minutes of the General Assembly, 1866, 36. 

22 Minutes of the One Hundred and Seventh Sessions of the Presbytery of Fayetteville, 
Held at Sardis Church, Cumberland County, N. C, September 13th-15th, 1866 (Fayette- 
ville: North Carolina Presbyterian Office, 1867), 9, hereinafter cited as Minutes of 
the Fayetteville Presbytery with appropriate year. 

88 Minutes of the Fayetteville Presbytery, 1867, 10. 

24 North Carolina Presbyterian, January 24, 1872. 

25 North Carolina Presbyterian, May 15, 1867. 



22 The North Carolina Historical Review 

males and females. The approved course of Sunday study included 
spelling, reading, introductory catechisms, Bible history, and church 
doctrines. 26 The First Presbyterian Church in Charlotte conducted a 
Sabbath school in the Church basement for several years after the 
War. There the "Blue Back Speller" helped at one time as many as 
fifty Negro children to learn their Bible lessons. 27 

Orange Presbytery followed her sister presbyteries in 1867 in grant- 
ing official sanction for Sabbath schools which had begun operation 
within her bounds the previous year. 28 In February, 1869, Chapel 
Hill Presbyterian Church accommodated seventy Negro children in 
one Sabbath school staffed by six white teachers. 29 The First Presby- 
terian Church in Greensboro worked efficiently to determine its need 
for Negro Sabbath schools and their mode of operation. Elders Jesse 
H. Lindsay and Richard Sterling composed the committee which 
in April, 1866, felt itself bound "as a church and as Christians, to 
afford them [the Negroes] the moral training in our power." The 
elders talked with Negro parents who expressed the desire to have 
their children instructed properly by their former masters. Lindsay 
and Sterling therefore recommended to the Church that "we proceed 
to organize a Sabbath School for the moral and religious improvement 
of all who may be disposed to attend." Elder John C. Wharton was 
appointed superintendent, and each elder was required to attend at 
least one session of the school each month. When the necessary 
teachers were secured in June, 1866, the school began operation and 
continued until the majority of the Negroes withdrew in a body from 
the Church in April, 1868. At that time the Church dissolved the 
school and disbanded its 113 pupils. 30 

Although North Carolina Presbyterians expressed a genuine con- 
cern for the religious welfare of Negroes, they paradoxically qualified 
their solicitude with the concept that any Negro was the social and 
intellectual inferior of any white man. This belief stemmed from the 
former real and imaginary necessities of maintaining slave discipline 
and the purity of the white race. Expressions of their belief in Negro 
inferiority centered mainly in North Carolina Presbyterians' denial to 
the Negro of "social equality" with his white brethren. 

88 North Carolina Presbyterian, June 26, 1867. 

27 (Mrs.) J. A. Fore, First Presbyterian Church, Charlotte, N. C. (Charlotte: Pri- 
vately printed, 1933), 25-26. 

38 North Carolina Presbyterian, November 27, 1867. 

28 Entry for February, 1869, in the Chapel Hill Presbyterian Church Records, South- 
ern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina Library, Chapel Hill. 

80 John W. Simpson, History of the First Presbyterian Church of Greensboro, North 
Carolina, 1824-1945 (Greensboro: Piedmont Press, 1947), 47-49, hereinafter cited 
as Simpson, First Presbyterian Church, Greensboro. 



Presbyterian Church and the Negro During Reconstruction 23 

Scanty evidence indicates that some Presbyterian leaders in North 
Carolina realized the anachronism of maintaining the social beliefs 
and customs of a slave society when in fact emancipation had poten- 
tially ushered in a new age of freedom. These leaders fought help- 
lessly against an enormous tide of lay and clerical opinion which 
either silenced them or caused them to sever relations with the southern 
church. Bartholomew Fuller, editor of the North Carolina Presbyterian, 
urgently pleaded with his white subscribers in the summer of 1866 to 
seize the golden opportunity for better race relations by the elevation 
of the Negro race through education. Fuller deplored the fact that 
Presbyterians in eastern North Carolina possessed the means to edu- 
cate the Negroes in their midst but were unable to obtain white 
teachers. Available teachers had refused to instruct Negroes because 
white social leaders considered such an occupation socially degrading. 
"We have stood too much aloof from our former slaves," decried 
Fuller, "as though we could not be approached by them in any other 
relation than that which formerly subsisted between us, without a 
necessary contamination, or at least a loss of dignity. The time for such 
ideas has passed away." 31 Editor Fuller, until he resigned in January, 
1868, never again pleaded the case of the Negro so strongly; perhaps 
public opinion effectively silenced his outspokenness as in the case 
of the Reverend Mr. Alexander. 

Samuel Caruthers Alexander graduated from Columbia Theological 
Seminary in 1861 and soon thereafter accepted the combined pastorate 
of the Steele Creek and Pleasant Hill Presbyterian churches in Meck- 
lenburg County, North Carolina. 32 In 1865 occurred an unrecorded 
event which caused Steele Creek Church to request Concord Presby- 
tery to sever the relations between the Church and Alexander. Concord 
Presbytery complied with the request and dismissed Alexander in 
December, 1865, but he remained a short while as pastor of Pleasant 
Hill Church. 33 Presbyterian publications, although they referred sev- 

81 North Carolina Presbyterian, August 29, 1866. 

"Henry Lawrence McCrorey, "A Brief History of Johnson C. Smith University," The 
Quarterly Review of Higher Education Among Negroes, I (April, 1933), 29, hereinafter 
cited as McCrorey, "Johnson C. Smith University." Samuel Caruthers Alexander should 
not be confused with Samuel Caldwell Alexander, who remained throughout this period 
a minister in good standing with the Fayetteville Presbytery. "Caruthers" is also 
spelled "Carruthers" and "Carothers." See Arthur Henry George (comp.), Down 
Through the Years . . . Johnson C. Smith University, (Charlotte: Privately printed, 
1962), 10-11; E. C Scott (comp.), Ministerial Directory of the Presbyterian Church, 
U. S., 1861-19 Ul (Atlanta, Georgia: Hubbard Printing Company, revised and supple- 
mented, 1942-1950, 1950), 7; and Alfred Nevin and Others (eds.), Encyclopaedia of the 
Presbyterian Church in the United States of America : Including the Northern and 
Southern Assemblies (Philadelphia: Pennsylvania: Presbyterian Encyclopaedia Pub- 
lishing Company, 1884), 23. 

38 John Douglas, The History of Steele Creek Church, Mecklenburg, N. C. (Columbia, 
South Carolina: Presbyterian Publishing House, 1872), 71. 



24 The North Carolina Historical Review 

eral times to Alexander's dismissal, never mentioned the cause for his 
removal. They assumed the story to have spread by word of mouth. 
His offense, which evidently was too heinous to appear in print, may 
be inferred from the action he took after leaving his Mecklenburg 
pastorates. He remained in the neighborhood "preaching to the blacks," 
aided in the formation of the Negro Catawba Presbytery for the 
Northern Presbyterian Church, and helped to found Biddle Memorial 
Institute in Charlotte for the education of the freedmen. 34 

Because of their disillusionment with the action of southern 
churches toward Negro members, Alexander and his fellow ministers, 
S. S. Murkland and Willis L. Miller, left the Southern Presbyterian 
Church to form the Negro Catawba Presbytery and later to join the 
Northern Presbyterian Church. "We regret to say that little can be 
expected from the Southern Church for the real benefit of the 
blacks," explained the expatriates to the Northern General Assembly. 
"Inveterate prejudices, engendered by slavery, produce an indisposi- 
tion to recognize the claims of the colored people." White churches 
admitted Negroes "only to the restricted privileges of slavery times, 
and very little special effort is put forth in their behalf. A few, only, 
see that the welfare and conservation of Southern society depends 
upon the moral and intellectual elevation of the blacks; the masses are 
still unwilling to do much in such a cause." 35 Because Alexander, Murk- 
land, and Miller, while still members of the southern church, stood 
for new racial relations based on the recognition of the Negro as a 
social equal, they "lost caste, their families were put out of society, 
and they were published everywhere as unworthy." 36 

The Presbytery of Fayetteville began church judicial proceedings 
against the Reverend Mr. James Sinclair in October, 1865, on a charge 
of gross immorality. The specifications on which Sinclair was to be 
tried included selling a free Negro into slavery in 1862, selling in- 
toxicating liquors, attempting to steal a barrel of ice, being seen drunk, 
and committing adultery with a free Negro woman in a hotel at 
Wilmington. 37 The simultaneous uncovering of long-standing offenses, 
the minor nature of one offense, and even his short term as Freedmen's 
Bureau agent in 1865 suggest that Sinclair may have been unjustly 
arraigned. 38 Failing to appear for trial before the presbytery in De- 

84 North Carolina Presbyterian, October 31, 1866; McCrorey, "Johnson C. Smith 
University," 29. 

85 North Carolina Presbyterian, November 7, 1866. 

86 North Carolina Presbyterian, April 14, 1869. 

37 Minutes of the Fayetteville Presbytery, 1865, 28-32. 

88 Report of the Joint Committee on Reconstruction, at the First Session, Thirty-Ninth 
Congress (Washington, D. C: Government Printing Office, 1866), 167, hereinafter 



Presbyterian Church and the Negro During Reconstruction 25 

cember, 1865, Sinclair was accordingly suspended from the ministry 
in February, 1866. 39 

North Carolina Presbyterians had not heard the last of James 
Sinclair. Even before his dismissal from the ministry of the Southern 
Presbyterian Church, he had organized a Negro church in Lumberton 
and had taught nearly one-fourth of his ninety-three communicants 
the rudiments of reading and writing. 40 Sinclair claimed that his fellow 
ministers persecuted him because he had little sympathy for the 
southern "cause" or customs. He appealed for aid to the Northern 
General Assembly which accepted him as a missionary to the Negroes 
of North Carolina. The irate and indignant North Carolina Presbyterian 
justified Sinclair's dismissal on grounds of gross immorality and urged 
the Northern General Assembly to correct its error "in giving him a 
commission to labor as their representative among the freedmen in 
North Carolina." 41 But James Sinclair disregarded the animosity 
aimed at him and continued in his mission work. 

The Reverend Mr. John C. Sinclair, father of James Sinclair and 
pastor of the Barbecue Presbyterian Church in Harnett County, be- 
came infuriated when he heard of the charges to be made against his 
son. In October, 1865, the elder Sinclair applied for and received 
honorable dismissal from Fayetteville Presbytery to return to his native 
Island of Mull, Scotland. Instead of returning to Scotland, he traveled 
northward, joined a presbytery in Pennsylvania, and returned in 1866 
to North Carolina to minister for two years to the Negroes. 42 

The work of S. C. Alexander and the Sinclair s after their break with 
the Southern Presbyterian Church indicates that these and several 
other ministers, contrary to the wishes of North Carolina Presbyterians, 
favored relative social and religious equality between the races. Indeed, 
Presbyterians had no great objection to the minimum Negro education 
in which Alexander and the Sinclairs were then engaged. Southern 
Presbyterians themselves had established numerous Sabbath schools 
for Negro communicants. But they feared and despised any person, 
even one of their own ministers, who by planting the seed of equality 
in Negro minds, should aspire to disrupt a social system based on the 
inherent inequality of the races. 

cited as Report on Reconstruction. Also, the charges against Sinclair originated as 
rumors. Minutes of the Fayetteville Presbytery, 1865, 24. 

39 Minutes of the Fayetteville Presbytery, 1865, 32. 

*° Report on Reconstruction, 174. 

41 North Carolina Presbyterian, June 13, 1866. 

12 D. P. McDonald, "A History of Barbecue Church in Harnett County, North Caro- 
lina," 21, manuscript history (typed copy prepared by Paul Green in 1927) in North 
Carolina Collection, University of North Carolina Library; Minutes of the Fayetteville 
Presbytery, 1865, 25; North Carolina Presbyterian, November 7, 1866. 



26 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Proposals for the training of Negro ministers elicited from Presby- 
terians in North Carolina strong opposition to social equality for 
Negroes. In 1867 a petitioner of Fayetteville Presbytery liberally ad- 
vocated Negro ministers, naturally more sympathetic and influential 
than white pastors, for Negro congregations. But here, stated the 
petitioner, the line must be drawn. If Negroes became ministers, 
they must also form separate ecclesiastical courts; they must separate 
themselves completely from the white churches. It was the consensus 
that members of Fayetteville Presbytery would not permit themselves 
"to become instrumental in constituting any such mongrel church 
courts as would follow a general introduction of colored men into the 
ministry and eldership in our church." The petitioner conceded the 
brotherhood of races through the common ancestry of Adam and Eve, 
but both races had been subjected for ages "to influences of climates, 
education and social habits so dissimilar that permanent differences 
now exist: differences of such a character as forbid anything like social 
equality. The natural instincts of both races forbid it, when unperverted 
by erroneous, fanatical and pernicious teachings." 43 

If Negro ministers became members of white presbyteries, they 
would, by the generally accepted rules, be on terms of equality with 
white ministers, and should be allowed to associate with their white 
co-workers on terms of equality. To prevent "mingling on the same 
terms of equality at the social board, and round the family hearth," 
the petitioner of Fayetteville Presbytery proposed independent Negro 
ministers and churches. This plan was to be several years in winning 
the approval of the General Assembly which vainly tried to hold the 
Negroes in white churches. 44 

The attitude of the Presbyterian press toward the formation of a 
Negro presbytery in Georgia affords another example of strong opposi- 
tion to Negroes' crossing the social barrier. In May, 1866, Hopewell 
Presbytery in Georgia ordained three Negro ministers to preach to 
colored congregations. The three Negro ministers, finding themselves 
excluded from "that parity which belonged to them in right of their 
office," established Knox Presbytery and refused to associate with 
either the Northern or Southern Presbyterian Church. They had earlier 
proposed that social equality must necessarily follow ecclesiastical 
equality. Because social equality was impossible to achieve in the 
Southern Presbyterian Church, the three Negro ministers chose to 
relinquish their hollow claim to ecclesiastical equality in order to ful- 



48 North Carolina Presbyterian, April 24, 1867. 
** North Carolina Presbyterian, April 24, 1867. 



Presbyterian Church and the Negro During Reconstruction 27 

fill among themselves the common courtesies due one human being to 
another. The North Carolina Presbyterian approved the course taken 
by the Negro ministers and intimated that if Negro church members 
were unwilling to accept the social ideas and customs practiced within 
the church, they could depart immediately and found their own 
churches. 45 

The press further deplored the fact that Negroes, who had obtained 
political equality through the right to vote, were next seeking 
ecclesiastical and social equality. The Presbyterian, through the words 
of R. L. Dabney, urged "those who believe this whole thing [Negro 
equality] to be wrong in principle— that it will inevitably result in 
degrading white men and dragging them down to the position of the 
negro— to set their faces like a flint against this great iniquity/' Fur- 
thermore, the effort of radical politicians to bring about equality of the 
races in all phases of southern life "is a sin agafnst God— an effort to 
abolish the distinctions that He has established among men for wise 
and holy purposes." 46 

The work of the Northern Presbyterian Church in North Carolina 
also contributed to the separation of Negro members from white south- 
ern churches. Most important, the Northern Presbyterian Church pro- 
vided a sympathetic white ministry which guided the Negroes in form- 
ing their own churches and securing pastors of their own color. 
Minimum education was unsatisfactory to northern Presbyterians. 
They recognized the capabilities of Negroes for higher education and 
accordingly developed an educational system to enable the Negroes 
to secure their own ministers and teachers. 

James Sinclair, Samuel Caruthers Alexander, John C. Sinclair, Willis 
L. Miller, and S. S. Murkland have already been noted as Negrophile 
ministers who left the Southern Presbyterian Church to join with 
northern Presbyterians and engage in missionary activities among the 
Negroes in North Carolina. John C, Carson, John Curtis Stewart, and 
Leander L. Stewart, all ministers, also left the southern church when 
Concord Presbytery suspended them from the ministry on October 10, 
1866. 47 In March, 1867, they organized a rival Concord Presbytery 
which was recognized by the General Assembly of the Northern Pres- 
byterian Church. In 1870 the rival Concord Presbytery had four min- 

45 North Carolina Presbyterian, October 16, 1867. 

46 North Carolina Presbyterian, March 26, 1868. 

"Minutes of the Fifty-third Session of the Synod of North Carolina, Held in Char- 
lotte, on the 10th, 11th, 12th and 13th of October, 1866 (Fayetteville: North Carolina 
Presbyterian Office, 1867), 8. 



28 The North Carolina Historical Review 

isters— H. C. Atwater in addition— and a meirlbership of seventy-one in 
three of its five congregations. 48 

John C. Carson preached to the Negroes in western North Carolina 
after Concord Presbytery discharged him. By December, 1866, he had 
obtained only four Negro members, but he felt that he was gaining 
their confidence. The Negroes around Hendersonville had neither 
schools nor houses of worship for their exclusive use, and the country 
churches refused permission for Carson and his Negro congregations 
to worship in their buildings. Carson, of necessity, preached to the 
Negroes in sheds, unoccupied schoolhouses, and even in the court- 
house in Hendersonville. "I have been, and am yet, much abused and 
persecuted in the work," complained Carson. "It is contrary to the 
policy of many at the South that these people shall ever rise in point of 
intelligence above the condition of slavery." 49 

The formation of Catawba Presbytery also provided an agency to 
aid Negro Presbyterians in North Carolina. Catawba Presbytery was 
organized on October 6, 1866, by Alexander, Miller, and Murkland, 
ministers who had been dismissed from the Southern Presbyterian 
Church. 50 The new presbytery had not a single church, but it still 
applied for admission and was accepted into the General Assembly of 
the northern church. 51 The North Carolina Presbyterian, urged by 
many white church members to fight the formation of a northern 
presbytery within the bounds of the southern church, declined to 
do so. "If they will work in the sphere which they have assumed to 
themselves, in a God-fearing spirit, desiring only to promote the cause 
of Christ amongst the freedmen," declared the Presbyterian, "we shall 
have but little occasion to notice them, save in the way of commenda- 
tion." 52 The Presbyterians attitude of silent sanction changed gradually 
to hostility as Catawba Presbytery began drawing Negro members 
from southern churches. 

The Reverend Mr. Miller, a former captain in the Confederate Army 
who had lost his commission and later his church because of his union 
sentiment, was the first of the Catawba ministers to provoke the wrath 
of North Carolina Presbyterians. 53 They expected him to proselyte 

48 Thomas Hugh Spence, Jr., "Through Four Eras of Concord's History," Addresses 
Delivered at the Sesquicentennial Celebration of Concord Presbytery, Bethpage Church, 
October 16, 19^5 (Morganton: n.p., n.d.), 7-8. 

49 Pennsylvania Presbyterian, December 22, 1866, quoted in the North Carolina 
Presbyterian, December 26, 1866. 

80 North Carolina Presbyterian, October 31, 1866. 

51 North Carolina Presbyterian, June 26, 1867. 

52 North Carolina Presbyterian, October 31, 1866. 
M North Carolina Presbyterian, May 28, 1868. 



Presbyterian Church and the Negro During Reconstruction 29 

uncommitted and nonchureh Negroes. Instead, Miller organized after 
one day's preaching near Concord a church of sixty Negroes, all of 
whom were drawn from the same Presbyterian church. The white 
church from which the Negroes were taken was furious over its loss 
because it had made special efforts to keep these Negro members 
under its control. The church had even given them a Sabbath school 
plus regular and special preaching services. "But the 'Presbytery of 
Catawba' could not tolerate the existence of such harmony amongst 
those who were in rebellion against the authority of the 'Mother 
Church,' ' ranted the offended party. "The peripatetic Miller appeared 
upon the scene, and his peculiar mission was to organize a church. . . . 
No matter where he got the material, no matter how. . . . The precincts 
of another man's fold were not sacred enough to bar his invasion." 5i 

Catawba Presbytery "robbed" another church of its Negro members 
in May, 1867. On the third Sunday of April, 1867, the Reverend Mr. 
Luke Dorland requested and received permission from the pastor of 
Rocky River Church in Cabarrus County to speak to the Negro mem- 
bers. When Dorland's turn came at the morning service, he refused to 
speak to the Negroes as long as they sat in the gallery. The congrega- 
tion refused to let the Negroes sit among them. He therefore spoke 
after services to the Negroes in the grove outside the church. The 
pastor recalled that the "Rev. Doland" preached a sensible sermon and 
promised to return the second Sunday in May. He did return, and he 
organized a colored church, ordained five ruling elders "on the spot," 
appointed five trustees, and baptized the child of a woman suspended 
for "ante-nuptial fornication." The pastor of Rocky River felt strongly 
that the departed Negroes were "members of my spiritual household, 
most wrongfully, unnaturally, and unconstitutionally wrested from 
me." Moreover, Dorland seemed to be an unprincipled man because he 
associated on terms of equality with the Negroes and disrespected the 
discipline of Rocky River Church by baptizing the child of a suspended 
member. 55 

Luke Dorland, unknown to Rocky River Church, was a missionary 
from the Board of Domestic Missions of the Northern Presbyterian 
Church. He was instructed to do what he could to "save and educate'' 
the colored people who were forming churches of their own without 
adequate teachers and ministers. Dorland gave lie to the belief of the 
Rocky River congregation that its Negro members were unable to 
manage intelligently their own affairs and had no part in separating 

64 North Carolina Presbyterian, January 9, 1867. 
85 North Carolina Presbyterian, June 26, 1867. 



30 The North Carolina Historical Review 

from the white church. Dorland explained that the Negro members 
had contacted him in January, 1867, and had requested that 
he aid them in organizing their own church. "But as they have often 
told me," said Dorland, "out of regard to the pastor's feelings, not a 
landholder in the bounds of that congregation would sell them a lot 
for a house of worship." Dorland met with the Negroes only at the 
request of their leaders. 56 In 1868 this colored congregation had 100 
members, and when it changed its name from Rocky River to Bellefont 
in 1871, it numbered 161 members. 57 

Catawba Presbytery advanced rapidly in membership. By 1875 it 
ministered to 1,797 communicants, mainly in Cabarrus and Mecklen- 
burg counties. John C. Sinclair and his son James aided in the establish- 
ment in eastern North Carolina of the less publicized Yadkin Presby- 
tery, also associated with the Northern Presbyterian Church. In 1875 
Yadkin Presbytery embraced roughly the area between Raleigh, Lex- 
ington, Lumberton, and Wilmington and cared for 2,293 Negro com- 
municants. ■"'■ Thus, by 1875 the Northern Presbyterian Church could 
boast 3,695 Negro communicants in North Carolina, almost double the 
number ever at one time in southern Presbyterian churches in the 
State. 

The Northern Presbyterian Church also exerted a benign influence 
over Negro Presbyterians through its advanced educational program. 
Southern Presbyterians, partly through design and partly through 
financial stringency, had offered Negroes only the rudiments of secular 
and religious instruction. But Northern Presbyterians offered them not 
only Sabbath schools, but even day schools, a college, and a seminary 
for girls. The day school was the forerunner of the present-day elemen- 
tary school, and as the name implies, it operated on weekdays, usually 
four or five months during the winter. In 1875 Yadkin and Catawba 
presbyteries operated fourteen day schools which enrolled 1,395 pupils. 
Sabbath school scholars numbered 3,471. 59 

After their dismissal from Concord Presbytery, Samuel Caruthers 
Alexander and Willis L. Miller sought ways to enable North Carolina 
Negroes to direct their own church and community life. The minimum 
education offered by churches and the Freedmen's Bureau in 1865 
and 1866 was insufficient to the needs of trained Negro ministers and 

™ North Carolina Presbyterian, July 17, 1867. 

07 Thomas Hugh Spence, Jr., The Presbyterian Congregation on Rocky River (Concord: 
Kingsport Press, 1954), 103-104. 

68 Annual Report of the Presbyterian Committee of Missions for Freedmen of the 
Presbyterian Church in the United States of America (Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania: 
James M'Millin, 1875), 15-16, hereinafter cited as Annual Report with appropriate year. 

59 Annual Report, 1875, 15-16. 



Presbyterian Church and the Negro During Reconstruction 31 

teachers. Alexander conceived the idea of establishing a parochial 
school, later to be evolved into a collegiate and theological school. Both 
Miller and Alexander began work on this plan for higher education 
although hardly a dozen Negroes in Mecklenburg County could read 
and fewer could write. 60 

Alexander and Miller first overcame the problems of the selection 
of a building site and the purchase of property. Charlotte's good trans- 
portation facilities and central location in Catawba Presbytery made 
it the best location for a school. Alexander found the purchase of 
property more difficult, for "there was no place to locate either church 
or school buildings, ... so great was the opposition of the white people 
to the work." The misfortune of a Charlotte businessman, however, 
turned into good fortune for Alexander. Henry B. Williams, rather than 
face bankruptcy, sold much of his property; a lot on "G" Street went to 
Alexander. The Freedmen's Bureau donated a building, and the 
Northern Presbyterian Church offered meager financial assistance. 
Miller and Alexander chose teachers to serve with them, and Catawba 
Presbytery inaugurated the institute on April 7, 1867. 61 

Some months previous, Alexander had appealed in the North for 
more financial aid. Mrs. Mary D. Biddle of Philadelphia responded and 
pledged $1,400 in memory of her late husband, Henry Jonathan, who 
was killed in the war. She granted the request of the colored people 
that the school be named "Biddle Memorial Institute" in honor of her 
husband. The first session of school began May 1, 1867, and continued 
for five months. From eight to ten students were instructed in Bible 
and catechism. They worked part time as catechists in the surrounding 
Negro churches. 62 

Between 1867 and 1869 a $10,000 gift from the Freedmen's Bureau 
and the donation of eight acres of land on the outskirts of Charlotte 
jby W. R. Myers, a wealthy businessman, enabled Biddle Memorial 
I Institute to expand its facilities. By August, 1869, the school had moved 
and built the Institute Building, two professors' houses, a small student 
j dormitory, a stable, and fence around the grounds. The move from its 
j cramped quarters on "C" Street to a new eight-acre campus enabled 
i Biddle to offer a better education to its Negro students. 63 

By 1875 Alexander and Miller were no longer associated with 

'Biddle. The Reverend Mr. Stephen Mattoon was president, and J. H. 

Shedd and R. M. Hall were professors. Biddle's purpose was to train 



60 McCrorey, "Johnson C. Smith University," 29. 
tt McCrorey, "Johnson C. Smith University," 30. 
62 McCrorey, "Johnson C. Smith University," 30. 
88 McCrorey, "Johnson C. Smith University," 31. 



32 The North Carolina Historical Review 

"colored preachers, catechists, and teachers, as instructors of their 

own race " The 1875 student body numbered 133: 10 students in the 

theological department, 40 in the classical, and 83 in the English and 
normal department. Seventy-six students professed religion and thirty- 
six were preparing for the ministry. 64 Biddle is still in operation, but 
it is known today as Johnson C. Smith University. 

By the early 1870's Scotia Seminary had been founded at Concord, 
North Carolina, by the Northern Presbyterian Church. The school pro- 
posed to "educate colored girls in religion, and in the arts and sciences 
usually taught in seminaries of a high order; and in those domestic 
duties which belong to the highest type of wife, mother, and teacher." 65 
In 1875 Luke Dorland superintended the small school with an enroll- 
ment of 93 Negro girls, 50 of whom were members of the Presbyterian 
Church. The girls learned through practice to cut, make, and mend 
their own clothing. They also performed the seminary's entire house- 
work which included cooking, ironing, and washing. Each girl had a 
certain task to perform for one month. At the end of each month, the 
girls' duties were rotated so that no one student bore the brunt of 
hard work. They also worked at a time that did not interfere with 
classes and recitation. The seminary's buildings included one small 
class building, a refectory, and a small manse. 68 

Despite the benevolent acts shown by the Southern Presbyterian 
Church to its Negro members, they began withdrawing from white 
churches immediately after the war. The General Assembly approved 
between 1866 and 1874 several plans for keeping the Negroes in the 
Presbyterian Church. For all practical considerations, none of these 
plans permitted Negroes to participate equitably in church affairs, not 
even when they were the only members of the congregation. Further- 
more, the church's application of its belief in social inequality conflict- 
ed with the Negro's image of himself as a free citizen. When in 1874 
the General Assembly finally devised a workable plan of providing 
Negro ministers and churches for its colored members, it found to its 
surprise that most of them had already withdrawn. 

Until 1869 the Southern Presbyterian Church repeatedly proclaimed 
that the best interests of the Negro, the Church, and the South re- 
quired Negroes to remain under the care of the Church. The General 
Assembly of 1865 desired that the Negroes "should continue in our 
white churches." 67 The same church body in 1866 proclaimed the 



64 Annual Report, 1875, 7-8. 

65 Annual Report, 1884, 14-15. 

66 Annual Report, 1875, 8-9. 

67 Minutes of the General Assembly, 1865, 370-371. 



Presbyterian Church and the Negro During Reconstruction 33 

inexpediency of an ecclesiastical separation of Negroes from white 
churches. It recommended that "every warrantable effort be made 
affectionately to dissuade the freed people from severing their con- 
nexion with our churches, and to retain them with us as of old." 68 

North Carolina Presbyterians also encouraged Negroes to remain in 
white churches. Orange Presbytery rejected a resolution encouraging 
its churches to aid Negroes in organizing their own churches because 
its Negro wards might interpret the resolution as an invitation to 
leave the white churches. 69 In 1867 Concord Presbytery stated that 
"there is no disposition to drive them away from our churches; on the 
contrary every fitting occasion is gladly taken to assure them of the 
most friendly regard and solicitude for their welfare." 70 The Reverend 
Mr. J. Leighton Wilson of South Carolina expressed his opinion that 
the Negroes were unprepared for ecclesiastical autonomy. "Separate 
them from the whites and give them a Church to themselves," con- 
jectured Wilson, "and the great danger will be that they will not 
only lose sight of the great and fundamental principles of evangelical 
religion, but they will . . . land in outright heathenism." 71 

The Southern Presbyterian Church could not force dissatisfied Ne- 
groes to remain in its churches, so it early established a policy whereby 
Negroes, if they insisted, could form their own churches. But, until 
Negroes trained by Presbyterian standards became ministers, the 
Negro churches were to remain under the control of white ministers 
and elders. 72 This plan still excluded Negroes from exercising autonomy 
in their own church affairs, and no record indicates the formation of 
Negro churches under white control anywhere in the South. The Ne- 
groes still hoped to form their own churches as soon as they secured 
t their own ministers. But stringent educational requirements imposed 
by the presbyteries would exclude from the ministry for many years 
Negroes who were just learning to read and write. For example, Orange 
Presbytery required all candidates for the ministry to pass a rigid ex- 
! amination on secular and religious subjects. Candidates were examined 
'for a knowledge of ancient and modern geography, general history, 
i Latin, Greek, Hebrew, mathematics, physical science, mental philos- 
| ophy, natural and revealed theology, ecclesiastical history, sacraments, 
I and church government. 73 How could potential Negro ministers hope 



* [Minutes of the General Assembly, 1866, 35. 
"North Carolina Presbyterian, May 1, 1867. 



70 North Carolina Presbyterian, May 8, 1867. 

71 North Carolina Presbyterian, January 27, 1869. 

72 Minutes of the General Assembly, 1865, 370-371; 1866, 35. 

73 Manual of the Presbytery of Orange Containing the Standing Rides and Directory, 
1872 (Raleigh: John Nichols and Company, 1873), 11. 



- 



34 The North Carolina Historical Review 

to learn these subjects when they had not even sufficient schools in 
which to learn to read and write? And without ministers, how could 
Negroes hope to have full voice in their own church affairs? 

The General Assembly of 1869 devised a slightly different plan for 
separate Negro churches. Qualified Negroes would be permitted to 
exhort all-Negro congregations, but Negro churches would still remain 
under white control. When licensed Negro ministers were able to take 
charge of colored congregations, they would become completely sep- 
arated from any white ecclesiastical organization. 74 Under this plan, 
the Southern Presbyterian Church had established by 1874 only six 
Negro churches: two in Alabama and four in South Carolina. 75 

Not until 1874 did the Southern Presbyterian Church give up its 
unrealistic and unsuccessful policy of maintaining white control over 
Negro churches. Under the new policy of 1874 Negro churches were 
allowed to elect their own officers and to form their own presbyteries, 
synods, and eventually their own general assembly. Educational re- 
quirements for the ministry were lowered so that prospective Negro 
ministers need only "be instructed in the doctrines of grace and in the 
principles of Church order. . . ." For all practical purposes, Southern 
Presbyterians had acted too late to keep the Negroes in their churches. 
Although a few individual Negroes still clung to their membership in 
white churches by 1874, the majority had fully separated from the 
Southern Presbyterian Church. 76 

The exodus of Negroes from white churches in North Carolina oc- 
curred gradually and almost inperceptibly over a period of at least 
fifteen years. As early as October 1, 1865, Fayetteville Presbytery 
noted "that the colored people seem to have lost much of that interest 
which they formerly manifested in the means of grace, very many of 
them absenting themselves altogether from the house of God." 7T The 
Negro members of Laurel Hill Church in present-day Scotland County 
organized between 1875 and 1880 three churches: Chapel Hill Presby- 
terian Church, Cool Spring Methodist Church, and Silver Hill Pres- 
byterian Church. 78 In 1865 Ashpole Presbyterian Church in Robeson 
County listed 75 Negroes on its church roll. By 1879 these Negro mem- 
bers had gradually drifted away without proper dismissal. 79 Third 
Creek Presbyterian Church in Rowan County lost all of its "numerous" 



74 Minutes of the General Assembly, 1869, 389. 

75 Minutes of the General Assembly, 187 J*, 395. 

76 Minutes of the General Assembly, 187 U, 517-518, 592. 
'"Minutes of the Fayetteville Presbytery, 1865, 24. 



78 G. F. Kirkpatrick, Historical Sketches of Laurel Hill and Smyrna Presbyterian 
Churches (n.p., 1931), 11. 



79 



C. J. McCallum, Historical Sketch of Ashpole Presbyterian Church (n.p., c. 1936), 12. 



Presbyterian Church and the Negro During Reconstruction 35 

Negro members between 1867 and 1869. James Graham Ramsey, rul- 
ing elder of Third Creek Church at the time, reported that his 
church's Negro members withdrew to their own churches. 80 The 
colored members of Union Presbyterian Church near Carthage "early 
organized a church to themselves." 81 The First Presbyterian Church 
of Greensboro was one whose Negro members were influenced by 
northern Presbyterians. In April, 1869, all of its Negro communicants 
except two withdrew without notice or proper dismissal to form the 
St. James Presbyterian Church and associate themselves with the 
Northern Presbyterian Church. 82 After 1865 the Negro members of 
Hopewell Presbyterian Church in Charlotte "drifted more and more 
to their own churches." The Negro members of Hopewell organized 
one Methodist and two Presbyterian churches in the immediate vicin- 
ity of the mother church. 83 From the action 4n these individual 
churches, one may safely conclude that by 1880 North Carolina Pres- 
byterian churches had lost most of their Negro members. 

The Negroes' motives for leaving the white churches are difficult 
to ascertain from the few existing records left by the Negroes them- 
selves. If the word of a South Carolina Negro Presbyterian may be 
taken as evidence of the widespread feeling of his race, however, one 
may see that Negro church members aspired to equality of treatment 
in the churches. Thomas Smyth, pastor of a Charleston Presbyterian 
church, accused his Negro members of desertion when they departed 
from the church immediately after the war. In 1871 an anonymous 
Negro defended his group's withdrawal. Said he, "I belong to disabuse 
your mind as to the causes of separation, and think it susceptible of 
demonstration that they [Negroes] have been more Sinned against 
than Sinning, we respect the rights of others and demand that ours 
be respected." 84 S. C. Logan of the Northern Presbyterian Church 
pondered the reason for the Negroes' exodus from the southern 
churches and queried: "May it not be that the grand idea of Liberty 
. . . has led the poor, ignorant people out of your church galleries, into 

80 James Graham Ramsey, Historical Sketch of Third Creek Church in Rowan County, 
N. C; Read at the Centennial, May 18th, 1892. Also, Historical Address of Rev. 
John K. Fleming at the Centennial of the Building, July 2Uth, 1935 (Statesville: 
Brady Printing Company, 1937), 12, 42. 

81 John K. Roberts, History of Union Presbyterian Church (Carthage: Kelly Printing 
Company, 1910), 19. 

82 Simpson, First Presbyterian Church, Greensboro, 58. 

83 Charles William Sommerville, The History of Hopewell Presbyterian Church for 
175 Years from the Assigned Date of Its Organization, 1762 (Charlotte: The Observer 
Printing House, 1939), 68, 82-83. 

84 Letter from an anonymous Negro to Thomas Smyth, July 8, 1871, Louise Cheves 
Stoney (ed.), Thomas Smyth, Autobiographical Notes, Letters and Reflections 
(Charleston, South Carolina: Walker, Evans, and Cogswell Company, 1914), 696. 



36 The North Carolina Historical Review 

i 

separate assemblies, to assert their manhood and their supposed rights 

in the house of God?" 85 May it not be? 

Two conclusions may be drawn from the preceding data concerning 
the relations between North Carolina Presbyterian churches and their 
Negro communicants after the Civil War. 

First, Presbyterians sought conscientiously to solve the new intra- 
church racial problems within the framework of the customs and 
concepts evolved in a society which had approved and maintained 
slavery. Underlying every measure adopted for the welfare of Negro 
communicants was the firm belief that Negroes comprised a degraded 
race, permanently inferior to the white race. Accordingly, the church 
tried to prevent close interracial contacts in which white and Negro 
might regard one another as equal. The church feared that Negro in- 
feriority and degradation might be "contracted" through social con- 
tact. And interracial marriage was not even to be thought of, for it 
would result in the permanent contamination of white blood. On the 
other hand, the church felt and expressed a genuine concern and 
paternalistic care for its Negro wards. The church was really interested 
in their spiritual welfare, but in cases of conflict between its interest in 
the Negroes' spiritual welfare and its attempt to prevent social equal- 
ity, the church always let the latter effort prevail over the former. For 
this reason, Negroes were not permitted to become officers or minis- 
ters in white churches; they were not allowed to mingle with the whites 
during church services; they could not even have a full voice in the 
affairs of all-Negro congregations which remained under the care of 
the southern church. 

Secondly, Negro communicants, impressed with the benefits of their 
precious emancipation, undoubtedly felt that they deserved more 
freedom in church affairs. They desired their own ministers, a voice in 
church government, a better education than what they received. Above 
all, they desired to be treated not as inferiors, but as the human beings 
which they rightly considered themselves to be. Such treatment was 
not forthcoming from the Southern Presbyterian Church. Therefore, 
Negro Presbyterians drifted gradually away from the white churches. 
They organized independent congregations, joined northern Presby- 
terian churches, or united with other all-Negro denominations. 

The South's racially segregated society was slowly taking shape. 

85 North Carolina Presbyterian, April 14, 1869. 



THE NORTH CAROLINA LOWER HOUSE AND THE 
POWER TO APPOINT PUBLIC TREASURERS, 

1711-1775 

By Jack P. Greene* 

The most important single feature of the political development of 
the American colonies was the rise of the elected lower houses of 
assembly. In the century before Independence those bodies successfully 
sought to advance their own power at the expense of royal and pro- 
prietary executives. One of the most important powers gained in this 
process was that of nominating and appointing public treasurers to 
collect, hold, and apply moneys arising from provincial revenues. 1 
Dependent upon the lower houses for their appointment and respon- 
sible to them for their conduct in office, these officers inevitably came 
under their control. In its narrowest implications this power was 
merely one manifestation of the lower houses' extensive financial 
authority, 2 but in its broadest sense it was an important encroachment 
upon executive power. The public treasurers were simply legislative 
officers performing executive duties. As was so often the case in 
colonial America, there was a wide gulf between imperial theory and 
experience on the one hand and American practice on the other. 
Authorities in London intended to set up an arrangement in America 
similar to the one in England by which the Crown appointed custo- 
dians of revenues granted by Parliament. But they failed either to 
provide such officers or to oppose seriously and systematically the 
lower houses' numerous appointments of public treasurers in both the 
late seventeenth and the early eighteenth centuries. Consequently, the 
colonial legislatures established precedents and a long history of un- 
interrupted practice to support their contention that funds should be 



* Dr. Greene is an Associate Professor of History at Western Reserve University. 

1 Provincial revenues included all money raised by the colonial legislatures and 
should be distinguished from Crown revenues which included quit rents, imperial 
i customs duties, fines, and forfeitures. 

2 For a discussion of the financial powers of the lower houses see Leonard Labaree, 
Royal Government in America (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1930), 269-311, 
and Jack P. Greene, "The Quest for Power of the Lower Houses of Assembly in the 
Southern Royal Colonies, 1730-1763" (Ph.D. dissertation, Duke University, 1956), 
128-275. 



38 The North Carolina Historical Review 

handled by officers appointed by the authority that raised them. In 
North Carolina the attempts of the Lower House to secure and main- 
tain its power to nominate and appoint public treasurers beginning 
during the second decade of the eighteenth century constituted a 
serious and persistent political issue that has never received the atten- 
tion it deserves. 3 

Although the paucity of records makes it impossible to determine 
the matter for certain, it appears that the North Carolina Lower House 
first appointed treasurers in 1711 at the beginning of the Tuscarora 
War to collect import and export duties levied to meet military expen- 
ses. Governor George Burrington's statement in 1733 that before this 
time there were no public treasurers and that "what Small levys were 
raised by the Assembly were collected by the Sheriffs or marshalls and 
accounted for to the Assembly who paid what Small claims there were 
on the Publick . . ." is probably accurate. 4 When Burrington became 
Royal Governor of North Carolina in 1731, he found Edward Moseley 
acting as public treasurer. By 1731 Moseley had been prominent in 
North Carolina politics for nearly a quarter of a century. One of the 
foremost lawyers in the colony, he had served as chief baron of the 
exchequer, associate justice of the general court, commissioner for 
running the boundaries of the colony with both South Carolina and 
Virginia, and member of the Council from 1705 to 1708, and 1725 to 
1731. But his most conspicuous service came during his tenure as 
Speaker of the Lower House. Moseley had acted in that capacity from 
1708 to 1711 and again from 1715 to 1723. Under the Crown he served 
as Speaker still a third time from 1731 to 1734, when he once again 
became a member of the Council, a post he held until his death in 
1749. More than any of his contemporaries he was responsible for 
promoting a vigorous spirit of legislative opposition to colonial gover- 
nors. 5 



8 Brief treatments of various phases of this issue may be found in Charles Lee Raper, 
North Carolina: A Study in English Colonial Government (New York: Macmillan, 
1904), 145-146, 198-201; Charles S. Cooke, The Governor, Council, and Assembly in 
Royal North Carolina (Chapel Hill: Published under the direction of The North Caro- 
lina Historical Society, Volume XII, No. 1 [of The James Sprunt Studies in History and 
Political Science], 1912), 37-38; Hugh T. Lefler and Albert R. Newsome, North Caro- 
lina: The History of a Southern State (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina 
Press, 1954), 144; and Alonzo T. Dill, Governor Try on and His Palace (Chapel Hill: 
The University of North Carolina Press, 1955), 144. 

* Burrington to Board of Trade, May 19, 1733, William L. Saunders (ed.), The 
Colonial Records of North Carolina (Raleigh: The State of North Carolina, 10 volumes, 
1886-1890), III, 484, hereinafter cited as Saunders, Colonial Records. 

6 A satisfactory brief biography of Moseley is Elizabeth G. McPherson, "Edward 
Moseley: A Study in North Carolina Politics" (M.A. thesis, University of North 
Carolina, 1925). 



The Lower House and the Power to Appoint Treasurers 39 

The source of and authority for Moseley's appointment as public 
treasurer are not clear. Failure of the 1711 duty law to produce money 
fast enough to meet the requirements of the war led the Lower House 
to create a paper currency. Among the commissioners appointed to 
issue the currency was Moseley. In 1714 the Lower House put out 
additional paper and again appointed him as one of the issuing com- 
missioners. The House also assigned him the task of supervising the 
process of exchanging the new currency for the old. Not until 1722, 
however, was Moseley actually referred to as public treasurer. By an 
act passed at that time to print new bills to replace the ones then 
circulating, the House continued Moseley as one of the issuing commis- 
sioners. But more important the act designated him public treasurer 
and empowered him to receive from the sheriffs a tax of five shillings 
per poll and all precinct and parish dues, which were to be accounted 
for to the Lower House. Further, Moseley was to deposit a bond of 
£ 15,000 with the governor in order to insure "his Faithfull Discharge 
of his Said Office and disposing of the publick Money as directed by 
this Act." By calling him public treasurer, empowering him to receive 
certain revenues arising from taxes, and requiring him to give security 
for the office, this act in effect made Moseley public treasurer. It also 
constituted an acknowledgment by the Governor and Council that 
the power to nominate and appoint the public treasurer, at least in 
this instance, belonged to the Lower House. 6 

Moseley continued to serve as public treasurer until 1729, when the 
House issued another new paper currency. The House again made 
Moseley an issuing commissioner and gave him exclusive control in 
the matter of exchanging the new bills for the old ones. The act to 
provide this new currency called him public treasurer in several places 
where it mentioned bills of the 1722 issue, but it did not refer to him 
by that title in reference to the new bills. To receive taxes levied by 
this act, the House appointed eleven precinct or county treasurers, one 
of whom was Moseley, instead of merely one treasurer as it had done 
in 1722. Nowhere is there any indication that the House intended for 
Moseley to serve as public treasurer after the old bills were exchanged. 
Still, he was acting in that capacity at the meeting of North Carolina's 
first royal legislature in 1731. 7 

•Burrington to Board of Trade, May 19, 1733, Saunders, Colonial Records, III, 486; 
Statutes, Walter Clark (ed.), The State Records of North Carolina (Winston, Golds- 
boro, and Raleigh: The State of North Carolina, 16 volumes and 4-volume index [com- 
piled by Stephen B. Weeks for both Colonial Records and State Records'], 1895-1914), 
XXV, 157-158, 173-175, hereinafter cited as Clark, State Records. 

'Burrington to Board of Trade, May 19, 1733, Saunders, Colonial Records, III, 475- 
489; Act to emit £40,000, 1729, Legislative Papers, State Department of Archives and 
History, Raleigh. 



40 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Who had the power to appoint the public treasurer aud whether 
or not Moseley legally held that office became the subject of a heated 
controversy in April, 1731, between Burrington and the Lower House. 
Before leaving London, Burrington asked Board of Trade Secretary 
Alured Popple in December, 1730, whether the governor or the Lower 
House should choose the receiver of the colony's taxes. Popple replied 
that the Crown had appointed a receiver general for the colony and 
that no other receiver was needed or ought to be allowed there. But 
Burrington completely disregarded Popple's reply and decided that 
the colony did require a public treasurer to collect provincial revenues 
and that the Crown or the royal governor should appoint him. Accord- 
ingly, in April, 1731, he presented the Lower House with a copy of 
his forty-seventh instruction, which specified that no officers were to 
serve in the colony except under a commission from the governor or 
the Crown, and informed it of his intention to appoint "a fit Person" 
to act as treasurer until the King commissioned someone to fill that 
office. 8 

Burrington's proposal did not meet with an enthusiastic response. 
The Lower House replied that it was "very well satisfied with the 
Ability & Integrity of the present Publick Treasurer Ed[war] d Moseley 
Esq r . who was appointed to that office in an Act of Assembly by the 
Governor Council and Assembly" and argued "that such an officer so 
appointed is not to be removed but by the like Power. . . ." Defending 
the practice on the grounds "that the Publick Treasurers of our Neigh- 
bouring Governments are appointed in like manner by the Governor 
Council and Assembly," the House expressed the opinion "that the 47 th 
Instruction doth not extend to officers appointed by Act of Assembly as 
are the Publick and Precinct Treasurers and sundry other officers," thus 
implying that the instructions could not supersede established colonial 
customs. 

The Council sided with Burrington and undertook to answer the 
Lower House. The Council declared that "Nothing can be more clear 
or Express than the latter part of the 47 th Instruction wherein His 
Majesty declares that no officer whatever shall be appointed but by 
himself or his Governor which surely excludes the House of Burgesses 
from any share in the nomination of a Treasurer unless you can prove 
that the Treasurer is not a Publick officer." Concerning Moseley, the 
Council agreed that "he is a Person of sufficient ability" but wished 

"Burrington to Popple, December 8, 1730; Popple to Burrington, December 10, 1730; 
Upper House Journals, April 22, 1731, Saunders, Colonial Records, III, 89-90, 263; 
Instructions to Burrington, August 12, 1730, Colonial Office Papers, Class 5/323, 63-64, 
Public Record Office, London, hereinafter cited as Colonial Office Papers. 



The Lower House and the Power to Appoint Treasurers 41 

"that his Integrity was Equall to it . . ." and denied that he had been 
appointed by legal authority. But the Lower House remained firm. 
It put quite a different interpretation on the 47th instruction than had 
the Council. It expressed the opinion "that the 47 Instruction was 
never designed by His Majesty to Vacate such Authorities as are grant- 
ed by Act of Assembly but only to prevent all Persons whatever acting 
by any Commission from the late Lords Proprietors. . . ." The Council's 
reflections upon Moseley, it asserted, were "unprecedented & a great 
violation and breach of the Priviledges of this House," declaring that 
it was "very well satisfied as well with his Integrity as his Ability, 
his accounts always appearing to be just and True. . . ." To answer 
the Council's charge that Moseley had not been appointed by legal 
authority, the Lower House pointed out, somewhat inaccurately, that 
"his appointment to that office has been by several Acts of Assembly 
ever since the year 1715." 9 

At this point Burrington decided to seek support from home. In 
letters to the Duke of Newcastle and the Board of Trade in July, 1731, 
Burrington complained that the "Assembly of this Province have all- 
ways usurped more power than they ought to be allowed, one instance 
I now give in that of chuseing a publick Treasurer ( the person now in 
possession of the office is Edward Moseley speaker and Manager of 
the Assembly). . . ." He also pointed out that the currency act of 
1729 "constituted eleven Precinct Treasurers who were all in the 
Assembly and as they have the Disposition of the Publick Money will 
be constantly chosen, which forms so great a Party that they can Lead 
the Assembly as they please." To remedy this situation Burrington 
urged that "a Treasurer for this Government be appointed by the 
Lords of the Treasury." He again called the matter to the Board's atten- 
tion in February, 1732. He reported then that the "settling Treasurers 
by the Pretended Act in 1729 is taken from the Method in New 
England . . ." and pointed out that "if this were suffered here, these 
men would have such an influence in Elections, that scarce a man 
could be Chose but by their approbation, in the Assemblys they must 
inevitably carry every matter in Debate as they please . . .," again 
suggesting that "the Lords of the Treasury . . . appoint one Treasurer 
for the Province." But Crown officials were cautious in treating Bur- 
rington's complaints. Board Secretary Alured Popple wrote Burring- 
ton in August, 1732, asking for a report "with respect to the power 
claimed by the Assembly of chusing the public Treasurer of the 

•Upper House Journals, April 26-27, May 1, 1731, Saunders, Colonial Records, 
III, 265-269. 



42 The North Carolina Historical Review 



Province & what has been the constant practise and by what authority 
M r Moseley was originally appointed. . . ." 10 

To answer Popple's inquiry, Burrington investigated the history 
of the treasurership. Moseley was evasive as to how he was appointed 
treasurer. He referred Burrington to the legislative journals and sta- 
tutes to corroborate his contentions that the "constant Practice has 
been for the Assembly to appoint the Treasurers and gatherers of 
money raised by the Assembly . . ." and that the "first of my appoint- 
ments to be Publick Treasurer was by that Assembly that first emitted 
Publick Bills of Credit, or near that time. . . ." n To obtain a more 
accurate account, Burrington turned to the journals and statutes. He 
presented the results of his findings to the Board of Trade in a long 
letter that contained a remarkable analysis of the issues on the ques- 
tion of who should appoint the public treasurer. The representatives, 
Burrington reported, "claim it as their Right to appoint the Province 
Treasurer who is the keeper of the Province Money. . . ." They admit 
that the Crown could appoint receivers to handle "moneys ariseing out 
Rents and such His Majesty's dues which are an inherent and heriditary 
Right, . . ." he wrote, "but where the money is raised by the Assembly 
for particular Ends and Uses for the Defence and service of the Coun- 
try, as the same is to be applyed to such uses, as the Assembly think 
proper to appropriate it, so they think they ought to appoint the 
manner and persons for the directing and manageing thereof, and 
insist that as they have the direction of the end they ought to have 
the appointment of the means or the End may be frustrated, and 
they further affirm that it has all along been the Practice of this 
Country to appoint the Treasurers for receiving the money they raise 
and add that it is so in other Colonys." On the governor's side, Burring- 
ton declared that "the Assembly as the legislative part of the Country 
is to raise and appropriate the money for the Publick Service yet the 
executive part of the Government being in the King and his Ministers 
under him as he is the Head and intrusted with the Government for 
the Publick Good whatever is executed and done for the Publick Serv- 
ice is under His Direction and to be done by his Orders and Officers. 
And as the Treasury of Great Britain is under His Majesty's immediate 
appointment tho the money is raised and appropriated by Act of Par- 
liament," he continued, "it would be very extraordinary for the Colonys 

10 Burrington to Duke of Newcastle, July 2, 1731, and to Board of Trade, February 
20, 1732; Popple to Burrington, August 16, 1732, Saunders, Colonial Records. Ill, 151, 
335, 354. 

11 Moseley to Burrington and Council, April 3, 1733, Saunders, Colonial Records, 
III, 489-490. 



The Lower House and the Power to Appoint Treasurers 43 

to assert or claim a higher right or Privilege then the People of Eng- 
land enjoy and if the Colonys have assumed that Power in any place 
it may have rather passed unobserved then allowed of or Estab- 
lished/' 12 

Despite Burrington's frequent entreaties, Gabriel Johnston, upon his 
appointment to the governorship of North Carolina in 1734, found the 
situation in regard to the public treasurer still unchanged. The Board's 
lack of respect for either Burrington or his measures provides a partial 
explanation for its inaction, but the fact that it showed little interest 
in a similar appeal from Johnston before he went out to the colony 
leads one to conclude that it simply failed to realize the importance of 
the treasurership in North Carolina. In the meantime, Moseley con- 
tinued to act as public treasurer at least through February, 1735. 13 

Many of the colony's laws for the years between 1735 and 1740 have 
been lost, so what happened to the public treasurership during that 
time is largely a matter of speculation. In 1740 the office was divided 
and there were two public treasurers, one for the northern and one 
for the southern counties. There are substantial indications that this 
division took place earlier. In November, 1739, shortly after the death 
of William Downing, who had served as Speaker of the Lower House 
after Moseley's promotion to the Council in 1735 until his death in 
1739, the Governor and Council appointed Chief Justice William 
Smith treasurer for the "Northern Counties." At the legislature's next 
meeting, early in 1740, it passed a law to appoint "a Treasurer for the 
several Counties herein mentioned in the Room of William Downing, 
Esq., deceased. . . ." The body of this law no longer exists, but the 
title certainly implies that Downing was treasurer for a limited number 
of counties before his death. Since the Governor and Council were 
probably empowered to fill vacancies in the office or offices of public 
treasurer in the case of the incumbent's death or removal from the 
province, it appears that Smith's appointment as public treasurer for 
the northern counties the previous November was temporary to 
fill the vacancy occasioned by Downing's death. In all likelihood, 
therefore, Downing was public treasurer for the northern counties 
at the time of his death. 14 How and when he was appointed to that 
office, who was treasurer for the southern counties, and who succeeded 
Downing in February, 1740, are questions that require further specu- 

13 Burrington to Board of Trade, May 19, 1733, Saunders, Colonial Records, III 
483-484. 

"Johnston's remarks on his Instructions, 1733-1734; Upper House Journals, 
February 24, 1735, Saunders, Colonial Records, III, 495-496; IV, 102. 

"Statutes, Clark, State Records, XXIII, 131, 155, 275; Council Journals, November 
20, 1739, Saunders, Colonial Records, IV, 354. 



44 The North Carolina Historical Review 

lation. Downing was probably appointed treasurer in 1735, when he 
was first elected speaker by one of three revenue laws then passed, 
none of which is extant. 15 The other treasurer was almost certainly 
Edward Moseley. A 1740 tax act that refers to Moseley as public 
treasurer for the southern counties implies that he had been serving 
in that office for some time. Since Moseley served as public treasurer 
for the entire province from 1723 to 1735, it is logical that the Lower 
House continued him as one of the public treasurers when that office 
was divided. It is equally certain that Downing's successor as treasurer 
of the northern counties in 1740 was his successor as speaker, John 
Hodgson. 16 

An appropriation law of 1740 refers to Edward Moseley and John 
Hodgson as treasurers for the southern and northern counties, respec- 
tively, Hodgson occupying his post until 1748 and Moseley until 1749. 
During their tenure the practice established in 1729 of filling the of- 
fices of precinct treasurers seems to have fallen into disuse. From 1733 
to 1734 it was customary for the Lower House to nominate one to 
three men for each vacancy in those offices from whom the governor 
made the final appointment. But in an appropriations law passed in 
August, 1740, the Lower House assigned the duties of the precinct 
treasurers to the sheriffs. Subsequent vacancies in these offices appear 
not to have been filled, and a 1748 treasurers' law makes no mention of 
precinct treasurers. 17 

The 1748 law specifically defined the duties, salary, and tenure of 
the treasurer. It continued Edward Moseley as treasurer for the south- 
ern counties but substituted Thomas Barker for John Hodgson, who 
after 1746 had assumed the leadership of the opposition to Johnston 
and the "long assembly" during the representation controversy. 18 The 
treasurers were to receive from the sheriffs and hold all taxes levied 
by the legislature. Their salary was five per cent of their total receipts, 
and they were required to submit their accounts to the legislature for 



15 The first of these acts provided for printing paper bills; the second, for levying a 
duty on liquors; and the third, for levying a poll tax and issuing £10,000 in additional 
paper. Downing's appointment could have been made in either of them. Statutes, Clark, 
State Records, XXIII, 117, 121. 

16 Statutes, Clark, State Records, XXIII, 155; Council Journals, February 14, 1740, 
Saunders, Colonial Records, IV, 441; James Murray to [Mr. Houston], March 25, 1740, 
Nina M. Tiffany (ed.), Letters of James Murray Loyalist (Boston: Privately printed 
bv Riverside Press 1901) 59. 

"Statutes, Clark, State Records, XXIII, 151-157, 273-275; Lower House Journals, 
July 10, 1733, February 13, March 1, 1735, March 2, 1739, May 5, 1744; Upper House 
Journals, October 11, 1736, Saunders, Colonial Records, III, 582, IV, 136, 153-154, 
240, 403-404, 724, 730. 

58 An excellent account of the representation controversy is Lawrence F. London, 
"The Representation Controversy in Colonial North Carolina," The North Carolina 
Historical Review, XI (October, 1934), 255-270. 



The Lower House and the Power to Appoint Treasurers 45 

auditing. Their term was set at four years, and the Governor and 
Council were empowered to fill vacancies temporarily when the legis- 
lature was not in session. Each was required to put up a bond of 
£2,000 sterling. 19 

Between 1748 and 1752 there were several changes in the personnel 
of the treasury. Edward Moseley died in 1749 and was succeeded by 
Councilor Eleazer Allen. Upon Allen's death in 1750 Representative 
John Starkey was appointed to fill the post. When the 1748 law ex- 
pired in 1752, a new law continued Starkey in one post but appointed 
John Haywood to the other to succeed Barker, who had resigned. 20 All 
of these changes and appointments took place without any opposition 
from Governor Gabriel Johnston, but a dispute of some importance 
concerning the right of nomination occurred in 1750. Moseley's senti- 
ments had probably always lain with the Lower House, but he had 
been a member of the Council from 1735 until his death in 1749. His 
appointment to the Council did not result in his removal as treasurer, 
and his continuance in that office established a precedent for one of 
the treasurers being from the Council. The appointment of Allen, also 
a Councilor, to succeed Moseley in 1750 strengthened the precedent, 
and, upon Allen's death, the Council insisted that Councilor George 
Nicholas succeed him. But the Lower House nominated John Starkey 
for the office, and when the Council continued to insist upon Nicholas, 
the Lower House declared that it had always held the "right to nom- 
inate a person for that Office." The Council expressed surprise at the 
representatives' assertion of "an exclusive right to the nomination of 
such person" and alluded vaguely to "precedents to the contrary." 
Neither house would yield, and the Council rejected one bill to appoint 
Starkey, but some three months later, for reasons not now entirely 
clear, it finally gave in and agreed to Starkey's appointment. 21 From 
that date on treasurers were always members of the Lower House. 

Johnston's long administration produced no serious challenge to the 
Lower House's authority to nominate and appoint public treasurers; 
under Arthur Dobbs between 1754 and 1765 it was a different story. 
The 1752 act was supposed to continue in force for five years, but in 
December, 1754, at the beginning of Dobbs' administration the Lower 
House appointed Thomas Barker to succeed Haywood as northern 
treasurer and reappointed Starkey as southern treasurer in a military 

19 Statutes, Clark, State Records, XXIII, 273-275. 

20 Statutes, Clark, State Records, XXIII, 331-332, 349-350, 378-380. 

21 Upper House Journals, April 4-5, 1750; Lower House Journals, July 9, 1750, 
Saunders, Colonial Records, IV, 1,058-1,060, 1,071-1,072; Statutes, Clark, State 
Records, XXIII, 349-350. 



46 The North Carolina Historical Review 

i 
appropriation measure. 22 Although Dobbs did not object to the act at 

the time of its passage, he frequently assailed it along with the two 

treasurers during the succeeding years of his administration. 

Thomas Barker and John Starkey occupied their posts as treasurers 
for ten and twelve years respectively after 1754, and during their 
tenure Dobbs subjected them to a series of violent attacks. Dobbs once 
described Barker as "a skipper of a new England Bark, and afterwards 
a hackney clerk in this Province . . ." and as a person of "mean educa- 
tion," but he reserved his most abusive comments for Starkey. He 
admitted that Starkey was "a man of good behaviour . . . and of a 
tolerable fortune," but he declared that this treasurer was "the most 
designing Man in the Province" and "a professed violent Republican 
in every instance taking from his Majesty's prerogative and encroaching 
upon the Rights of the Council, and adding to the Power of the As- 
sembly to make himself popular. . . ." Dobbs attributed Starkey's ex- 
treme popularity to "his capacity and diligence" and to "his garb and 
seeming humility by wearing shoe strings a plain coat and having a 
bald head. . . ." By these devices, Dobbs insisted, "he seems self 
denied. . . ." 23 

Matters between Dobbs and the two treasurers apparently ran on 
smoothly between 1754 and December, 1757, when Dobbs registered 
his first official complaint against them in a letter to the Board of 
Trade. He singled out Starkey in particular for condemnation. Dobbs 
accused him of "opposing all taxes that do not turn out to his profit," 
of "attempting to gain power to the Assembly by encroaching upon his 
Majesty's Rights . . ." and of "having taken upon himself the payment 
of the allowance to the Members for their attendance which he can 
advance or delay as he pleases so that all the low Members who want 
a supply follow him like Chickens so that he sways the House against 
the most sensible Members in it." Dobbs further charged that Starkey 
was responsible for the Lower House's decision to reduce by half the 
number of troops in the colony's service and to refuse to provide a 
salary for the storekeeper at Fort Johnston that Dobbs had appointed 
to care for supplies sent over by the Crown. To lessen Starkey's power 
Dobbs proposed that the Crown disallow the 1754 appropriation bill 
by which the treasurers had been appointed and issue "an Instruction 
for the future not to pass any Law for appointing provincial Treasurers 
without excluding them from being Members of either House. . . ." 

22 Statutes, Clark, State Records, XXIII, 378-380, 400. 

23 Dobbs to Board of Trade, December 27, 1757; Dobbs' reply to May, 1760, 
resolutions of the Lower House, August 3, 1760, Saunders, Colonial Records, V, 948- 
949, VI, 290. 



The Lower House and the Power to Appoint Treasurers 47 

He pointed out that only £3,600 in paper bills was still outstanding 
from those issued by that act and urged the Board to "consider whether 
the circulating £3,600 in Bills will be a loss equivalent to the Obstruc- 
tion given to the Kings service here by that Republican Treasurer 
Starkey who must then quit his seat in the Assembly or place of Treas- 
urer, In case His Majesty consents that the Assembly shall name the 
Provincial Treasurers which has been an Encroachment upon the 
Crown in other Provinces." 24 

But when the Board indicated no immediate interest in his pro- 
posals, Dobbs resolved to launch a concerted campaign to have the 
treasurers removed. In January, 1759, he wrote the Board, complain- 
ing further of Starkey that he acted "not as His Majesty's Treasurer 
for his service, but calls himself Treasurer for the Public not account- 
able to the Crown. . . ." He once more pressed the Board for the dis- 
allowance of the law that had appointed the treasurers and emphasized 
that "an approaching peace, when nothing will be required but for 
their own benefit will be a proper time to insist upon his Majesty's 
Prerogative pursuant to my instructions with a new House of Assembly 
before Parties are formed in it." In another letter the following May, 
he reiterated his complaints against the treasurers and urged anew that 
the act appointing them be disallowed. Further, he suggested that "his 
Majesty or Governor and Council here should appoint one or two 
Treasurers who should account with the Government here and with 
the Treasury in England." 25 

Dobbs' repeated complaints finally stirred the Board to act. In June, 
1759, it replied that it had submitted his complaints against the treas- 
urers to "the Lords of the Treasury for their Judgment and direction." 
The following August it issued its final opinion on the matter. In an 
unusually enlightened decision the Board declared that the "practise 
which has prevailed for so long a time in all the Colonies of appointing 
Publick Treasurers by Act of Legislature and making, them accountable 
only to the General Assembly and in some Cases to one branch of it, 
is certainly irregular and it is to be wished that it had been properly 
checked in its infancy, but having prevailed and been acquiesced in 
for so long a series of years, any attempt to set it aside in the present 
situation of Affairs would in Our judgment be improper and therefore 
we cannot advise the repeal of the Aid Act passed by You in 1754, 

21 Dobbs to Board of Trade, December 27, 1757, Saunders, Colonial Records, V, 948- 
949. An excellent account of Dobbs* troubles with the Lower House is Desmond 
Clarke, Arthur Dobbs Esquire, 1689-1765 (Chapel Hill: The University of North 
Carolina Press, 1957), 107-200. 

25 Dobbs to Board of Trade, January 22, May 18, 1759, Saunders, Colonial Records, 
VI, 6-7, 32-34. 



48 The North Carolina Historical Review 

especially when We consider that a considerable part of the Taxes 
thereby to be raised would be lost by such repeal." 26 The decision was 
an important one, constituting as it did a frank admission by Crown 
officials of the futility of trying to deprive the Lower House of such 
a long-established power at a time when its support was needed in the 
war effort. It showed clearly that imperial authorities were prepared, 
if not officially to recognize, at least to tolerate indefinitely the lower 
houses' exercise of the power to nominate and appoint public treas- 
urers. 

The Board's decision might have left Dobbs with small hope of 
wresting the powers of nominating and appointing the public treasurers 
from the Lower House. With no prospect of support from the home 
authorities, Dobbs could well have abandoned his efforts entirely. That 
he did not is a testimony to his tenacity and optimism. He gave up his 
attempts to obtain immediate reforms, but he took pains to keep the 
matter fresh in the minds of imperial officials. He suggested to the 
Board in January, 1760, that the clause appointing the treasurers 
without limitation of time in the 1754 appropriation bill might be dis- 
allowed when that law expired in 1763. To illustrate "in what Manner 
the public accounts are carried on, when not brought before and 
passed by the Council, and not properly audited, when thus undigested 
and passed by the Assembly . . ." Dobbs sent the Board a copy of 
Thomas Barker's accounts. Although the Boards decision prevented 
him from taking any action against Starkey in his position as treasurer, 
Dobbs found other ways to lessen the treasurer's influence, which he 
had come to regard as a serious challenge to his own. He removed 
Starkey from his posts as justice of the peace for Onslow County and 
colonel of the county militia so that he would not "by favour of the 
Crown have an undue influence over the County upon a new Elec- 
tion. . . ." 27 

Thomas Barker's request for leave to resign as treasurer for the 
northern counties in November, 1760, presented Dobbs with an un- 
expected opportunity to interfere with the representatives' power of 
nominating and appointing public treasurers; but he was unable to 
turn it to his advantage. Barker sent his resignation to Speaker Samuel 
Swann by way of Councilor John Rieusett along with his recommenda- 
tion that Rieussett succeed him as treasurer. At that particular time 



89 Board of Trade to Dobbs, June 1, August 1, 1759, Saunders, Colonial Records, 
VI, 45-47, 54-56. 

27 Dobbs to Board of Trade, January 19, 1760; Dobbs' reply to May, 1760, resolu- 
tions of the Lower House, August 3, 1760, Saunders, Colonial Records, VI, 217-218, 
297-298. 



The Lower House and the Power to Appoint Treasurers 49 

the Lower House was trying to push through the Council a military 
appropriation bill that carried a rider providing for the appointment of 
an agent. Previously the Council had twice rejected that bill, but the 
Lower House knew that only one more affirmative vote was needed to 
carry it. At the instigation of Swann, therefore, the Lower House de- 
cided to offer the treasurership to Rieussett as a quid pro quo for his 
support of the appropriation bill in the Council. Rieussett swallowed 
the bait, and by his vote the appropriation measure passed the Council. 
The Lower House kept its part of the bargain. It had originally nomi- 
nated an assemblyman to succeed Barker, but as soon as the appropria- 
tion bill had passed the Council it allowed that body to substitute 
Rieussett's name in the treasurer bill, although it made a point of 
resolving "that it is the inherent right of this House, to nominate 
Persons to be appointed to the office of Public Treasurers of this 
Province; and altho' this House do agree to the person now proposed 
by the Council to serve in the office of Public Treasurer of the Northern 
District, yet the same shall not be drawn into Precedent, as admitting 
a right in the Council to propose, or nominate any Person, or Persons 
to be appointed to the said office. . . ." There is some indication that 
Dobbs may have hoped to turn this measure to his own advantage by 
rejecting Rieussett and appointing a nominee of his own, thereby as- 
serting the governor's right to appoint the public treasurer. But he 
first had to be sure that Barker had actually resigned. Accordingly, he 
refused to assent to the treasurer bill until he had seen Barker's resigna- 
tion. But the Lower House had anticipated such a development and 
did not intend to accept Barker's resignation until Dobbs had consented 
to Rieussett's appointment. When the House refused to show Barker's 
resignation to Dobbs, he rejected both the treasurer's bill and the ap- 
propriation measure. As a result the Lower House would not grant 
Barker leave to resign, and he served as treasurer for the northern 
counties for another two years. Dobbs had again come off second best 
to the Lower House. 28 

From 1760 to 1763 Dobbs continued to complain about the treasurers 
to the Board of Trade. In December, 1760, he declared that "the 
northern Treasurer has made payments to his favourites without my 
Warrants, and the Assembly this Session have ordered their Southern 
Treasurer to pay Publick money without any order from me. . . ." In 
his answers to the queries of the Board of Trade in December, 1761, 

88 Dobbs to Board of Trade, December 12, 1760; Lower House Journals, December 
1-3, 1760; Upper House Journals, December 3, 1760, Saunders, Colonial Records, VI, 
319-324, 467-469, 502-503, 508. 



50 The North Carolina Historical Review 

* 

Dobbs particularly complained of the Lower House's manner of pass- 
ing the treasurers' accounts and expressed hope that the clause to 
appoint the treasurers in the 1754 appropriation law might be dis- 
allowed upon the expiration of that law in June, 1763. Dobbs' continued 
complaints made little impression on the Board of Trade, however. 
For the most part the Board either ignored them or curtly dismissed 
them as it did in May, 1763, by referring Dobbs back to the "Senti- 
ments and Directions" in the "Mode of appointing Treasurers" that it 
had set forth in 1759. 29 

With little prospect of support from home, Dobbs had no other 
alternative when the 1754 appropriation bill expired in 1763 than to 
assent to a new treasurer's bill. When the legislature convened in 
February, 1764, he took the initiative in offering to consent to a bill 
to appoint treasurers for a short term until the Crown had instructed 
him how they should be appointed for the future. At first the Lower 
House denied that the clause appointing the treasurers in the 1754 
bill had expired. But Barker was still pressing the House for leave 
to resign, and, when both Dobbs and the Council signified their will- 
ingness to concur in the matter, the House took the opportunity to put 
the treasurerships on a more solid legal footing and passed a bill that 
continued Starkey as southern treasurer and appointed Representative 
Joseph Montfort to succeed Barker in the northern post. Dobbs did 
gain one important concession in this bill when he persuaded the 
Lower House to limit the treasurers' terms of office to three years. In 
reporting upon the act to the Board of Trade, Dobbs explained that 
he had passed it "to put it out of doubt, lest some should refuse to 
pay the public Taxes to other Treasurers should they have been ap- 
pointed by the Crown." 30 By consenting to the measure Dobbs had, 
in effect, admitted that he was unable to prevent the Lower House 
from exercising the power to appoint treasurers. He probably, still 
hoped that he might enlist the aid of the imperial authorities in his 
fight, but at no time after their 1759 decision was there any real pos- 
sibility that his hopes would be fulfilled. Neither of Dobbs' successors 
was bold enough even to challenge the Lower House upon the mat- 
ter, and it continued to appoint treasurers by statute for the remainder 
of the colonial period. 

29 Dobbs to Board of Trade, December 12, 1760; Dobbs' Answers to Board of Trade 
Queries, December, 1761, Saunders, Colonial Records, VI, 319-324, 605-623; Board of 
Trade to Dobbs, May 10, 1763, Colonial Office Papers, 5/325, ff. 113-114. 

30 Dobbs to Board of Trade, March 29, 1764; Upper House Journals, February 4, 
March 5, 1764; Lower House Journals, February 8, March 3, 1764, Saunders, 
Colonial Records, VI, 1,035-1,039, 1,091, 1,127-1,128, 1,154a, 1,199; Statutes Clark, 
State Records, XXIII, 618-619. 



The Lower House and the Power to Appoint Treasurers 51 

If the governors had conceded the power of appointment to the 
Lower House, the Council was not yet disposed to give up its claim 
to the right of nomination. John Starkey's death early in 1765 paved 
the way for an extended controversy between the Lower House and 
the Council over who should succeed him. The House proposed Rep- 
resentative Richard Caswell, but the Council, intent upon asserting its 
i right of nomination, held out for Councilor Lewis DeRossett. Neither 
; side would give in, and the session ended without an agreement. To 
fill the vacancy until the legislature had agreed on a candidate, Gover- 
nor William Tryon appointed Speaker Samuel Swann, a popular choice 
i with the House and one well calculated not to destroy his good rela- 
tions with that body. 31 The troubles over the Stamp Act kept Tryon 
from reconvening the House for nearly a year and a half, so Swann's 
! tenure was longer than had been expected. When- the legislature did 
| meet again in November, 1766, the controversy threatened to be re- 
I enacted. The Lower House opened the session by complaining to 
Tryon about the Council's denying it the "priviledge ... of naming 
their Treasurers." To restore harmony Tryon proposed to intercede 
with the Council to persuade it to relinquish its claims to the right of 
nomination until he had submitted the matter to Crown officials for 
a decision; but he was unable to head off another battle between the 
Council, once again insisting on DeRossett, and the House, supporting 
Assemblyman John Ashe. Only after the House agreed that it would 
not deem the act "as the relinquishing any rights which in your opin- 
ion you have to a joint nomination . . ." would the Council finally agree 
to Ashe's appointment. But the matter was still settled only temporarily, 
for the 1764 treasurers' bill was to expire at the end of 1767. And the 
Council's declaration finally consenting to Ashe that "the appointment 
of a Provincial Treasurer is a creation of the legislature here, dissimilar 
from and repugnant to the constitution of the British Government . . ." 
and that it had "a coequal right" with the Lower House both in "the 
nomination and appointment . . ." was a strong indication that the 
Council would revive the controversy at that time. 32 

In an attempt to prevent such a development, Tryon, like Dobbs 
before him, sought the aid of London authorities. Three times during 
the early months of 1767 he asked for a ruling on the issue. No doubt 
he hoped and expected that the authorities would uphold the Council's 

31 Upper House Journals, May 16, 1765; Tryon to Board of Trade, August 15, 1765, 
Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 55-56, 107. 

88 Lower House Journals, November 6, 10, 1766; Upper House Journals, November 
20, 25-27, December 1, 1766, Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 312-314, 324, 327-328, 
330-331, 337, 348-349, 356; Statutes, Clark, State Records, XXV, 494-495. 






52 The North Carolina Historical Review 

i 

right of nomination. But they appear to have ignored his requests; 
when the legislature met in the fall of 1767, Tryon was still awaiting 
a decision. Even with the Crown's positive support it is doubtful that 
the Council could have forced the Lower House to recognize its 
"coequal" right of nomination, but without that support the Council 
did not even make an issue of it. The fact that neither of the treasurer- 
ships was vacant made it easier for the Council to agree to the House's 
candidates, and it readily consented to the reappointment of both 
Ashe and Montfort for a term of five years. 33 

When the question came up again in 1773, the Council again failed 
to make a contest over the right of nomination. At that time the lower 
House voted to continue Montfort as northern treasurer but decided 
to replace Ashe with Richard Caswell, who had been a strong candi- 
date for the post at Starkey's death in 1765. The Council made a weak 
bid in support of Ashe but when the House insisted on Caswell yielded 
without any real protest. The appointment in 1773 was for a term of 
only two years, but before the matter came up again North Caro- 
lina was already far along the road to revolution. 34 

Governor Josiah Martin, Tryon's successor, did not object to these 
arrangements, although the Lower House's tight control over the 
treasurers caused him serious difficulty during his tenure. When Martin 
refused his consent in 1772 to a measure to discontinue a one-shilling 
poll tax levied to sink a particular paper money issue, the Lower House 
had merely ordered the treasurers to stop collecting that tax. Both 
treasurers owed their jobs to the House, and neither could afford to 
ignore that body's order. When they complied with it, Martin had 
to threaten to prosecute them to the value of their bonds of office be- 
fore he could force them to resume collecting the tax. But two and a 
half years later, when British repressive measures against Boston 
aroused the anger of North Carolinians, Martin was unable to prevent 
the House from effecting a similar maneuver. Martin also found that 
the House's replacing Ashe with Caswell in 1773 created a serious 
division in that body as Ashe's supporters vied with those of Caswell 
for control of the House so that they might be able to name the treas- 
urer when it was time for a reappointment in 1775. This division 
seriously obstructed business in the House and convinced Martin that 

38 Tryon to Earl of Shelburne, January 31, March 7, July 4, 1767; Upper House 
Journals, January 4, 15, 1768, Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 430-431, 443, 497, 
597-599, 622-623; Statutes, State Records, XXIII, 723-725. 

** Upper House Journals, January 25, March 1, 1773; Martin to Earl of Dartmouth, 
May 30, 1773, Saunders, Colonial Records, IX, 378, 428, 657; Statutes, Clark, State 
Records, XXIII, 904-906. 



The Lower House and the Power to Appoint Treasurers 53 

the Crown should take steps to gain the power to appoint the treas- 
urers. The Lower House had "long fatally to the policy of this Coun- 
try, usurped the nomination of those Officers/' he lamented in Septem- 
ber, 1774, requesting the Earl of Dartmouth, Secretary of State for the 
Colonies, to consider "whether it will not be . . . expedient if it can 
be done with propriety to vest in his Majesty's Governor the appoint- 
ment of Treasurers. . . ." 35 Martin's request was remarkably similar 
to the requests of Dobbs ten and fifteen years earlier, and like those 
it failed to win any support at home. When royal government was 
overthrown in North Carolina, the Lower House's power to nominate 
and appoint public treasurers was undiminished. 

By securing and exercising the power to nominate and appoint pub- 
lic treasurers the North Carolina Lower House assumed an important 
share of the duties of the executive and extended its authority in its 
limited sphere beyond that of the British House of Commons, which 
left the appointment of all revenue officers to the Crown. By uniting 
the speakership with the treasurership for much of the period between 
1711 and 1748, the Lower House went even further and succeeded 
in combining the top legislative post with an important executive one. 
The inability of Governors Burrington and Dobbs to deprive the Lower 
House of this power demonstrated just how powerful the Lower House 
was becoming, and the unwillingness of London authorities to lend 
their support to the governors' efforts indicated during the early years 
their failure to recognize all of the implications involved in the Lower 
House's choosing and controlling such important executive officers and 
in the late colonial period their recognition of the folly of trying to 
deny the Lower House a power it had so long exercised. 

85 Martin to Earl of Hillsborough, January 30, 1772, and to Dartmouth, April 2, 
September 1, 1774, Saunders, Colonial Records, IX, 233-234, 960-961, 1,051-1,054. 



BLEASEISM AND THE 1912 ELECTION 
IN SOUTH CAROLINA 

■ ! ■ By Clarence N. Stone* 

South Carolina politics in 1912 was more than a civic duty; it was 
a form of recreation. Gubernatorial aspirants made a joint tour of all 
counties in the State in accordance with a schedule arranged by the 
executive committee of the Democratic party. This round of "speak- 
ings," which always came in the summer after the crops had been "laid 
by," was the big social event of the season. People traveled great dis- 
tances to have dinner on the grounds and watch the candidates per- 
form. The speaking tour favored the stump speaker who could "whoop 
'em up" and arouse enthusiasm. Such a man was Cole Blease, notorious 
as a demagogue, who was running for re-election as governor in 1912 
against Ira B. Jones, who posed as the paragon of respectability. 

Born in the Upcountry town of Newberry in 1868, Blease grew up 
in the highly sociable environment of his father's hotel and livery 
stable. Here Blease came to know intimately the common man, whom 
he later championed by arraigning the upper classes for their pre- 
tensions and privileges. Indeed, Blease issued his diatribes in lan- 
guage more in conformity with the atmosphere of the livery stable 
than of the governor's mansion. 1 Blease, who had first entered politics 
as a successful Tillmanite candidate for the State legislature in 1890, 
held several positions of importance before becoming Governor in 
1911. He was once Tillman's Speaker of the House, and he had served 
in the State senate, being President pro tempore of that body for two 
years. Unsuccessful candidacies for governor in 1906 and 1908 preceded 
his victory over the prohibitionist, Featherstone, in the gubernatorial 

* Mr. Stone is a 1963 doctoral candidate at Duke University and is presently Instruc- 
tor of Political Sciences at Westminster College, New Wilmington, Pennsylvania. 

1 Some biographical information concerning Blease may be found in Francis Butler 
Simkins, Pitchfork Ben Tillman (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 
1944), 485-491, hereinafter cited as Simkins, Pitchfork Ben Tillman; and Biographical 
Directory of the American Congress, 1774-194.9: The Continental Congress, September 
5, 1774, to October 21, 1788, and the Congress of the United States, from the First 
to the Eightieth Congress, March 4, 1789, to January 3, 1849, Inclusive (Washington, 
D. C: United States Government Printing Office, Eighty-first Congress, Second 
Session, House Document No. 607, 1950), 660. 



j 



Bleaseism and the 1912 Election in South Carolina 55 

primary of 1910. Following the relative ineffectiveness of agrarian re- 
form, Blease cultivated his demagogic appeal in terms of a social pro- 
test rather than professing to be an economic reformer. Perhaps his 
experience with Tillmanism suggested that reform programs had little 
effect on the predicament of the poor man. At any rate, much of 
Blease's support was aroused by such incidents as the one in 1908 
when Blease referred to his opponent, Governor Ansel, as a "nigger 
lover" because he had made "an infernal nigger" into a notary. 2 Re- 
former or not, "Coley" Blease inherited "Pitchfork Ben" Tillman's 
enemies of old— the newspapers, the railroads and other corporations, 
the Low Country aristocrats, the urban businessmen— the "respectable" 
elements of society. 3 

Thus Blease came into the governorship as the representative of the 
lower classes, the champion of the disreputable and the dispossessed. 
Under these circumstances he was not expected to and did not cease 
haranguing the opposition. Blease's first address to the General As- 
sembly opened in this manner: 

Independence of thought, freedom of action, an abiding trust in and 
devoted love for God have won for me the greatest political victory in the 
history of South Carolina. Aligned against me were a united daily press 
and an almost solid weekly and semi-weekly press, pouring forth all kinds 
of falsehoods, vituperation and abuse, receiving the assistance of a number 
of men who call themselves ministers of the Gospel . . . — who stood behind 
their pulpits and gave vent to envy and malice and slanders of the most 
vile and malicious nature against me. 4 

The partisan battle had begun. Blease launched a bitter attack 
against his enemies, especially the newspapers, whose reciprocation 
led Blease in his first term as governor to call for stringent libel laws 
regarding newspapers. When the legislature passed a mild libel law, 
Blease returned the bill to the legislature with a message which was 
allegedly too vile to appear publicly, and the House of Representatives 
took the unprecedented step of expunging from its record the Gover- 
nor's message, except for the specific objections made. 5 Actually it was 

8 State (Columbia, South Carolina), July 29, 1908, hereinafter cited as State. 

3 One illustration of this is the infamous Buzzard Cartoon published in the State, 
reproduced in Simkins, Pitchfork Ben Tillman, facing page 492. Blease discussed the 
incident in his first address to the General Assembly, Journal of the Senate of the 
State of South Carolina, 1911, 77-82, hereinafter cited as Senate Journal 

'Senate Journal, 1911, 77. That many ministers opposed Blease is indicated by 
the frequent occurrence of ministerial associations calling for people to pray for the 
defeat of Blease in the 1912 primary. See the Charlotte Daily Observer, August 7, 
12, and 18, 1912. 

6 State, January 24, 1912. 



56 The North Carolina Historical Review 

i 

such words as "lie" and "liar" that disturbed this sanctimonious body 
so greatly. 

Blease quarreled with State administrators, sometimes dismissing 
them without authority to do so. He battled with legislators, ignoring 
their suggestions as to who should be appointed to fill offices ranging 
from Registration Supervisors to the Board of Pardons. And, not only 
did he thwart the patronage desires of legislators, but he also flaunted 
his veto power in their faces, vetoing thirty items in the appropriation 
bill of 1912 alone, most of which were passed over his veto. Blease 
also jousted with the State Supreme Court and its Chief Justice, Ira 
B. Jones, who emerged later as his 1912 opponent. Not all of the 
animosity toward Blease was among State officials, for Blease assailed 
the "hypocrites" and informed them that he drank whiskey when he 
liked. Finally, he announced that a large number of people had elected 
him Governor, and he expected to see his friends receive some con- 
sideration from his administration. Such candor aroused more enmity. 

Blease, while despised by some segments of the State, was immensely 
popular with others. A journalist of the time gave this description of 
the poorest man's "Pitchfork Ben": 

Governor Blease is a man who possesses many attractive personal quali- 
ties. In personal intercourse with his friends he is genial and affable and 
possesses to a remarkable degree the ability to adapt his conversation and 
addresses to the point of view of his audience. He is, by profession, a 
criminal lawyer and has been remarkably successful in securing the ac- 
quittal of his clients before the jury. 6 

It was observed that Blease was not only quick to catch the super- 
ficial feeling of an audience, but also seemed to be at the mercy of 
his audience. 

Without any other fixed principle than expediency, and under the mutual 
hypnosis of the mass, he expresses sentiments which he denies and re- 
pudiates when they confront him in cold type. 

His oratory is that of Billy Sunday, headed in the opposite direction. He 
has mastered the art of appealing to the shallow prejudices and vicious 
impulses of his audience and of leading his hearers to a lower plane of 
thought and action. A receptive listener will leave the hall of his address 
with more intense hatreds, less faith in his fellowmen, decreased respect 
for law, a diminished veneration for the church and for moral ideals, and 



a W. K. Tate, "After Blease— A New Program for South Carolina," Survey, XXXIII 
(February 27, 1915), 577, hereinafter cited as Tate, "After Blease — A New Program." 



Bleaseism and the 1912 Election in South Carolina 57 

a greater ignorance of the real causes of conditions at which he might 
justly complain. 7 

Ira B. Jones, Blease's senior by seventeen years, was born in New- 
berry in 1851. Like Blease he attended college and excelled in de- 
bating. Following short careers as a teacher and as associate editor 
of the Newberry Herald, Jones adopted law as his profession. In 1875 
he moved to Lancaster, taking with him little more than his aspirations. 
He, again like Blease, made his first appearance in politics as a mem- 
ber of the Tillmanite legislature of 1890, and became an influential 
member of the General Assembly. Jones served as Chairman of the 
Ways and Means Committee one session, and as Speaker for two. 
From the latter post he was selected by his fellow legislators as an 
Associate Justice of the State Supreme Court, and later was promoted 
to the Chief Justiceship. After nearly sixteen years on the bench he 
resigned on January 9, 1912, in order to oppose Blease for the governor- 
ship. 

Unfortunately, no journalist from outside the State appeared to 
record his personal impressions of Ira B. Jones. The ex-Chief Justice 
was undoubtedly a Tillmanite, but he, like Tillman to a large extent, 
had endeared himself to the conservatives by 1912. His political 
career suggests strongly that Jones was an able politician and parlia- 
mentarian, but not necessarily one suited to the tour of stump "speak- 
ings" which a predominantly rural population demanded as their 
rightful source of entertainment. Indeed, one historian expressed the 
opinion that *J ones on tne stump was a failure," 8 and Tillman is 
quoted as saying that Jones was "absolutely a child in Blease's 
hands." 9 Of utmost importance, Jones' language was not that of the 
"clodhopper" and the "lint-head." 

South Carolina in 1912 was an overwhelmingly rural State in which 
Negroes, who had been disfranchised by the Tillman movement of 
the nineties, out-numbered the whites. Nearly two-thirds of all farms 
were cultivated by tenants, while almost half of the white farmers 
cultivated lands they did not possess. The lien system was still ram- 
pant. Negro tenancy, which had been forcing whites from the richer 
Coastal Plains to the poorer hill country and to the textile mills, 
augmented the burgeoning animosity of the poor white toward the 

'Tate, "After Blease— A New Program," 577. 

8 David Duncan Wallace, South Carolina: A Short History (Chapel Hill: The 
University of North Carolina Press, 1951), 661, hereinafter cited as Wallace, South 
Carolina. 

9 Simkins, Pitchfork Ben Tillman, 495. 



58 The North Carolina Historical Review 

i 

Negro and his "friend," the rich white. 10 Racial antagonism then was 
not simply a matter of ignorance or tradition, but was related to the 
workings of the social system and the resentments this system pro- 
duced. If the Low Country aristocrat was less guilty of racial prejudice 
than his distant hill cousin, the same could not be said of class 
prejudice. Bleaseism was blossoming forth in a society epitomized in 
the statement of Dr. Pope, a one-time Tillmanite reformer, who an- 
nounced during a smallpox outbreak that he would vaccinate white 
people at one hour, Negroes at another hour, and at a third hour 
factory people. 11 Such instances of social scorn, which were common, 
produced severe class antagonism as one class was convinced that 
only they were fit to rule, while the other was equally certain that they 
were as good as anyone else. These were the conditions under which 
that latter-day Saint George, Ira B. Jones, set out to deliver South 
Carolina from the demagogic dragon, "Coley" Blease. 

Blease, however, understood the social and economic situation at 
least well enough to exploit it, whereas Jones apparently was oblivious 
to it. The latter dwelled on the cliches about law and order, good gov- 
ernment, good roads, and good schools, thus branding himself as an 
"aristocrat." Blease excelled in articulating the biases of the poor 
whites in a picturesque manner which they could appreciate. The 
Governor did even more; he was perhaps the original "organization 
man," that is, fraternal organization man. He was not only a member 
of the Independent Order of Odd Fellows, but a Grand Master, Grand 
Patriarch, and Grand Representative from South Carolina to the Grand 
Encampment and Grand Lodge of that organization. Palmetto braves 
of the Improved Order of Red Men claimed him as a blood brother, 
and once made him their Grand Sachem. Fellow stags in the Loyal 
Order of Moose made him their Dictator, and the Knights of Pythias 
awarded him the shield of Chancellor Commander. Blease also re- 
ceived honors and high offices in the Benevolent and Protective Order 
of Elks and the Woodmen of the World. 12 In addition, he held mem- 
bership in the Methodist Church and the Bar Association, but ap- 
parently was less honored by these two organizations than the others. 

Joining proved very useful to "Coley" Blease as a means of captur- 
ing the vote of millworkers. These workers, almost invariably recent 



10 Tate, "After Blease — A New Program," 576. 

11 Wallace, South Carolina, 656. 



u 0. L. Warr, "Mr. Blease of South Carolina," American Mercury, XVI (January, 
1929), 27, hereinafter cited as Warr, "Mr. Blease"; and David Duncan Wallace, The 
History of South Carolina (New York: The American Historical Society, Inc., 4 
volumes, 1935), IV, 963-965. 



Bleaseism and the 1912 Election in South Carolina 59 

migrants from the farms where they had been tenants, were not 
unionized to any extent, but rather they had as their chief bond of 
cohesion common membership in the few secret societies which 
flourished in mill villages at that time. Since these factory families 
moved frequently, they knew few community ties other than these 
organizations. 13 Thus through frequent appearances at their social 
gatherings, Blease solidified the support of the textile workers behind 
him, the person, not his record or campaign promises. 

Blease, the personality, was undoubtedly the basic issue of the 1912 
election. Jones, despite frequent disavowals of making personalities 
the issue of the campaign, expressed his major motivation for entering 
the campaign as a "burning desire in my breast to reclaim South 
Carolina from Bleaseism." 14 To wage his campaign against Bleaseism, 
the ex-Chief Justice seized upon the slogan, "law~ and order," pointing 
out that the Governor had fought with every branch of the govern- 
ment. Jones emphasized in speech after speech how Blease's refusal to 
commission a judge appointed by the Supreme Court had subsequently 
led to the failure of a session of the Trial Court. Undermining the 
judiciary, granting huge numbers of pardons and paroles, and exten- 
sive use of the veto by Blease were repeatedly offered as evidence of 
lawlessness. "Bleaseism," charged Jones, "leads to anarchy." 15 

"Law and order" was used to appeal to the middle and upper 
classes. Jones made a bid for the vote of the lower classes by claiming 
to be the "working man's friend." In vain Jones singled out Blease's 
veto of the factory-inspectors bill as "proof" that Blease was a false 
friend of labor. The ex-Chief Justice was apparently unaware that 
child-labor "reform" which the factory inspectors were supposed to 
enforce was not a measure with overwhelming appeal to textile 
workers, who were more concerned with subsisting than with well- 
meaning reform. 16 Jones probably felt confident that he could weaken 
the. allegiance of the poorer classes to Blease by making references 
to Blease's cousin, Ben Abney, a railroad attorney who lived in the 
Governor's mansion with the Blease family. Blease mutilated the 
effect of Jones' inference by saying, among other things : "If I let Ben 
Abney fool as many decisions out of me as he has fooled out of Judge 

13 Tate, "After Blease— A New Program," 577. 

M State, March 12, 1912. The writer has followed the events in four newspapers: 
the State; News and Courier (Charleston, South Carolina), hereinafter cited as 
News and Courier; Union Progress; and the Augusta Chronicle (Georgia), herein- 
after cited as Augusta Chronicle. 

15 State, March 16, 1912. See also the Neivs and Courier, March 7, 1912. 

"John P. Hollis, "Child Labor Legislation in the Carolinas," The Annals, XXXVIII 
(July, 1911), 114-117, points out that many mill families in South Carolina were 
opposed to restrictions on child labor. 



60 The North Carolina Historical Review 

i 

Jones, I wouldn't refer to it"'" Judge Jones won few votes in this 
encounter. 

Blease was attacked bitterly during his career by northern jour- 
nalists for his "race baiting." Even in his home State voices protested 
Blease's using racial prejudice as a campaign weapon. Jones himself 
criticized Blease for raising the racial issue, but on occasion resorted 
to this tactic himself. Not only did he make the statement that he 
intended to "beat Blease with the White man's vote," 18 but he made 
numerous references to the fact that Blease had pardoned Negroes 
as well as whites. And at the Georgetown "speaking" Jones accused 
Blease of being one who "loves the nigger pretty well" for having made 
complimentary remarks about the Negro college at Orangeburg. 19 
The pro-Jones Spartanburg Herald participated in this tactic by pub- 
lishing an editorial "indictment" of Blease which contained three 
counts of Negrophilism. 20 

Trying to picture Blease as a Negrophile can be seen in retrospect 
only as a desperate effort to lessen the Governor's electoral advantage 
as the foremost racist demagogue of the State, "Pitchfork Ben" not- 
withstanding. Blease demolished this effort in dramatic style. Cer- 
tainly, the Governor explained, he had "paroled" a Negro who had 
killed his father-in-law, but with instructions that he was to leave the 
State. Furthermore, "he had killed another negro and South Carolina 
was the gainer in the case." 21 Blease also parried successfully the 
charges that he was a champion of Negro education. In speaking of 
his veto of the $8,000 appropriation for a heating plant in the State 
Negro College, the Governor declared that he was against spending 
that appropriation for those "beautiful black-faced doll babies." 22 
Later, in his Chesterfield speech, Blease repeated his notorious state- 
ment that he "did not believe in white people's money going to educate 
baboons and free niggers." 23 

The Governor pushed the Jones forces into a corner on the racial 
issue when he brought up the fact that as a member of the State Legis- 
lature, Jones had voted against the "Jim Crow Railroad Car" bill, 
thus labeling Jones as a believer in "social equality." Jones exerted 
much energy in trying to combat this charge. He explained that the 
bill as proposed then was unconstitutional and impractical, that he 

17 State, June 18, 1912. 

w Union Progress, April 9, 1912. 

™News and Courier, June 30, 1912. 

"Reprinted in the State, August 15, 1912. 

''State, July 3, 1912. 

82 Union Progress, March 12, 1912. 

33 Union Progress, June 25, 1912. 



Bleaseism and the 1912 Election in South Carolina 61 

had voted with the overwhelming majority (79 to 33), that the vote 
was not against the bill, but for indefinite postponement, and that 
Blease had voted for him as Speaker after the vote on the "Jim Crow 
Car" bill. Jones concluded most of his defenses of this vote with the 
statement that nobody but a fool could accuse him of believing in 
"social equality." But the impression had been made; there were 
probably many "fools" in South Carolina in 1912. 

The most blatant example of "race baiting" came rather ironically 
from the Mayor of Charleston, John P. Grace. On a tour through 
the Piedmont speaking for Jones, the Mayor informed one Upcountry 
audience that Blease had once told him a "Negro Story." 24 When 
Grace repeated this story of Blease's alleged advances on a Negro 
girl, the Governor, capable of great indignation, gave an outstanding 
demonstration. Grace's allegation was "infamously false" and "con- 
temptible." No one with a gentlemanly instinct, charged Blease, could 
make such a "foul and filthy" statement. Making the most of an oppor- 
tunity, he charged the newspapers with hypocrisy, for they had pub- 
lished Mayor Grace's allegations when they would not print his veto 
message on the libel law, simply because it contained words such as 
"liar." 25 One may surmise what the reactions of many of Blease's 
followers were to Mayor Grace's venture into demagoguery by the 
reaction of a Spartanburg audience who "howled down" the Mayor 
and threw rotten eggs at him shortly after the "Negro Story" allega- 
tions. 

The "Negro Story" was not the first slanderous accusation Mayor 
Grace had hurled at Blease. During the sensational hearings of the 
Dispensary Investigating Commission, Grace charged that dispensary 
. graft could be traced from the Charleston constabulary ( an argument 
over the control of which caused the enmity between the Mayor and 
the Governor) to the Governor's office. This charge, like the others 
concerning Blease made before the Commission, was never substan- 
I tiated. 26 The Dispensary Investigating Commission, which had been 
i established by legislation overriding Blease's veto, reached its most 
i sensational stage when it moved to Augusta, Georgia, to hear testimony 
from an Atlanta attorney, T. B. Felder, and an allegedly world- 
renowned detective, William Burns. Blease and Felder were enemies 
1 of long standing; the Governor one time sought to get an indictment 
against Felder for libel and to have him extradited to South Carolina, 



84 News and Courier, July 31, 1912. 
* State, August 2, 1912. 

"The most thorough account of the hearings which took place before the Commission 
in Augusta appears in the Augusta Chronicle, July 12-20, 1912. 



L 



62 The North Carolina Historical Review 

i 
but failed. When the Commission moved to Augusta for Felder's 
testimony, the Governor responded in typical Blease fashion: 

This guttersnipe, stinking, filthy, commission which has been trying to 
find something on me are going to crawl on their bellies to Augusta to- 
morrow to take the testimony of a scoundrel who is afraid to come to 
South Carolina. 27 

The ultimate goal of the Commission did appear to be "to find some- 
thing" on Blease. Spectacular accusations and little evidence char- 
acterized most of the proceedings. Making his debut before the Com- 
mission, Felder stated: 

I will show by records that Cole L. Blease is not fit to sit in a convention 
of buzzards — and the absolute testimony will be presented to prove it. 28 

Although the investigation was supposed to be directed at dispen- 
sary corruption and "bootlegging," the most spectacular proceedings 
concerned "dictagraph testimony" allegedly proving that Blease sold 
pardons. Despite the headlines of the News and Courier which read: 
Blease Sold Pardon, Says Testimony By Dictagraph, 29 the evidence 
did not prove the charge. The testimony did indicate that a lawyer 
and friend of the Governor had received sizeable sums of money to 
try to obtain a pardon and that this lawyer was probably guilty of at 
least abusing his relationship with his client and with the Governor. 
When nothing could be proved against Blease, the matter was dropped. 
Charges that Blease was guilty of graft in obtaining favorable railroad 
legislation and franchises and of corruption in connection with the 
dispensary as a State Senator met the same fate. The Charleston 
County dispensary and constables in that county were proved to be 
corrupt, but this was nothing new, nor was it attributed to Blease. 

The Governor's first reaction to the Augusta accusations was to 
label the proceedings as a "damnable conspiracy" for the purpose of 
injuring him in the election which had failed in view of the fact that 
he was receiving numbers of telegrams, letters, and telephone mess- 
ages from persons who resented "the manner in which this cowardly 
character thief and debauch and pimp [Felder] has attempted to 
injure the chief magistrate of the State with the assistance of this 

27 State, July 12, 1912. 

28 Augusta Chronicle, July 12, 1912. Detective Burns is reported to have said that 
as soon as he saw a photograph of Blease he knew that the Governor was a crook 
because his ears were lower than his eyes. Charlotte Daily Observer, August 1, 1912. 

28 Augusta Chronicle, July 13, 1912. 



Bleaseism and the 1912 Election in South Carolina 63 

committee." 30 Later in a more formal reply to the accusations of 
Felder and Burns, Blease pointed out, quite properly, that the Com- 
mission's purpose had been to investigate the State dispensary system 
and its termination under Governor Ansel, but it had turned first to 
county dispensaries and law enforcement and then to his pardoning 
record. The Governor, following the custom of his time, secured per- 
sonal affidavits from responsible persons "clearing" him. He also de- 
fended his pardon record in great detail, maligned Felder and Burns 
again, charged a newspaper conspiracy, and declared, with some justi- 
fication, that the talk of liquor graft in Charleston did not begin until 
after Mayor Grace lost control of the constabulary. 31 Blease's reply was 
probably at least as conclusive as the charges brought against him; 
or at least it appeared that way to the less partisan newspapers. 32 It 
is doubtful that either the Commission proceedings or the Governor's 
reply changed many votes in the State. 

Jones utilized the Augusta proceedings by making insinuations con- 
cerning Blease rather than specific charges. He did accuse Blease of 
being aligned with grafters, and on the day after the Felder-Burns 
testimony the ex-Chief Justice referred to a crowd cheering for Blease 
as "hoodlums, tanked up on blind tiger whiskey." 33 Generally, Jones 
spoke of less colorful issues such as good government, a reformed land 
title system, and the need for advances in scientific agriculture. Fre- 
quently he ridiculed Blease's claims of having fostered economy by 
singling out the Governor's approval of a $900,000 addition to the 
State House. "Penny wise, pound foolish," however, was hardly a 
slogan which could arouse appreciable numbers of South Carolinians 
in 1912. 

One of the big issues of the campaign for Jones and his supporters 
was the charge of favoritism in Blease's administration. Rewarding 
friends and punishing enemies were hardlv peculiar to the Blease ad- 
ministration, but few governors have been as frank about it as Blease. 
In the Camden speaking in early August the Governor dared to make 
this statement: 

Suppose they are lucky enough to beat me. I will have all of September, 
October, November, and December, and part of January, and if you ever 



"State, July 16, 1912. 

31 State, July 21, 1912. 

32 See "Governor Blease in Denial," Literary Digest, XLV (August 17, 1912), 176. 
The relatively objective Charlotte Daily Observer, August 29, 1912, editorialized that 
the Felder charges strengthened Blease rather than hurt him in the primary, 
especially with the rural element. 

83 News and Courier, July 13, 1912. 



64 The North Carolina Historical Review 

i 

saw men sweat, I'll make that Jones gang sweat blood before I get through 
with them. 34 

This, too, probably had little effect on the voters except to intensify 
their predilections. 

If Jones failed to present a bold platform, Blease offered one even 
more insubstantial. The Governor defended his record, "stood" for 
economy, blamed the newspapers for the bitterness of the campaign, 
and charged Jones with waging a "dirty" campaign, in addition to 
dramatically opposing the appointments of a State insurance inspector, 
State railroad inspector, and a State geologist. In his Columbia speech 
the Governor, facing a crowd primarily composed of textile workers, 
was a little more concrete in declaring that he was opposed to mill 
mergers and to the hosiery mill operated at the State penitentiary. He 
charged that mill management was trying to "vote" their laborers 
and offered $100 to the first millworker who would make affidavit that 
someone tried to buy his vote. If any tries to influence your vote, the 
Governor declared, walk out of the mill and "be white men. I will see 
that you don't suffer." 35 

Blease needed no comprehensive program for electoral appeal. He 
excelled in ridiculing the opposition and their often unproved allega- 
tions. Having mastered the technique of assuming deep indignation, 
he was able at the same time to subject his opponents to stinging 
abuse. Consider, for example, this excerpt from the Governor's New- 
berry speech: 

They have not only hit me, but they haven't spared my family in going 
down into the mire. They've published, said and done such things, I don't 
see how decent people stand it. The Jones men are the dirtiest set of liars 
that ever disgraced a state. If the kind of campaign they are making 
comes from Christians, then God save the churches of South Carolina. 36 

When Jones criticized Blease's voting record in the legislature, the 
Governor delighted his following with this retort: 

A 16-year-old boy could jump up and say "Blease voted this way and 
Blease voted that way." I could take a monkey with a Dago to accompany 
him on a hand organ and he could whine out his little song just as well 
as Judge Jones is doing. 37 



84 State, August 8, 1912. 

85 Union Progress, July 23, 1912. 
39 State, August 14, 1912. 
"State, July 7, 1912. 



Bleaseism and the 1912 Election in South Carolina 65 

An attempt by the ex-Chief Justice to pilfer the Blease device of 
interrupting an opponent's speech with, "That's a lie," proved dis- 
astrous. When Jones tried this, Blease faced him and said: 

I wouldn't hit you for anything. If I were to jump across there and hit 
you, they would say that I struck an old decrepit man and that would elect 
you. That's what you want me to do, to hit you, but I'm too smart an old 
fox to be caught in your trap. 

Turning to the crowd Blease continued: 

I could take him out in the back yard and tie his hands behind him and 
spank him like your mother used to do. If he had wanted satisfaction . . . 
why didn't he come to me off the stand, when ladies were not present and 
when no one else would have been in danger of being hurt? Even then I 
would do nothing but take hold of him and keep him from hurting him- 
self. 38 

It is no wonder that Tillman said that Jones was a child in Blease's 
hands. 

In this tumultuous campaign of 1912 many voters wondered whom 
Senator Tillman favored despite the fact that "Pitchfork Ben's" position 
as political leader of the State had deteriorated considerably since the 
agrarian revolt of the nineties. The Senator himself was running for 
re-election in the senatorial primary of that year. His position ap- 
peared to be rather safe for he had secured the support of conserva- 
tive elements during his senatorial career as well as retaining the 
loyalty of the agrarian element which had first brought him to power. 89 
There was considerable speculation as to which of the gubernatorial 
candidates he favored, and when the Senator maintained a neutral 
position publicly, this caused some consternation and not a few open 
letters to newspapers. 

In 1910 Tillman had taken some interest in Blease's victory over 
Featherstone, the prohibitionist, but he did not publicly endorse his 
one-time legislative lieutenant. 40 Blease, defying the same elements 
that Tillman had defied once and using the same campaign tech- 
niques that the aging Senator had used in his younger days, naturally 
evoked a sympathetic feeling in his tutor. His relationship with Till- 
man became strained, but the two men reached an agreement whereby 

"State, July 23, 1912. 

""Simians, Pitchfork Ben Tillman, 360-372, passim. 

M Simkins utilizes the Tillman correspondence in covering the relationship between 
the Senator and the Governor from 1910 to the 1912 campaign. Simkins, Pitchfork 
Ben Tillman, 492-498. 



66 The North Carolina Historical Review 



41 



Tillman was to remain neutral in the gubernatorial race in 1912. 
Tillman, however, began to develop the conviction that Blease should 
not be re-elected, which the Senator's biographer attributes to two 
main causes: Blease's defiance of the famous "Tillman dictation," and 
the Senator's belief that Blease was morally unfit for the position of 
governor. 42 Yet, Tillman was faced with stanch opposition to Jones 
among the old Tillmanites, one of whom wrote this to the Senator less 
than three weeks before the primary: 

[Blease] is not the kind of man we admire at all, but we will be damned 
if we haven't got to beat the Haskell gang [the conservative faction] and 
the Columbia State. . . . We have got to whip a certain crowd and we will 
have to do it with Blease — that damned crowd who think they ought to 
rule in some damn way. 43 

Thus, Tillman, who disliked the sort of campaign the Jones sup- 
porters were waging, tried to maintain his position of neutrality, but, 
as the campaign neared an end, this position became untenable. When 
Jones began to exploit a statement made by Tillman in correspondence 
that he, Jones, was "eminently qualified to be Governor," the Senator 
issued another proclamation of neutrality, and concluded that, "There 
are hundreds of Tillmanites in the State who are better exponents 
[of Tillmanism] than either Jones, Blease, or Duncan." 44 

This did not end the matter, for the Bleaseites then produced a let- 
ter from Tillman which contained the statement that Blease was "emi- 
nently qualified" to be Governor. This statement taken out of context 
threatened to cost Tillman the votes of the conservative faction in 
addition to that of many of the Bleaseites, who knew Tillman's actual 
position on the two candidates. The Saturday before the Tuesday 
primary, Tillman revealed the full contents of his letter concerning 
Blease's qualifications, and issued an unambiguous condemnation of 
the Governor. The headlines of the State read: Senator Tillman 
Indorses Judge Ira B. Jones; Thinks Blease Unfit for Reelection 
to Office. 45 

Despite Tillman's explanation that he was forced to forsake a posi- 
tion of neutrality because Blease's followers had acted improperly in 
publishing misleading segments of a letter marked "private and con- 

41 Simkins, Pitchfork Ben Tillman, 493. 

42 Simkins, Pitchfork Ben Tillman, 493-494. 

43 Simkins, Pitchfork Ben Tillman, 494. 

** State, August 11, 1912. Duncan was a nonentity entered in the gubernatorial 
primary. 

45 State, August 24, 1912. 



Bleaseism and the 1912 Election in South Carolina 67 

Sciential," Blease charged that the Senator had betrayed him and 
broken his promise of neutrality with an "infamous eleventh hour 
stab." "Possibly his [Tillman's] mind has become more diseased of 
late than it was when I had my last talk with his confidential phy- 
sician," concluded the Governor. 46 

Tillman's reasons for denouncing Blease can never be determined 
with certainty, but quite likely a complex of sentiments prompted this 
action when the incidents concerning the "confidential" letter pro- 
vided the opportunity. Probably Tillman's allusions to Blease's moral 
unfitness for office were not sheer rationalization, nor was the Gov- 
ernor's charge of "insane jealousy" completely without justification, 
although certainly it was exaggerated. Although probably ill-founded, 
fear of defeat through the loss of anti-Blease votes must have had some 
influence on Tillman's decision. But the continuation of the feud be- 
tween the two men long after the election had~ returned both to office 
suggests that a more fundamental reason than those mentioned above 
can be found for this particular turn of events. 

Shortly after the election in an open letter Tillman described 
Bleaseism as personal ambition and greed, in contrast to Tillmanism 
which 

. . . means genuine democracy, and the rule of the people — of all the white 
people, rich and poor alike, with special privilege and favor to none, with 
equality of opportunity and equality of burden to all. 47 

In addition to rigorously criticizing the Governor's record, Tillman 
asserted that the people had been "bamboozled and debauched" by 
Blease's demagogic appeals. The Senator accused Blease of "stealing" 
his friends in Anderson, Laurens, and York, and concluded with the 
sad note that the poor farmers and factory people had turned against 
him while his former enemies elected him. 48 

Blease, answering open letter with open letter, defended his record 
and continued to criticize Tillman for failing to stand by him as a 
friend, but his most significant statement concerned the attitude of 
the poor white: 

You [Tillman] . . . say I have stolen the affection of your people from 
you. Not true, senator, in this contest and crisis of political affairs — it is 
not that they love Tillman less, but that they trust Cole L. Bease more. 49 



46 State, August 25, 1912. 
"State, September 1, 1912. 

48 State, September 1, 1912. 

49 State, September 2, 1912. 



68 The North Carolina Historical Review 

From both letters it was obvious that Blease, not Tillman, was now 
the spokesman of the poor white South Carolinian. Even the Tory 
journalist, William Watts Ball, expressed the opinion that the only 
difference between Senator Tillman and a Bourbon Democrat was in 
the approach to the office. Describing "rugged Ben Tillman" as a 
"conservative of conservatives, a believer in property, defender of the 
landlords, forgetter if not antagonist of those American 'classes' who 
sometimes go on strike," Ball offered this insight concerning the Till- 
man movement: 

Probably it never occurred to him that the farmers whom he infuriated 
[against the aristocrats and the townspeople] were composed of distinct 
and not easily reconciled interests, the landowners and the tenants. He 
fused them, and, from the absence of anything that ever he said that would 
have lifted up working men whose sole possessions were their hard hands, 
it is to be inferred that his own confusion was as great as theirs. 50 

The agrarian rebel and the conservative senator were one and the 
same, not because of any sort of conversion, but because throughout 
his career Tillman was the spokesman for the middle-class farmer. 
In the 1912 campaign when factional lines were drawn on the basis 
of social distinctions, Blease was able to explode Tillman's rural 
fusion and "steal" the affections of poor white farmers and "that 
damned factory class," as Tillman was reported to have called the 
latter. 

Tillman's denunciation of Blease can be seen as a logical climax 
to a long and virulent campaign. Opprobious "howl downs" and 
"whisper campaigns" fostering ridiculous and irrelevant rumors along 
with unsubstantiated charges and counter-charges were used by both 
factions. Yet the fundamental issue remained "Coley," as Blease was 
affectionately known, and the poor white class versus Judge Jones 
and the "respectable" classes. Issues, programs, and discussions meant 
nothing, for this was a struggle between social classes which centered 
on the personalities involved. The campaign, characterized by mud- 
slinging and billingsgate by both sides, changed few votes; rather, it 
released deep-seated class antagonisms inherent in the social system. 
The conflict was described in this manner by a northern journalist: 

Blease was first elected governor in 1910, and was re-elected in 1912. In 
this second campaign every newspaper of wide circulation fought him 
bitterly, the ministers were almost unanimously opposed to him, the pro- 



80 William Watts Ball, The State That Forgot: South Carolina's Surrender to 
Democracy (Indianapolis, Indiana: The Bobbs Merrill Company, 1932), 228. 



Bleaseism and the 1912 Election in South Carolina 69 

f essions were overwhelmingly against him ; the men of affairs in the main 
dreaded him. His opponent was a man of political importance and ex- 
perience. . . . The campaign was the bitterest in memory. Men lost all 
sense of humor. Social lines were drawn to conform to political lines. 
"Hoodlums" "rednecks," "blatherskites" and the like terms were freely 
used by the antis toward the Bleaseites, and the Bleaseites retaliated by 
translating these epithets into a vernacular that smacked of the soil if 
not of the kennel. 51 

The outcome was a narrow victory for Blease in a contest which evoked 
a record number of votes. 52 That the gubernatorial vote tended to fol- 
low class lines is corroborated by a breakdown of the returns by 
counties. Such an analysis also offers some insight into the basis of 
Tillman's support. Therefore, one should remember that the farms in 
the Piedmont and the transitional area between the Piedmont and the 
Coastal Plain tended to be smaller and less fertile than those of the 
Coastal Plain, and that white tenant fanners were relatively rare in 
the coastal area, or, to be more exact, in the areas where slaveholding 
was highest in 1860. 

Of the sixteen counties in the Piedmont and transitional areas which 
had significant proportions of textile millworkers, Blease lost only 
three, one being Jones' home county, while Tillman obtained a majority 
in but seven. Two of these counties, Anderson and Pickens, gave Blease 
over 60 per cent of their vote, and three, Anderson, Pickens, and 
Laurens, proved to be Tillman's weakest counties in the State, offering 
less than 40 per cent of their vote to the Senator. The typical county 
in this group returned about 55 per cent of its vote for Blease and 
failed to give Tillman a majority. 

Six of the State's counties in the Piedmont and transitional area can 
be classified as completely rural with no aristocratic tradition, that is 
they were not considered strong slaveholding areas in 1860. Blease 
received a majority in all of these except one, Tillman's home county. 
The Senator also won five of these counties, but outside his home 
county tended to run behind Blease. One Piedmont county, Fairfield, 
had been among the leading slaveholding counties in 1860; Blease 
failed to secure a majority in this county whereas Tillman succeeded. 

Of the seven Coastal Plain counties which either had a small but 
significant textile mill population or lacked a strong aristocratic tradi- 

61 James C. Derieux, "Crawling Toward the Promised Land," Survey, XLVIII 
(April 29, 1922), 178, hereinafter cited as Derieux, "Crawling Toward the Promised 
Land." 

63 The total vote was 140,757 (Blease, 71,552; Jones, 66,478; Duncan, 2,385), State, 
August 31, 1912. 



70 The North Carolina Historical Review 

tion or both, Blease won only four while Tillman captured all seven. 
Typically the Blease-Jones vote was evenly divided in this area while 
Tillman generally received nearly 60 per cent of the Senatorial vote. 

The final category is counties in the Coastal Plain with a strong 
aristocratic tradition. Tillman carried all but one of these fourteen 
counties, Blease only five. The Governor did top the 60 per cent mark 
in Clarendon, the one county that Tillman lost, but generally he 
received less than 45 per cent of the vote. "Pitchfork Ben" obtained 
more than a 60 per cent majority in most of these counties. 

The vote by precincts in the Piedmont county of Union is also 
revealing. 53 Urban non-mill wards gave Blease 42 per cent of their 
vote, while Tillman received 54 per cent. 54 Over 77 per cent of the 
vote in precincts composed of textile mill workers went to "Coley"; 
Tillman could muster only 30 per cent of this vote. 55 Although there 
were variations from precinct to precinct in predominantly rural areas, 
Blease obtained more than half of this vote, 54 per cent, whereas 
Tillman, the leader of the 1890 agrarian revolt, fell short of half with 
only 43 per cent. 

Tillman's relatively poor showing among the poor whites can be 
attributed to his denunciation of Blease, 56 but whether this action by 
the Senator increased support for him among the upper classes is 
purely a matter of speculation. "Pitchfork Ben," of course, did not 
make as poor a showing among the lower classes as Jones, or he would 
not have been able to win the senatorial primary with 53 per cent of 
the vote whereas the Governor was re-elected by only 51.2 per cent. 
As both the precinct sample and the vote by county indicate, Tillman's 
support did overlap significantly with Blease's support in rural areas. 
In the towns, however, the returns point to a division in which the 
lower classes were strongly pro-Blease and anti-Tillman, with the re- 
verse being the case among the upper classes. 

Blease succeeded in exposing the weakness of the rural fusion upon 
which Tillman had risen to power and in constructing a coalition of 
his own composed of rural and urban whites of the poorer classes. 

63 The vote by precincts for Union County is contained in the Union Progress, 
August 27, 1912. Union County has been selected because it is the home county of 
the writer and thus available for precinct analysis. 

"Wards 1, 2, and 3. Carlisle and Jonesville, which were "rural" community centers 
gave 43 per cent of their support to Blease and 57 per cent to Tillman. 

65 Ward 4, Excelsior, Monarch, Buffalo, and Lockhart. The one precinct in the city 
of Columbia known to the writer as a mill ward was Olympia, which gave Blease 
86 per cent of its votes and Tillman only 11 per cent. 

59 A resident of a rural area in Chester County (Piedmont) informed the author 
that the Blease-Jones vote in his neighborhood tended to divide in accordance with 
class lines, and that many of the poor farmers refused to support Tillman after the 
Senator endorsed Jones. 



Bleaseism and the 1912 Election in South Carolina 71 

That both Tillman and Blease won can be attributed in part to the 
fact that the line between poor farmers and middle-class farmers was 
at best a vague one and also to the fact that personal appeal was highly 
important in the primary campaigns. Tillman's two opponents, Dial 
and Talbert, were colorless nonentities. Judge Jones, although a politi- 
cal figure of considerable note, proved to be an excellent foil for 
Blease's antics, particularly in a campaign in which social distinctions 
were important. The ex-Chief Justice and his supporters committed 
many blunders such as praising the State newspapers and making 
derogatory remarks about the social status of "Bleaseites." 

Blease, who aroused such enthusiasm that he was the subject of 
many a rhyme and song, became something of a demigod to many 
of the poor whites in the hill country. Perhaps all too typical were 
the farmer who promised solemnly: "Coley, I'd vote fer you even if 
you was to steal my mule tonight," and the textile worker who de- 
clared: "I'd put my vote in fer Coley if I was a-standin' knee-deep in 
Hell." 57 Blease's majority, however, did not rest completely on such 
unconditional support for him as a person, but rather as a leader of 
the scorned classes in a kind of social class- warfare. Bleaseism, then, 
is best understood as a protest movement generated by social condi- 
tions rather than as merely the following of a charismatic leader or 
as a faction motivated by economic self-interest. 

The failure to see Blease as the leader of a social protest has led 
journalists and scholars to picture Blease as the epitome of Southern 
demagoguery and political hypocrisy. The Chicago Daily Tribune de- 
scribed him as "the most pernicious fomenter of sectional and racial 
antagonism for political profit now in the public eye." 58 And the 
eminent Southern scholar, Rupert Vance, offers this interpretation: 

Blease's original contribution is found in his ability to make a class 
appeal without a class program. He came to hold the . . . "poor white" 
vote in the hollow of his hand and yet he advocated no social legislation 
to benefit the classes to which he appealed. 59 

The verdict is almost unanimous that Blease was a spurious child of 
Tillmanism, which at least "stood for certain definite reforms." 60 



e7 Warr, "Mr. Blease," 29. 

68 "South Carolina Rejects Blease," Literary Digest, XLIX (September 12, 1914), 
448, quoting the Chicago Daily Tribune. 

69 "Rebels and Agrarians All," Southern Review, IV (Summer, 1938), 38. 

60 Tate, "After Blease — A New Program," 575. See also C. Vann Woodward, 
Origins of the New South, 1877-1913 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University- 
Press, 1951), 392-394; V. 0. Key, Jr., Southern Politics in State and Nation (New 
York: A. A. Knopf, 1949), 144-145; Francis Butler Simkins, A History of the South 
(New York: A. A. Knopf, 1953), 542-543. 



72 The North Carolina Historical Review 

To be sure Blease was an unblushing Negrophobe and racist, who 
dared defend lynching at the 1912 Governor's Conference with the 
statement that: 

When the Constitution steps between me and the defense of the white 
women of my State I will resign my commission and tear it up and throw 
it to the breezes. I have heretofore said "to hell with the Constitution." 61 

He was provincial, declaring that South Carolina needed "home men" 
at the head of her colleges, and advocating "Southern unions/' As 
Governor he took such reactionary steps as vetoing a bill providing 
for medical examinations of school children and opposing compulsory 
education. His position on labor legislation was ambiguous. Through 
such actions as refusing to take the necessary steps for closing race 
tracks near Charleston whose operation was illegal, Blease tolerated 
a certain amount of "lawlessness. " But probably the aspect of his 
gubernatorial career most abhorred by his enemies was the crude 
and violent outbursts to which his impetuous nature and fiery temper 
led him, especially when he was subjected to social snobbery or harsh 
criticism. Blease was a vindictive man, who often indulged in petty 
reprisals. Five days before the official expiration of his second term 
as Governor, he resigned with this laconic message (written in red 
ink): "I hereby resign as Governor of South Carolina." 62 Although 
Blease offered no explanation for this step, most South Carolinians 
knew that it was taken in order to escape taking part in the inaugural 
ceremonies of the Governor-elect, Richard I. Manning, a Low Country 
aristocrat whom Blease despised. 

Blease's political sins were many, as the numerous condemnations 
of him indicate, but this is not the whole story of Blease or Bleaseism. 
It is grossly unfair to accuse Blease of being a hypocritical leader who 
captured Tillman's one-time reform movement, but fostered nothing 
constructive for the groups composing this movement. The unfairness 
of this interpretation of Blease is accentuated by praise for Tillman 
as a reformer who did so much for the common man. If Tillman stood 
for "certain definite reforms," what were they? He helped establish 
Clemson and Winthrop colleges, but took actions detrimental to the 
State university. "Pitchfork Ben" did battle with the railroads and 
shifted some of the property tax burden to the railroads and banks 
through property reassessment, but "his" legislature also established a 

61 "From Calhoun to Blease," Independent, LXXIII (December 12, 1912), 383. 
82 Senate Journal, 1915, 46. 



Bleaseism and the 1912 Election in South Carolina 73 

three-dollar poll tax while cutting the general property tax by a half- 
mill. Tillman even pushed some labor reform, limiting labor in textile 
mills to sixty-six hours a week. But his most spectacular "reforms" 
were an abortive State liquor dispensary system and a constitution 
under which the State still suffers. 

Tillman's mild reforms were those beneficial to the middle-class 
farmers, an essentially conservative group. Under Tillman, these 
farmers undoubtedly first became a power in State politics, but later 
they chose Senator "Cotton Ed" Smith as their spokesman rather than 
Blease. Smith, who in the 1914 senatorial primary made good his 
promise to take the "ease out of Blease" and send him "back to the 
livery stable in Newberry," M held forth on white supremacy and little 
else in the Senate until 1944, when he was defeated by Olin Johnston 
with the aid of the textile millworkers' vote, first activated by Blease. 

While no reformer, Blease did advocate measures beneficial to the 
poorer classes. Although an adamant opponent of compulsory educa- 
tion, he requested increases in teachers' salaries and in the supply of 
schoolbooks as well as an additional one-mill tax on property by the 
State to aid the poorer school districts. The establishment of a State 
tuberculosis hospital and the adoption of the Medical College in 
Charleston as a state-supported institution were measures Blease suc- 
cessfully promoted as Governor. At his insistence the penitentiary-run 
hosiery mill, criticized by the State Board of Health for unhealthy 
working conditions, was abolished. As Governor he requested legisla- 
tion requiring uniform railroad rates, lowering the legal interest rate 
to six per cent, a prohibition on banks' charging for the cashing of 
drafts and checks, restricting cotton mill mergers and other combina- 
tions which would tend to form trusts, and the taxation of power 
companies. Although Blease disappointed progressives by vetoing a 
bill allowing cities to adopt the commission fonu of government, they 
must have felt some satisfaction over his requests for the popular 
election of judges and regulations concerning the granting of fran- 
chises by cities and counties. In connection with his actions as Gov- 
ernor during the 1914 cotton panic, Blease has even been described 
as "statesmanlike." 64 Blease's pardoning record has probably been 
subjected to more criticism than any other aspect of his administra- 
tion, but one observer admitted that Blease through the use of the 
pardoning power "broke up a nefarious convict system in the state 
penitentiary." e5 

"Warr, "Mr. Blease," 30. 

•* Wallace, South Carolina, 664. 

•Derieux, "Crawling Toward the Promised Land," 180. 



74 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The picturing of Blease and his followers as the vanguard of white 
supremacy is also a misrepresentation of Bleaseism. Throughout his 
career "Pitchfork Ben" had been rather adept at the game of "nigger- 
baiting," and "Cotton Ed/' a member of the Bourbon planter set, knew 
no equal in making demagogic appeals to white supremacy. Less 
colorful opponents of Blease such as Judge Jones and James Byrnes 
also indulged. In fact, by 1912, the conservative-aristocratic group had 
largely forsaken paternalism toward the Negro for a more antagonistic 
attitude usually associated with the poor whites of the hill country. 66 
Racism, then, certainly was not the key to Bleaseism. 

Possibly Blease was hypocritical in utilizing demagogic appeals to 
race and class feelings, but, if this be true, it is less important than 
the fact that he represented faithfully the innermost feelings of the 
poor whites. If Blease failed to offer a program of far-reaching reforms, 
this did not condemn him in the eyes of the poor white, who had only 
vague urges for economic equality and no constructive ideas as to 
how to achieve it. The wonders of the welfare state were unknown to 
the South Carolinian of 1912. When Blease condoned lax enforcement 
of child labor laws and opposed the enactment of compulsory educa- 
tion, he was the manifestation of the fear felt by many poor white 
families that some of these progressive measures might deprive them 
of badly needed income. Reform legislation characteristic of the "pro- 
gressive era" not only lacked economic appeal to poor whites, but also 
by-passed their social grievances completely. Blease's offerings of 
recognition and "equality" appeared more concrete. To those accus- 
tomed to the sophistries of middle-class demagoguery his bizarre 
methods of championing class equality may appear strange and dis- 
tasteful, but they succeeded in uniting politically for the first time 
poor whites of town and country. 

66 W. J. Cash, Mind of the South (New York: Alfred A. Knopf," i94l), 301-303. 
Editorials on the N.A.A.CP. in the News and Courier of May'l and 2, 1912, ' are also 
revealing as to the retreat from paternalism by the aristocrats. '.' ' ; 



FIGHTING IN NORTH CAROLINA WATERS 

Edited by Roy F. Nichols* 

There was much naval activity on the North Carolina coast during 
the Civil War years from 1861 to 1865. Success varied from time to 
time and the Confederate Navy undertook one of its major efforts near 
Plymouth in 1864. Its famous Ram, the "Albemarle," 1 was commis- 
sioned to win back the control of the Sounds and to break the blockade. 
The North Atlantic Blockading Squadron of the United States Navy 
was composed of more than seventy-five vessels, twelve of which were 
stationed in the Sounds of North Carolina. 2 The high point in the 
struggle for Plymouth occurred in the spring of 1864, when a Con- 
federate attack by land and a Union naval defeat caused Union forces 
to surrender the Town of Plymouth on April 19. An eyewitness account 
of several of the more spectacular events is found in letters written by 
a seventeen-year old New Jersey boy, who was stationed on the 
U.S.S. "Miami." 3 



* Dr. Nichols is Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences 
of the University of Pennsylvania. 

x The "Albemarle," an ironclad ram, was built on the banks of the Roanoke River 
at Edwards Ferry (Halifax County). Captain James Wallace Cooke, a Beaufort native, 
was ordered to superintend the final building of the "Albemarle" by Gilbert Elliott. 
The vessel "was 152 feet long between perpendiculars; her extreme width was 45 
feet; her depth from the gun deck to the keel was 9 feet, and when launched she 
drew 6V2 feet of water, but after being ironed and completed her draught was about 
8 feet. . . . The shield was 60 feet in length and octagonal in form. . . . The iron plating 
consisted of two courses, 7 inches wide and 2 inches thick. . . . The armament con- 
sisted of two rifled 'Brooke' guns mounted on pivot-carriages, each gun working 
through three port-holes. . . . She had two propellors driven by two engines of 200 
horse-power, . . . steam being supplied by two flue boilers. . . ." Finishing touches 
were continued on the "Albemarle" as she floated downriver, with blacksmiths and 
carpenters hard at work. Walter Clark, Histories of the Several Regiments and 
Battalions from North Carolina in the Great War, IS 61 -6 5 (Raleigh and Goldsboro: 
State of North Carolina, 5 volumes, 1901), V, 315-318. 

3 See "Report of Acting Rear- Admiral S. P. Lee, U.S. Navy, . . ." which lists the 
disposition of the vessels. Richard Rush and Others, Official Records of the Union 
and Conferedate Navies in the War of the Rebellion (Washington, D. C.: Government 
Printing Office, 30 volumes, 1894-1914), Series I, IX, 633-634, hereinafter cited as 
Official Records, Union and Confederate Navies. 

3 The "Miami" was an 8-gun side-wheeler (double-ender) of 730 tons built at the 
Philadelphia Navy Yard, where she had been launched on November 16, 1861. 
Official Records, Union and Confederate Navies, Series I, IX, xx. She carried six 
9-inch guns, one 100-lb. Parrott rifle, and one 24-lb. smooth-bore howitzer. She was 
first under fire as one of Commodore David D. Porter's mortar flotilla in Admiral 
David G. Farragut's fleet attacking New Orleans in April, 1862. The "Miami" had also 
seen service in the river campaign against Vicksburg in the summer of 1862. This in- 
formation is contained in Sayres Ogden Nichols' service records, prepared commercial- 
ly after the War. An agency contacted veterans and sold them engrossed records with 



76 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The author of the letters was Sayres Ogden Nichols, 4 who enlisted 
in the U.S. Navy on February 14, 1864, as surgeon's steward. He was 
assigned to assist Dr. William B. Mann, Assistant Surgeon, U.S. Navy. 5 

The "Miami" had been sent to join the North Atlantic Blockading 
Squadron in November, 1862. Most of the time for the next eighteen 
months the vessel was in the vicinity of Plymouth. She was there when 
Nichols came aboard and at that station he participated in the events 
which he describes in these letters home. 6 After these adventures the 
"Miami," with Nichols at his post, was transferred in July, 1864, to the 
James and Appomattox rivers, where they saw service in the Richmond 
and Petersburg, Virginia, campaigns. Sayres Nichols was discharged 
at Bermuda Hundred, March 22, 1865. He returned to his New Jersey 
home where he eventually married " Julia D." 7 and lived to be ninety. 
After some business experimentations he settled down to long service 

ornamental frames which were hung by the thousands on the walls of their homes. For 
an account of these engagements, see Robert U. Johnson and Clarence C. Buel (eds.), 
Battles and Leaders of the Civil War (New York: T. Yoseloff (second edition), 4 
volumes, 1956), IV, 108, 147, 625-633. Pictures of the "Miami" and her officers can 
be found in Francis T. Miller (ed.), The Photographic History of the Civil War (New 
York: Review of Reviews Company, 10 volumes, 1911-1912), VI 199. Sayres 0. 
Nichols is pictured on page 278 of Volume VI, in a large group, erroneously described 
as attached to the "Mendota." In the foreground there is a lad with his cap on, poring 
over a checkerboard. He is the writer of these letters. 

* Nichols was born in Newark, New Jersey, May 26, 1847, son of Joseph Ogden 
and Eliza Dunn (Coriell) Nichols. He was the eldest of six children — the others were 
Amanda B., Franklin C, Judson C, Harris B., and Julia A. Sayres had attended the 
public schools in Newark and had served as an apprentice in a drugstore kept by 
his uncle, Edward Payson Nichols, M.D., a member of the class of 1848 at Princeton. 
The editor of these letters is the son of Franklin C. Nichols. Frederic C. Torrey, 
Ancestors and Descendants of Humphrey Nichols of Newark, New Jersey (Lake- 
hurst, New Jersey: Privately printed, 1917) ; the Nichols family Bible; and the 
Evening News, (Newark, New Jersey), June 19, 1937. The letters of Sayres 0. 
Nichols are in the Rutgers University Library, New Brunswick, New Jersey. 

5 Official Records, Union and Confederate Navies, Series I, IX, 636. 

8 The Union forces began their attack on the North Carolina coast in August, 
1861. They captured Forts Clark and Hatteras on August 29; Roanoke Island, 
February 8, 1862; New Bern, March 13, 1862; Fort Macon, April 26, 1862; and 
Plymouth in June, 1862. The captor of Plymouth was Lieutenant Commander 
Charles W. Flusser, then commanding the U.S.S. "Commodore Perry." He was 
Virginia born and a resident of Kentucky. He had continued to be stationed in the 
North Carolina waters since June, 1862, and was now commanding officer of the 
U.S.S. "Miami." Flusser was characterized as "one of Kentucky's most noble and 
chivalrous sons. . . ." In April, 1864, the Confederate government was continuing the 
campaign to recapture eastern North Carolina. The attempt, begun in February by 
General George E. Pickett, had not been successful and the Confederacy was now 
depending on the Ram "Albemarle," which had just been completed up the Roanoke 
River from Plymouth. 

The Union Army stationed at Plymouth was commanded by Brigadier General 
Henry W. Wessells, and the Confederate Army was commanded by Major General 
Robert F. Hoke. Commander James W. Cooke, who superintended the completion of 
the "Albemarle," was in command of the Ram during the operations discussed in 
these letters. James Russell Soley, The Navy in the Civil War: The Blockade and the 
Cruisers (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1898), 88-92, hereinafter cited as 
Soley, Navy in the Civil War; Official Records, Union and Confederate Navies, Series 
I, IX, 135, 47, 636, 805, 663, 194-195, 651-656, 799, 656-658. 

7 Julia Castle Dougal, who was born in Columbia, South Carolina, but who grew 
up in Newark. 



Fighting in North Carolina Waters 77 

with a large trust company. He had no more adventures. A picture of 
the "Miami" and an engrossed copy of her service and his hung in his 
bedroom until he died in 1937. 

Sayres Ogden Nichols to Joseph Ogden Nichols 

Onboard U.S.S. Miami 
off Plymouth Apl 17 

Dear Father 

Have had a heavy fight. Two gunboats sunk by rebel ram. I am safe, 
particulars next time. 

Yours affectionately 

S. 0. Nichols 

Sayres 0. Nichols to Eliza Dunn (Coriell) Nichols 

On board U.S. Gunboat Miami 
Albermarle Sound, N. C. 
Apl. 19th 1864 

A small piece of shell struck me in the 

hand this morning but it is only a scratch 

Dear Mother 

The events of the last few days have been so momentus that I hardly 
know to begin. On Sunday 18th Plymouth was attacked by a large force 
of rebels, Fort Grey, on the northern extremity was first attacked, and 
Capt Flusser 8 of the Miami, flag officer, of the fleet, ordered the gunboats, 
Whitehead 9 and Ceres, 10 to go up the river to their assistance. The Ceres 
returned at 8 o clock p.m. and send their gig for the Dr. We got the instru- 
ments together and went to Ceres. I got into the gig to return for some 
instruments which we forgot and before I reached the Miami I fainted. 
It was full half an hour before I recovered I took the instruments and 
returned to Ceres. Dr. Mann amputated one arm, two fingers took out 
several balls, and dressed the other wounds very skillfully. There were two 
killed and eight wounded. 11 Yesterday at 9 AM I took the wounded to the 
hospital at Plymouth At 10 AM. the gunboat Bombshell went up the river 
returning at Yz past 12 with one killed and two wounded, and a large hole 
in her bottom, which was leaking rapidly, just as she reached Plymouth 



8 Lt. Commander Flusser, while actually commanding the "Miami," was also in 
charge of the "Southfield," the "Whitehead," and the "Ceres." Official Records, 
Union and Confederate Navies, Series I, IX, 634-656, passim. 

'The U.S.S. "Whitehead" was a screw-steamer, carrying four ^uns, and was com- 
manded at this time by Acting Ensign G. W. Barrett. Official Records, Union and 
Confederate Navies, Series I, IX, xxi, 643-644. 

10 The U.S.S. "Ceres" was a screw-steamer which had two 20-lb. Parrott guns in 
action on April 17, 1864. It was commanded on this date by Acting Master H. H. 
Foster. Official Records, Union and Confederate Navies, Series I, IX, xix, 635. 

11 See the report of Surgeon Mann, Official Records, Union and Confederate Navies, 
Series I, IX, 636. 



78 



The North Carolina Historical Review 



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yr 1 






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A, B, C, D, E, F is to be plated. Between and D is a batch by 
which to enter the vessel. 




The picture of the "Albemarle" is from the files of the State Department of Archives and History. 
The two drawings are from The Official Records of the Union and Confederate Navies, VI, 66 and 
facing 733. 

The top photograph shows the Ram "Albemarle" afloat and ready for action. The 
center drawing was sent by Lt. Com. C. W. Flusser to his superior officer and shows a 
sketch of the plated portion of the "Albemarle." The lower drawing shows the deck 
plan of the "Albemarle," prepared from measurements of the original vessel. 



Fighting in North Carolina Waters 79 

she sunk. 12 We picked up the crew with our small boats. In the meanwhile 
the rebels composed of cavelry, infantry and several batteries of artillery, 
had surrounded the town, and a heavy battle was in progress all day. At 
4 o clock we opened with our guns and firing over the heads of our own 
forces planted our shell right in the midst of the enemy. We repulsed them 
three times, and finally drove them five miles back from the town. At 12 
p.m a canoe came along side telling us, that the ram had passed the tor- 
pedoes in safty, and was coming down rapidly. We got up steam and went 
down nearly to the mouth of the river. At 2 this morning, we were called 
to general quarters and at three, the ram jammed between us and the 
Southfield, 13 staving her in and she sunk immediately part of her officers 
and crew reached us in safty, the rest were killed or taken prisoners. We 
fired about thirty shell at the ram but they had no effect on her, she is 
120 feet long and 60 feet wide, . . . plated with 10 inches of railroad iron 
and greased 2 inches thick. Our shell glanced off without even denting 
her. Her men were all inside the conical house, and fired on us through 
loop holes They killed our Commander, C.W. Flusser, and wounded Ensign 
Hargis, Enginer Harrington and ten men, 14 Capt Flusser was awfully 
mangled had 19 musket balls, and pieces of shell in different parts of his 
body, one arm was blown off. Dr. Mann and I looked like butchers, our 
coats and vests off, our shirt sleaves rolled up and we covered with blood. 
it was an awful sight. God grant that I may never witness the like again. 
As fast as the men were wounded, they were passed down to us and we 
laid them one at a time on the table, cut their clothes from them, and 
extracted the balls and pieces of shell from them. The blood was over 
the soles of my boots all over the berth deck, and the shrieks and groans 
of the wounded were heartrending. The ram kept butting us and when 
Capt. Flusser fell, the men seemed to lose all heart, and we ran away 
from the ram into the sound. Fighting is yet going on at Plymouth we 
can hear the guns and as we are no longer there to protect it, it will no 
doubt be taken. Lieut. Russell 15 one of my particular friends was shot 



13 The U.S.S. "Bombshell" was temporarily commanded by Acting Ensign Thomas 
D. Stokes. It "steamed up the river to communicate with the fort, receiving several 
shots and [having -been] put in a sinking condition. . . . she returned and sank at the 
wharf." The "Bombshell" was an armed transport with four guns. Official Records, 
Union and Confederate Navies, Series I, IX, 637, 6.44-645. This vessel is also the 
C.S.S. "Bombshell," captured by the Union forces on May 5, 1864; the Confederate 
command had raised her from the water and put her hack in commission. 

53 The U.S.S. "Southfield" was a 751-ton side-wheel steamer, carrying seven guns. 
It was commanded by Acting Volunteer Lieutenant Charles A. French. Official 
Records, Union and Confederate Navies, Series I, IX, 638-646, passim. 

14 Lieutenant Commander Flusser "fell dead on the deck of his ship with the 
lanyard of his gun in his hand." Brigadier General H. W. Wessells reported: "In the 
death of this accomplished sailor the Navy has lost one of its brightest ornaments 
and he will long be remembered by those who knew and loved him for his intellectual 
worth, his social qualities, and manly bearing." 

Among the wounded were Ensign Thomas G. Hargis (of Pennsylvania) and 
Acting Third Assistant Engineer Denis Harrington (born in Ireland). Official 
Records, Union and Confederate Navies, Series I, IX, 654, 643. 

16 This probably was Lieutenant Robert J. H. Russell of the Twelfth New York 
Cavalry. At four o'clock on April 17 a mounted Union patrol had been captured by 
the advance guard of the Confederates, and the cavalry outpost on the Washington 
road had been dispersed and driven in. Russell was commanding a reinforcement, but 
he was severely wounded and forced back. Fort Gray was attacked at the same time. 



80 The North Carolina Historical Review 

while gallently leading his men on Sunday. This is the hardest fight any 
gun boats have been engaged in during the war. I am very well though sad. 
Will write again as soon as I have a chance. The ram is reported in sight 
now and as it is dark and gloomy no doubt they will attack us again to 
night. I must stop now and get the instruments ready in case they are 
necessary please hand this to Julia 16 to read for I have not time to write 
again and dont know when I shall. Dont be alarmed if you do not hear 
from me again soon. I will write when ever I have a chance Pray for me 
that if it be God's will that I should perish in the ensueing conflict that 
we may meet again in heaven. I am happy and peaceful in my mind 
and not affraid to die Kiss all for me, and if I should never return give 
my watch to Julia D. Good by dear mother, father and all. I trust that 
if parted from you here, I shall meet you all in heaven. 



affectionately 
S. 0. N. 



S. 0. N. to J. 0. N. 



direct to Plymouth 
or elsewhere 



Direct to New Berne or Elsewhere, 
On board U. S. GunBoat 
Miami, off Eadenton N.C. 
May 4th 1864 

Dear Father, 

How rapidly time slips around, nearly three months since I left home. 
Those three months have been the most eventful of my life. . . . My health 
is excellent The past few days have been full of excitement and danger, I 
suppose you have seen an account of the affair in the papers, but all that 
I have seen have been more or less incorrect. The following is, just as it 
happened. On Sunday Apr 17th at about Vo past 2 p.m. a battery of 6 
field pieces opened from an island in the river, on fort Grey. 17 Capt. 
Flusser sent the gunboats Ceres, and Bombshell up to its assistance, at 

The line of defense extended from Fort Gray to "Coneby Creek," about two and a half 
miles below Plymouth. Official Records, Union and Confederate Navies, Series I, IX, 
652. 

16 Julia Dougal, whom he married. 

"Plymouth was defended by three forts and two batteries: Fort Gray, to the 
northwest; Fort Wessells and Battery Worth, to the west; Fort Williams, to the 
south; and Camphor Battery to the east. The defense consisted of the following 
regiments of infantry, detachments of artillery, and cavalry: "Eighty-Fifth New 
York Volunteers, Colonel Enrico Fardello with 450 men; Second Massachusetts Heavy 
Artillery, Captains John A. Brown and Joseph E. Fiske in command; Sixteenth 
Connecticut Volunteers, Colonel Francis Beach in charge of 400 effective men; One 
Hundred and First Pennsylvania Volunteers, Lieutenant Colonel A. W. Taylor and 
300 men; One Hundred and Third Pennsylvania Volunteers, Colonel T. F. Lehmann, 
with 400 men; Twenty-Fourth New York Independent Battery, with six guns under 
Captain A. Lester Cady; detachment from Companies A and F, Twelfth New York 
Cavalry, Captain Charles H. Roche ; two companies of the Second Massachusetts 
Heavy Artillery, Captain Ira B. Sampson; and two companies (native troops) of the 
Second North Volunteers, under Captains Thomas I. Johnson and Calvin Haggard." 
See map, on cover of this issue, and Official Records, Union and Confederate Navies, 
Series I, IX, 652-653. 



Fighting in North Carolina Waters 81 

8 o'clock the Ceres returned, terriably torn and battered and with two 
men killed & eight wounded by the enemy's shell. Dr. Mann and I went 
aboard the Ceres, and dressed their wounds. We took off one arm, and 
three fingers. The firing was kept up all night, it was a terriably beautiful 
sight, the flashes, first and then the deep sullen reports. The flagstaff on 
fort Grey was shot away, but the glorious, "Stars and Stripes" were raised 
on the stump and continued proudly waving, till the fort was obliged, by 
overwhelmming numbers, to surrender, which it did on Wednesday morn- 
ing. On Monday the 18th Plymouth was attacked in the rear by a force 
of ten or twelve thousand Our pickets were driven in, and they com- 
menced shelling the town. Their shell bursted all around and over us 
scattering their pieces, rather to close for comfort. Capt Flusser and his 
clerk were talking together on the quarter deck and a shell passed between 
them. At six in the afternoon we opened on them, from the Southfield and 
Miami, We fired 117 shots and the Southfield over 200. At eight, we cast 
adrift, and the Southfield went up the river to protect fort Williams, and 
the Miami dropped down to fort Wessel. We afterwards ascertained that 
our shots were so accurate that we repulsed the rebs three times planting 
our shell right among them. The Bombshell was struck below the water 
mark in the afternoon, and just as she reached the dock, she sunk. Shortly 
after 12 P.M. the Whitehead came down, and reported that the ram had 
passed our blockade, and was coming down. The Southfield was called 
along side, and Commander Flusser ordered us to be made fast as we were 
before. Had his order been carried out the ram would have been sunk 
with the Southfield, because at first we were fastened with chains, which 
would have cut the ram all to pieces, but our First Lieut, 18 who is a very 
self-willed headstrong man, thought that his way was best, and so instead 
of using the chains, had us made fast with hawsers, which parted like so 
much yarn, when the ram struck us. Flusser, went ashore to consult with 
the general 19 and the first question he asked on returning was, "are we 
properly secured?" Mr. Wells [sic] said we were. At 2 a.m. the ram came 
in sight, it was very dark and she was close to us before she could be seen. 
Our 100 lb. rifle was fired at her and struck her plumb, but the shot, though 
solid, produced no more effect, that one of those little torpedoes we have 
fourth of Julys. She came right on at full speed, and striking our port 
bow glanced off into the Southfield, which sunk in less than 10 minutes 
earring the ram down with her a little way, and if we had chains instead 
of ropes fast, she could not have escaped sinking entirely. The ram lay 
under our bows about forty minutes we all that time pouring a broadside 
of six nine inch guns, and 100 lb. rifle shot into her, but they bounded off 
without doing her the least damage. One of our guns was loaded with shell 
instead of shot, which came back and exploded on our deck, killing Capt 
Flusser, and wounding Ensign Hargis Engineer Harrington and 10 men 
none mortally, pieces of that shell as large as my fist went through the 
deck in several places and knocked things around pretty livly. I had my 



"Acting Master William N. Welles of Rhode Island. Official Records, Union and 
Confederate Navies, Series I, IX, 639-640. 

19 Brigadier General Henry W. Wessells, U.S. Army, commanding the Sub-District 
of the Albemarle. Official Records, Union and Confederate Navies, Series I, IX, 651-656. 



82 The North Carolina Historical Review 

hands full dressing the wounds, everything was covered with blood, and 
the smell of gunpowder was suffocating. We retreated slowly down the 
river and out into the sounds where we cruised till the 29th on the morning 
of which we found that the ram was in close per suit, we immediately hove 
anchor and steamed for Roanoke Island. At 8 oclock p.m. we run on a sand 
bank where we remained till 3 next morning. All this time the men were 
standing at the guns expecting an attack every moment, if the ram had 
come at us then, probably I would be writing this in Richmond prison, if 
I escaped with life. The crew were dressed in their best. I had mine on and 
in my pockets were, my bible mother's likeness, and a few little things 
which I wished to preserve. At 3 a.m. we got off and anchored at Roanoke, 
where we were joined by the gunboats Metabassett flagship, Sassacus, 
Wyluca [sic], Commodore Hull, 20 and Seymour, 21 which with the Miami 
Ceres and Whitehead made quite a fleet. This morning the Miami, White- 
head and Ceres, were ordered back up to the mouth of the river to coax 
the ram out so that the rest of the fleet might capture her. We have seen 
her to night but I am afraid that she will coax us to the bottom. For the 
rest of the fleet are Safely anchored in front of Roanoke Island. Notwith- 
standing the dangers by which I am surrounded I feel perfectly secure, 
"Though I walk through the valley & shadow of death, I will fear no evil 
for Thou are with me." Thank God that I can feel the comfort and peace, 
contained in that most blessed text, I trust dear Father that I shall be 
spared to see you once, but if it be His holy will that we meet no more 
here, we shall in Heaven. My box has not yet arrived. Remember me to all, 
and write soon to 

Your loving son 

Sayres 

S. O. N. to J. 0. N. 

May 6th 1864 
On board U.S. Gun Boat Miami 
off the mouth, Roanoke River 

Dear Father. 

We have just passed through the second engagement with that ugly 
little customer, the ram Roanoke. 22 I have again escaped safe and sound* 



20 These four ships were all 974-ton side-wheel steamers except the, -"Commodore 
Hull," which weighed 376 tons. The U.S.S. "Mattabessett" carried 16 guns, the U.S. S. 
"Sassacus" carried 12 guns, the U.S.S. "Wyalusing" carried 14 guns, and the U.S.S. 
"Commodore Hull" carried 6 guns. For reports on the action of these vessels in the 
second engagement with the C. S. Ram "Albemarle" see Official Records, Union and 
Confederate Navies, Series I, IX, 732-768, passim, and ix, xx, xxi. 

21 The U.S.S. "Isaac N. Seymour" was a 133-ton side-wheel steamer, carrying 5 
guns. It was sent to Baltimore in May, 1863, for repairs: was stationed at Roanoke 
Island on May 2, 1864, and was ordered to follow the U.S.S. "Miami" and others 
into action on that date; and on May 6 was used to carry the unofficial report of 
Lieutenant Commander F. A. Roe relative to the condition of the U.S.S. "Sassacus," 
which had been disabled by the "Albemarle." Official Records, Union and Confederate 
Navies, Series I, IX, xx, 10, 719, 720, 744. 

22 The Ram "Albemarle" was frequently referred to, even in official reports, as the 
"Roanoke." See the report of Henry S. Buckless, Carpenter's Mate, on the U.S.S. 
"Miami." Official Records, Union and Confederate Navies, Series I, IX, 754. 



Fighting in North Carolina Waters 83 

thanks be to God. for his great mercy, and loving kindness. Yesterday 
afternoon at 2 oclock, the ram consorted by the steamer Cotton Planter 
[sic], 23 and the Bombshell, which they sunk when Plymouth was attacked 
and have since raised, made its appearance at the mouth of the river, We 
retreated slowly and they followed Capt French, 24 sent the steamboat 
Massasoit, 25 ahead, to inform the remainder of the fleet. At 4 oclock they 
came in sight running up at full speed. When the rebel fleet saw our rein- 
forcements they tried back out, but it was no go. as some of our vessels, 
can steam 18 knots, while the ram can make but 8 or 9. At y% past 4. We 
fired the first gun, our 100 lb. rifle. That was the signal for the commence- 
ment of a most furious cannonading which lasted over three hours. The 
fleet took up its position, making a circle, with the ram in the centre. In 
the mean time the Cotton planter, had fled, and by her superior sailing 
qualities escaped. The Bombshell we captured, she was crowded with 
sharpshooters. The Gun Boat Sassacus steamed full speed right into the 
ram at the same time giving her a full broadside but without the least 
effect. The whole fleet, then sailed slowly around the ram each boat as it 
passed giving her a broadside, which made the iron fly from her sides, and 
riddled her smoke stack, which seemed to "rile" her some for she then for 
the first time showed her teeth and begun to act on the offensive. She came 
directly for the Miami, and when she was about ten yards off she left fly at 
us with two whitworth rifles, one shell went through our smokestack just 
over the men's heads and the other went into the captain's cabin, and 
exploded there tearing every thing in that vicinity to pieces, and starting 
the deck above, a large piece going through the opposite side thus making 
a hole clean through our ship. Mr. Hackett 26 our paymaster was laying on 
a sofa in the cabin at the time, and wonderful to say was not hurt in the 
least though the sofa was turned over on him, and he covered with a pile 
of glass, books, clothes, pieces of wood and broken furniture, and all most 
suffocated by the smoke and dust with which the cabin was filled. We were 
also struck by a shell which bursted in the wheel house, and shattered our 
signal lamps, but did no other damage. A. 381b. solid shot went through 
our second cutter, which hung alongside on its davits, and there is nothing 
left of our dingy, but the keel and ribs, and yet strange as it may seem 
not a man on our vessel was hurt. The Sassacus got a shell in her boilers 
which killed three and wounded six men. The Metabessett had her deck 
swept by a shot which took both legs off three men, one of whom has since 
died, and the rest are not expected to recover. We have not yet heard 



38 The C.S.S. "Cotton Plant," a steamer carrying troops, which accompanied the 
"Albemarle" down the Roanoke River on May 5, 1864. The "Cotton Plant" escaped 
back up the Roanoke River. Official Records, Union and Confederate Navies, Series 
I, IX, 734, 753, 755. 

84 Acting Volunteer Lieutenant Charles A. French of Maine following Flusser's 
death. He was on board the "Miami," having been rescued after the sinking of the 
"Southfield" on April 19, 1864. Official Records, Union and Confederate Navies, Series 
I, IX, 638 ff. 

25 The U.S.S. "Massasoit" was a side-wheel steamer carrying 10 guns, regularly- 
used as an army transport vessel. Official Records, Union and Confederate Navies, 
Series I, IX, 744, 733. 

26 Frank W. Hackett of New Hampshire, Acting Assistant Paymaster of the "Miami." 
Official Records, Union and Confederate Navies, Series I, IX, 646. 



84 The North Carolina Historical Review 

whether any others were hurt. The Miami fired 117 times, and struck the 
ram over 80 times. We put one shot right into one of her ports and dis- 
mounted a gun. The Commodore 27 says that the laurels belong to us. The 
firing was kept up till after dark, and during the night the ram got away 
up the river. We all think that two hours more daylight would have made 
her ours. The fleet is now laying at the mouth of the Roanoke waiting for 
her to come again, but I think that she has had such a shaking as she did 
not expect and will be very careful how she pokes her nose in such a mess 
again. I received letters this morning from Hattie, Mother and Amanda 
but will have to have some stamps before I can answer them. The ram 
looks as much like a huge turtle as anything I can compare her too. She 
is iron clad then a layer of oak 15 inches thick and then another casing 
of iron. She is much more powerful and substantial than the Merrimac 
was. Just think what an immense power of resistance she must possess, 
yesterday in the space of a little more than three hours, she was struck 
upwards of 280 times. 28 To night we are going to try to take the batteries 
between here and Plymouth. This will make five nights that we have had 
no hammocks, but have had to lay on deck, with our clothes on. Remember 
me to all. Give my love to Mother and the children. Please give the en- 
closed $10.00 to Uncle Ed 29 with my thanks for the use of it, that will make 
he and I square. Write when you can find an opportunity, and tell me all 
the news. 

affectionately 
Sayres. 



"Captain Melancton Smith, Senior Naval Officer, Sounds of North Carolina. Com- 
mander Richard T. Renshaw was ordered to take command of the U.S.S. "Miami" 
on April 29, but his duties did not begin until after the fighting of May 5. Official 
Records, Union and Confederate Navies, Series I, IX, 708, 763-764. 

28 The plan of Commander Cooke of the "Albemarle" was to follow up the capture 
of Plymouth by the capture of New Bern, the objective of the unsuccessful campaign 
under Confederate General Pickett (George E. Pickett). Cooke's defeat by the 
"Miami" sent the "Albemarle" back up the river. The Ram never reappeared for 
action and on October 27, 1864, she was torpedoed and sunk by Lieutenant William 
B. Cushing, U.S. Navy. Immediately afterward Plymouth was recaptured by the 
Union forces— October 31, 1864. The "Miami" and her crew did not participate in 
this adventure as they were on the James River seeking to aid General U. S. Grant. 
Soley, Navy in the Civil War, 101-105. 

29 Dr. Edward Payson Nichols, who trained Sayres Nichols in pharmacy. Family 
records of Nichols family. 



BOOK REVIEWS 

Messages, Addresses, and Public Papers of Luther Hartwell Hodges, Gov- 
ernor of North Carolina, 1954-1961. Volume II, 1957-1958. Edited by 
James W. Patton. (Raleigh: Council of State, State of North Carolina. 
1962. Pp. xxiii, 708. Illustrations and index.) 

Businessman in the Statehouse : Six Years as Governor of North Carolina. 
By Luther H. Hodges. (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina 
Press. 1962. Pp. viii, 324. Illustrations and index. $4.75.) 

The career of Luther H. Hodges is a Horatio Alger tale in a con- 
temporary setting. Born on a tenant farm in Virginia, he grew up in 
Spray, North Carolina, where his father and most of the family worked 
in a textile mill. By the age of twelve Hodges himself was earning 
five cents an hour as an office boy in the same mill. Despite inadequate 
academic preparation and formidable financial hurdles, he managed 
to attend the University of North Carolina and to obtain a degree in 
economics in 1919. After graduation he returned to the textile industry 
in his hometown; he was transferred to New York in 1938 and re- 
mained there for the next decade. His steady climb up the manage- 
ment ladder was climaxed by his elevation to the vice-presidency of 
Marshall Field and Company in 1943. Returning to North Carolina 
upon his retirement from business, Hodges launched his career in 
politics and made a successful bid for the office of Lieutenant-Governor 
in 1952. Less than two years later, the death of Governor William B. 
Umstead put him at the helm of the State government. His election 
as Governor in 1956 meant that he occupied the Executive Mansion 
longer than any other individual in the history of the State. 

These two current volumes dealing with the Hodges Administration 
record much of the high drama that unfolded in a key southern State 
during a crucial, mid-twentieth century decade. In many respects the 
two works are complementary: one, the second volume of the Gov- 
ernor's official papers covering the years, 1957-1958, provides many 
documents that illuminate passages in the other— the Hodges memoir 
entitled Businessman in the Statehouse— which encompasses the entire 
scope of his gubernatorial term. 

The theme that dominates both books concerns the Governor's 
efforts to solve the "bread and butter problem" of the State's low per 
capita income through a program of industrialization. These volumes 



86 The North Carolina Historical Review 

focus upon his struggles related to such facets of the program as the 
establishment of the Research Triangle, the passage of the minimum 
wage law, and the reforms in the tax structure, Department of Con- 
servation and Development, and State Ports Authority. The Governor's 
official papers portray him as the chief publicity agent of industrializa- 
tion; so prevalent, in fact, was the industry theme in his public state- 
ments that, whether his audience was a Presbyterian congregation or 
an Alchoholic Anonymous group, he managed to comment on the 
industrial needs of the State. His role in the industry-hunting expedi- 
tions to the Northeast and Europe receives detailed treatment in his 
memoir. These volumes, in brief, substantiate Hodges' claim that 
industrialization was "the number one goal" of his administration. 

The Governor's papers, ably edited by Professor James W. Patton of 
the University of North Carolina, include a representative collection 
of documents for 1957-1958 drawn from a mountain of Hodges ma- 
terial. The editor introduces the work with a succinct essay on the 
middle years of the Hodges administration; the remainder of this thick 
volume, organized into categories according to the type of material 
therein, is the product of careful editing. For the various categories 
Professor Patton skillfully selected those addresses, articles, proclama- 
tions, interviews, and press statements that point up the variety of 
problems, decisions, and policies of the period. In short, the editor 
has maintained in this work the high standards of his craft so obvious 
in his first volume of the Governor's papers. 

The personal memoir of Hodges is remarkably revealing about his 
personality, ideas, and actions. From its curious blend of candor and 
innuendo emerges the portrait of an energetic, honest individual com- 
ing to grips with affairs of state in the manner of a tough-minded busi- 
nessman. Certainly he enjoyed his job immensely and now looks upon 
his achievements with considerable pride. The story that he sets forth, 
however, will disappoint those who seek tales of sordid, back-alley 
politics or startling exposures regarding the ordinary. Even his account 
of the strained relationship between him and Governor Umstead can 
scarcely be considered a spectacular disclosure. The only stir likely to 
be aroused by this book will undoubtedly stem from the Governor's 
criticism of the quick rather than the dead. 

The real value of these recollections is twofold: they constitute a 
composite record of the Hodges administration; and they offer insights 
into the operation of grass-roots politics in America. Hodges discusses 
in some detail the maneuvering and compromise involved in the im- 
plementation of major projects regarding the highway program, prison 



Book Reviews 87 

system, and administration of justice. He writes at length about the 
impact of the desegregation decision of the Supreme Court ( which he 
considered "tragic") and his success in leading North Carolina along 
a moderate course in spite of demands from extremists. The Governor 
does not claim that all his ventures ended in success; in fact, two of 
the better chapters describe his futile efforts to mediate the Little Rock 
crisis and the Harriet Henderson strike. Appropriately perhaps, Hodges 
concludes his memoir with a series of recommendations regarding 
changes in State government. These suggestions focus upon the role of 
the Governor who he believes should be allowed to serve two suc- 
cessive terms, exercise the veto, and appoint most of the Council of 
State. 

The recent vintage of the Hodges era in North Carolina precludes a 
historical assessment of any real permanence. For the present, how- 
ever, these two primary sources provide basic ingredients for an in- 
terim evaluation. 

Willard B. Gatewood, Jr. 
North Carolina Wesleyan College. 



Some Interesting Colonial Churches in North Carolina. By J. K. Rouse. 
(Kannapolis: Privately printed [1961]. Illustrations and bibliography. 
Pp. 123. $4.95.) 

This attractive volume comprises thirty-seven sketches and photo- 
graphs of early churches of North Carolina, with bibliographical refer- 
ences appended as footnotes. The term "Colonial" is employed with 
reference to the establishment of the various congregations rather than 
with regard to their present buildings, although, in several instances, 
such structures were erected before the American Revolution. The 
author notes, in his Introduction, that many more North Carolina 
churches than those considered antedate this period. 

The work begins with the stories of six Episcopal organizations, 
three of which occupy buildings of pre-Revolutionary construction: 
St. Paul's of Edenton'(1760), St. .Thomas' in Bath (1734), and St. 
John's at Williamsboro ( 1757 ) . The Presbyterians are most extensivelv 
represented with eleven congregations, followed by the Baptists with 
eight. Other denominations included are the Lutherans, three; Evan- 
gelical and Reformed, two; Friends, three; Moravians, three; and 



88 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Methodists, one. The last named owes its consideration to the personal 
associations of the author. 

While the reviewer is obviously not qualified to pass judgment upon 
the accuracy of much of the text, as a partisan of Rocky River, he 
would suggest that Poplar Tent Presbyterian Church was organized as 
a separate congregation in 1764, rather than in 1751 (p. 78); and that 
Alexander Craighead was not installed as a "fulltime minister" of the 
Sugaw Creek Congregation as early as 1758 (p. 92). 

This book is heartily recommended as an appropriate gift for any- 
one concerned with the beginnings and development of the early 
churches of North Carolina, particularly for a person whose roots lie 
in any of the three dozen and one congregations treated in such an 
illuminating fashion by the author. 

Thomas H. Spence, Jr. 

The Historical Foundation, 
Montreat. 



The Cowpens-Guilford Courthouse Campaign. By Burke Davis. (New 
York: J. P. Lippincott Company. 1962. Maps and index. Pp. 208. §3.95.) 

This is the first volume in Lippincott's new Great Battles of History 
series to deal with the American Revolution— a series designed for the 
"general reader as well as for the military history enthusiast." Burke 
Davis, though generally associated with the Civil War field (as the 
author of Jackson, Lee, and Stuart biographies), is no stranger to the 
War for Independence; several years ago he wrote an excellent his- 
torical novel, The Ragged Ones, about guerrilla warfare in the Caro- 
lina backcountry. 

Scholars will not find any startling revelations in this slender book; 
but laymen, seeking an introduction to the war in the South, may 
read it with considerable profit. For Mr. Davis has produced a thought- 
ful and generally accurate account of a short but critical period in the 
Revolutionary struggles: the four months and three days that Corn- 
wallis and Greene dueled for supremacy in North Carolina— December 
3, 1780, to April 6, 1781. This was a period highlighted by momentous 
battles at Cowpens and Guilford Courthouse, which resulted in Corn- 
wallis' withdrawal from North Carolina and his eventual encounter 
with destiny at Yorktown, while Greene went on to win new laurels 
in South Carolina. 



Book Reviews 89 

The organization of the book is somewhat along biographical lines, 
rather than being strictly chronological. Hence, the reader follows in 
some detail the activities of Daniel Morgan, Banastre Tarleton, Greene, 
and Cornwallis— in that order. While this approach makes for a certain 
amount of repetition, it is nevertheless refreshing. After all, leaders 
need to be emphasized; men rather than impersonal forces are the real 
stuff of history. The interpretations presented are almost always sound, 
and they reveal that the author has read widely and intelligently in the 
literature of the period. Moreover, he has made effective use of certain 
important printed primary sources that professional historians some- 
times neglect, especially Cornwallis' orderly book and Henry Lee's 
Memoirs. Mr. Davis, whose permanent home is on the edge of the 
Guilford Courthouse battlefield, obviously enjoyed doing this book. 
It deserves a large audience. 

Don Higginbotham. 
Louisiana State University. 



True Tales of The South at War: How Soldiers Fought and Families 
Lived, 1861-1865. Collected and edited by Clarence Poe (Betsy Sey- 
mour, Assistant Editor) (Chapel Hill: The University of North Caro- 
lina Press. 1961. Epilogue and index. $2.95.) 

Here is a delightfully homey book whose intimacy comes from the 
writings— some but a paragraph in length— of nearly two hundred 
southern men and women who lived the Civil War. 

To read this little volume (205 pages), is like hearing first hand, 
by the flickering light of burning logs in an ancient fireplace, the vivid 
tales of long ago. These stories, sketches, and brief observations come 
alive with a clarity reminiscent of looking through an old stereoscope. 
One sees, not the old veterans that are remembered, but the eager 
young men and boys and their women in the flux of a great war. 

Dr. Poe, a professional editor for more than fifty years, has done a 
masterful job of extracting gems from the letters, diaries, and reminis- 
censes sent him. The material came in response to an appeal to the 
1,400,000 subscribers of The Progressive Farmer which he published 
and edited in Raleigh for more than fifty years. 

The son of a Confederate soldier himself, the Editor has made his 
selections with apparentlv no thought but to let these men and women 



90 The North Carolina Historical Review 

tell in their own words of the South's grandest hour and of the emo- 
tions, ecstatic as well as tragic, that it brought to them. 

The book is refreshing in that it makes no attempt to focus on the 
grimness of war, but rather lets the young soldiers transmit also the 
comradeship, humor, and occasional high excitement of their war ex- 
periences, the memory of which dominated the lives of so many of 
them. To one of them, Berry Benson of Georgia, looking back fifteen 
years after the end of the war, the fading of memories was as if "some 
great bundle of treasure-holding years have been torn out of my life- 
some sweet thing slipped out of my grasp— and, like a silver coin drop- 
ped into deep water, I see it slipping away, down, down, sparkling 
as it sinks, but ever growing dimmer, dimmer. . . ." 

James J. Geary. 
Virginia Civil War Commission. 



Reconstruction Bonds & Twentieth-Century Politics: South Dakota v. 
North Carolina (1904). By Robert F. Durden. (Durham: Duke Univer- 
sity Press. 1962. Notes and index. Pp. xi, 274. $6.00.) 

"Butler, Booze, Boodle and Bonds," headlined the bitter Democratic 
attack against a resurgent North Carolina Republican Party in 1910. 
Professor Durden in this excellent monograph carefully unravels and 
describes a unique bond scheme that furnished part of the background 
for such Democratic propaganda. Marion Butler, Fusionist Senator in 
the 1890's and "Mr. Republican" in early twentieth-century North 
Carolina, served as the principal target in these attacks. Fusionist 
Governor Daniel L. Russell, however, was the key figure in the bond 
scheme, but his death in 1908 allowed him to escape some of the 
Democratic wrath. The author bases his study primarily on the recently 
discovered Russell papers now in the Southern Historical Collection 
of the University of North Carolina Library. 

Durden traces the story of the bond scheme from the time of its 
inception during Russell's governorship, 1897-1901. Russell hoped to 
annoy and embarrass the Democrats and at the same time replenish 
his badly depleted personal fortune. Like most Southern States, North 
Carolina repudiated or scaled down its debt in 1879 after the Demo- 
crats had "redeemed" the State from Radical Reconstruction. Russell 
persuaded some New York bond-holders to give a few of the pre- 



Book Reviews 91 

Radical bonds to the State of South Dakota. That State, through But- 
ler's influence, brought suit in the United States Supreme Court for 
full payment of the bonds instead of the twenty-five cents on the dollar 
compromise. These bonds were secured by a second mortgage on the 
stock of the North Carolina Railroad which, by 1900, was more than 
adequate to pay off both first and second mortgages. After consider- 
able maneuvering involving lawyers in North Carolina, South Dakota, 
New York, and Michigan, the Supreme Court decided in favor of 
South Dakota. 

Russell and his associate hoped to make "millions" when North 
Carolina and other southern States would compromise favorably on 
their repudiated bonds rather than face similar suits. The actual re- 
sults, however, fell far short of their expectations; Russell's total income 
from the scheme may have come to $12,000 at the most. Governors 
Aycock and Glenn, strongly abetted by Josephus Daniels' News and 
Observer, so influenced public opinion that no other State dared to 
become involved in such an obvious device to circumvent the Eleventh 
Amendment. The rising tide of progressive sentiment also militated 
against schemes of this type. 

By using a monograph rather than an article, it is possible to give 
a more comprehensive explanation of the scheme and its numerous 
ramifications. Durden has done an exceptionally good job in digesting 
and synthesizing a mass of manuscript and newspaper material. The 
careful documentation in no way detracts from the vivid narrative 
style. The work contributes much to an understanding of North 
Carolina politics at the turn of the century, but its significance is not 
limited to one State. It brings together elements from the Recon- 
struction, Populist, and Progressive periods that are revealing for 
the history of the entire country. The author draws no specific conclu- 
sions from this fascinating episode but lets the stoiy speak for itself. 
It would seem that the primary result of the whole affair was the 
political ammunition furnished the Democrats in contending that all 
Republicans and Fusionists were unscrupulous rascals. 

Allen J. Going. 
University of Houston. 



92 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The Frank C. Brown Collection of North Carolina Folklore, Volume V: 
The Music of the Folk Songs. Edited by Jan Philip Schinhan. (Durham: 
Duke University Press. 1962. Introduction and illustrations. Pp. xxiii, 
639. $10.00.) 

Volume V of The Frank C. Broicn Collection of North Carolina 
Folklore comes as a welcome addition to its companion works, Volumes 
I-IV and VI. In it, Jan Philip Schinhan, the editor, presents the 
melodies to the folk song texts which appear in Volume III. In ad- 
dition, 66 children's game songs and 128 additional songs which do 
not appear in Volume III are included. The work indicates a tremen- 
dous amount of research, scholarship, and sensitivity and is a must for 
all serious students of North Carolina folklore. 

A great variety of folk song types are included. Songs of various 
classifications— drinking and gambling, courting, homiletic, dance, 
satirical, martial, and patriotic— are among those in the volume. The 
range from lullabies and nursery rhymes to songs of prisoners and 
tramps indicates the inclusiveness of the work of the Editor in com- 
piling the collection. 

Dr. Frank C. Brown spent a lifetime collecting this material. Pro- 
fessor Schinhan and the Duke University Press are due the gratitude 
of all North Carolinians for ensuring its perpetuation. 

Norman C. Larson. 
North Carolina Confederate Centennial Commission. 



The Papers of James Madison. Volume II, 20 March 1780-23 February 
1781. Edited by William T. Hutchinson and William M. E. Rachal. 
(Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. 1962. Map, illustrations, 
notes, and index. Pp. xix, 344. $10.00.) 

Covering a brief one-year period, ending with the ratification of the 
Articles of Confederation in 1781, this volume deals with a country at 
war. Madison, a delegate to the Continental Congress, viewed the war 
from Philadelphia; his correspondents viewed it from Virginia. From 
either place the view was dismal (and frequently wrong; rumors 
abounded almost in the same hopeless volume as the currency ) . Mili- 
tary supplies and troops were hard to procure. The Spanish govern- 
ment seemed reluctant to grant rights which Americans claimed in 
the Mississippi region, a topic which includes some of the better of 



Book Reviews 93 

Madison's writings in this volume. The reader, of course, recognizes 
that prospects are soon to brighten; he finds increasing mention of 
Cornwallis and military operations in the Carolinas. Then, too, Mary- 
land's ratification of the Articles is to instill new hope for more effective 
union and provide a broader stage for Madison's political talents. 

As a delegate to a frequently ineffective Congress, Madison appears 
as a diligent, competent, and hopeful patriot, working hard in an unre- 
warding job. No lightness touches his letters. His "natural reserve" is 
evident throughout. Some of his correspondents— Edmund Pendleton, 
for example— impress the reader as persons; Madison impresses the 
reader as a delegate to the Continental Congress. 

As in Volume I, the editorial work is thorough and impressive. To 
ask for less may be a disservice to those scholars who will be grateful 
for one or another of the extended annotations. Yet the over-all effect 
is one of being blanketed by editorial commentary. That "the sea god 
Proteus assumed many different shapes to avoid capture'' may clarify 
Pendleton's reference to "Proteaus." But why bother? 

Philip F. Detweiler. 
Tulane University. 



The Landon Carter Papers in the University of Virginia Library: A 
Sketch. By Walter Ray Wineman. (Charlottesville: University of Vir- 
ginia Press. 1962. Notes and index. Pp. x, 99. $7.50.) 

This calendar lists 241 papers by, to, or concerning Landon Carter 
of "Sabine Hall" (1710-1778) and includes about forty-three actuallv 
written by Carter. The highly miscellaneous items are described 
succinctly with occasional quotations from the original. An excellent 
index accompanies the calendar but not the biographical sketch. 

At best this calendar will be only moderately useful, for it does not 
include Landon Carter papers in other collections and none of its items 
is of first-line significance. Though Carter submitted some interesting 
discussions of the Revolutionary crisis for publication in the press, the 
calendar does not make clear which ones were actually published. 
Fortunately, Carter's most important work, his diary, is now being 
edited for publication by Jack P. Greene. 

The thirty-five page "biographical sketch" adds little to what is 
known about Carter and his role as a Virginia planter. The author 
concludes that Carter fulfilled "the three responsibilities of the Virginia 



94 The North Carolina Historical Review 

aristocrat": first, "to produce and provide for a family to carry on his 
estate and traditions," second, "to develop as much of the virgin land 
of the colony as could be done with profit to himself and his com- 
munity," and finally, "to serve as a leader in his community." This 
oversimplified and less than startling summation serves as framework 
for a plodding account of Carter's life and for such inaccurate and 
egregiously ahistorical assertions as that Carter was "an interesting 
combination of great humanitarian and snob." Carter was interesting 
all right, but principally because he was a cantankerous loner con- 
tinually at odds with his family, slaves, neighbors, political associates, 
and even his physical environment. 

Winthrop D. Jordan. 
Institute of Early American History and Culture. 



The Rudolph Matas History of Medicine in Louisiana. Volume II. Edited 
by John Duffy. (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, for the 
Rudolph Matas Trust Fund. 1962. Pp. xii, 599. $10.00.) 

This, the second and concluding volume concerning Medicine in 
Louisiana, continues the form of organization of Volume I (1699- 
1825 ) . It carries the story from 1825 to about 1925, in two chronologi- 
cal periods, ante-bellum and post-bellum. Within each period the top- 
ical treatment resembles that of Volume I : medical and surgical prac- 
tice, the profession (inclusive of medical societies and the segregated 
professions of pharmacy, dentistry, midwifery, and nursing ) , medical 
regulations, epidemics ( especially "Yellow Jack," Asiatic Cholera, and 
typhoid), public health, hospitals, and medical education. As has been 
noted by other readers, the recurrence of the same general topics, 
three times in Volume I and twice in Volume II, with the unavoidable 
repetition of names and details, tends to become irksome. One won- 
ders whether this problem could have been eliminated by carrying 
each topic through the volume without a period break. Important dif- 
ferences and changes characteristic of the periods could be summar- 
ized at the end of each chapter, and also at the end of the volume in 
a final chapter describing the trends before, during, and after the 
Civil War. Obviously such an arrangement might create its own prob- 
lems, however, the present rather abrupt ending of the history leaves 
one somewhat dazed, amid a multiplicity of trees in a great medical 
forest where there is felt the need of some general guidance from 



Book Reviews 95 

Professor Duffy. In fact a reader would enjoy a symposium in which 
the learned author might discuss some of the intriguing questions 
evoked by his fascinating presentation. For example: Why were the 
progressive trends before, and even during, the War reversed during 
the ensuing period? Why did barbarous superstitions and so-called 
"medieval" practices persist so long in the generally progressive nine- 
teenth century? Another question, perhaps of minor import, but often 
asked by readers of both volumes, is "Why should the eminent and 
indefatigable Author of this magnum opus be designated merely as 
'editor'?" 

All in all the volume, like Volume I, presents an alternately depress- 
ing and inspiring picture of the failings and successes of humans in 
the unending struggle between primitivism and progress in medicine. 
Both sides of the story appear in the author's generously footnoted 
data, and in his dramatic quotes from contemporary diaries, medical 
publications, and official records. The reader is constantly shocked at 
the record of professional ignorance and calloused brutality of treat- 
ment. Physicians prescribed calomel and other harmful drugs in a man- 
ner reminiscent of primitive medicine men. They blistered, purged, 
and bled their patients to death. In 1857 a physician bled a patient 
"50 ounces at one time" and when he fainted revived him to admin- 
ister "300 grains of calomel and gamboge." Less drastic were the alco- 
holic potions, used in great quantities in place of more expensive pain- 
relieving drugs. In 1832 at Charity Hospital in New Orleans 20 per 
cent of the food bill was for whiskey, rum, and wines. Professor Duffy 
remarks that "These beverages may have anesthetized the hospital 
staff, too, and thus enabled them to witness with some equanimity 
the scenes of suffering and death which characterized hospitals in 
early days." Less rational was the equanimity with which, in 1853, the 
mayor of New Orleans ordered the burning of tar and the firing of 
cannon to break an epidemic of yellow fever. An intelligent editorialist 
wrote that all this did was to kill a few mosquitoes. Meanwhile the 
authorities condoned dangerously unsanitary practices— hospitals and 
hotels "pouring the contents of their privies into [the gutters of] the 
main thoroughfares of the city." Sometimes physicians were similarly 
blind to public welfare. Professional quarrels were frequent, drama- 
tized by duels and infonnal shootings as well as violent words. The 
lay public was aware of such failings. They openly condemned doc- 
tors who not only prescribed, but sometimes imbibed, alcohol so free- 
ly as to miss their own scheduled lectures. Student diaries recorded 
such lapses with greater equanimity: "Dr. — did not lecture— 



96 The North Carolina Historical Review 

expect he is unwell or drinking." Apparently student life, though ardu- 
ous, was not without its lighter moments. In 1852 a student diary re- 
corded a boarding house party as follows : 

Tonight after supper the ladies sent up for us. . . . We had a most glorious 
time kissing the ladies, etc. [A week later] the ladies sent up for us to 
take another romp. . . . Miss Mary Goodwin kisses most delightfully. . . . 

Obviously such conditions were not solely responsible for the fav- 
orable reputation of Louisiana medical schools before the Civil War. 
National statistics of student enrollment placed the New Orleans 
schools among the top ten. The University of Louisiana and the Uni- 
versity of Virginia medical schools tied for fourth place, with the New 
Orleans School of Medicine in seventh place. The War and Recon- 
struction brought a decided decline from this remarkably favorable 
position. Recovery was not evident until late in the century when Tu- 
lane University became a center of noteworthy progress not only in 
medicine and surgery, but also (later on) in tropical medicine, den- 
tistry, and pharmacy. The effects of the War on medicine in Louisiana 
have one curious contradiction. Amid the increasingly bad conditions 
in the Confederacy, sanitary conditions in New Orleans and vicinity 
profited greatly from the military control of the detested General Ben- 
jamin F. Butler. His rigidly enforced sanitary regulations mitigated 
the ravages of the recurring epidemics from which the city suffered 
perennially. Federal control of hospitals brought federal funds which 
made possible much needed improvements; but postwar adjustments 
and the Reconstruction era ended much of this. Not until late in the 
century did hospitals, public sanitation, and other aspects of medicine 
in Louisiana recover their proud position among the nation's leaders 
in the healing art. One of the most primitive aspects of medicine dur- 
ing the dismal post-war era was in the field of obstetrics. Puerperal 
fever was commonly treated by the traditional ordeals of bloodletting 
and purging; the simplest principles of antisepsis were rejected as 
silly fads. New-born infants were bound tightly and swaddled un- 
mercifully. Members of the medical profession manifested unbeliev- 
able ignorance. A certified practitioner was certain that he had read 
about a disease called pediatrics, but had never seen an actual case. 
Another described a female patient "suffering from an enlarged pros- 
trate [sic] gland." 

The turning of the tide, so late in coming, becomes evident in the 
last quarter of the century. It is no surprise to read of surgical opera- 



Book Reviews 97 

tions at this date which seemed unbelievable in ante-bellum records 
(Caesarean sections in the 1820's and one performed by a Negro mid- 
wife in 1838; a 53-pound scrotal tumor excised in 1837; a cancerous 
breast with its roots "weighing about 20 ounces" cut out, in 1847 a 
thigh amputated "without pain," thanks to an anesthetic of ether). 
Even if such amazing exploits actually occurred in the early decades, 
they were abnormal and a far cry from the generally accepted prac- 
tices of most intelligent surgeons of the late nineteenth century. By 
1900 anesthesia and antisepsis were revolutionizing operational pro- 
cedures, especially in abdominal surgery. Caesarean sections and ap- 
pendectomies were a matter of course. Vaccination for smallpox, mos- 
quito control for yellow fever, X rays and blood transfusions were 
praised rather than condemned. Vigorous wars were waged against 
smallpox, diphtheria, and tuberculosis, but yellow fever and cholera 
were no longer invincible enemies. Before World War I, Louisiana, 
along with most southern States was recovering from the dismal post- 
bellum era and moving rapidly into the main stream of progressive 
twentieth-century medicine. Professor Duffy's success in presenting 
the two-volume story of Medicine in Louisiana impels us as a final 
judgment to hope that he may go on to do the same for other States 
of the South. 

Loren MacKinney. 
The University of North Carolina. 



The Territory of Florida. By John Lee Williams. Edited by Herbert J. 
Doherty, Jr. (Gainesville: University of Florida Press [Facsimile Edi- 
tion]. 1962. Illustrations, notes, map, and index. Pp. xv, 304. $7.50.) 

John Lee Williams' book strongly resembles Bernard Romans' A 
Concise Natural History of East and West Florida, a work first pub- 
lished in 1775 and reprinted as the first volume in the Floridiana Se- 
ries. Like Romans, Williams was a frontier naturalist. He had an in- 
quiring mind, a keen sense of observation, a penchant for classifying 
natural data, and a pioneer practicality. In his descriptions of terri- 
torial Florida he demonstrated a wide variety of interests. These in- 
cluded agriculture, animal and plant life, insects, reptiles, climate, 
geography, history, and Indian lore. Williams, however, was more im- 
personal, dispassionate, and subdued in making his observations and 



98 The North Carolina Historical Review 

seldom indulged in personal anecdotes, moral reflection, or opinionated 
value judgments that so enlivened Romans' book. As Professor Her- 
bert J. Doherty, Jr., points out in his lucid introduction, this restraint 
has given the work the characteristics of a gazetteer. 

But the book is more than an encyclopedic description of early 
nineteenth-century Florida. Williams* narrative of the Seminole War 
(pp. 214-272) is both personal and lively in its recounting of events 
and personalities—the reluctance of the Indians to remove from their 
land, Oseola's able leadership and his seeming treachery, the mas- 
sacre of Major Dade and his men, the attacks of the Seminoles on iso- 
lated white settlers, the ineptitude of army and militia commanders 
in Florida, and the bickering and jealousy among them. Although Wil- 
liams writes with the biases and prejudices of a white Floridian eager 
to rid the territory of the Indian menace, he has, nevertheless, recap- 
tured the spirit of epoch. Herein lies the real value of his account and 
of the book. 

Handsomely bound and containing an excellent copy of a large- 
scale map drafted by Williams for the first printing in 1837, this book 
will make a worthwhile addition to the Floridiana bookshelf and a 
useful complement to the Romans' volume. 

John J. Tepaske. 
Ohio State University. 



The Territorial Papers of the United States, Volume XXVI, The Territory 
of Florida, 1839-1845. Compiled and edited by Clarence Edwin Carter. 
(Washington: Government Printing Office. 1962. Maps, tables, notes, 
and index. Pp. v, 1,238. $8.00.) 

This fifth and final volume of the Florida territorial papers covers 
the administrations of Governors Reid, Call, and Branch. It begins 
with Reid's appointment to the territorial governorship on December 
2, 1839, and ends with Thomas H. DuVals letter of September 18, 
1845, in which he describes the final acts of federal agents in turning 
over their offices to elected officials of the State of Florida. In between, 
numerous and acrimonious letters provide excellent sources for the 
political history of the territory. Call demands the reasons for his re- 
moval as governor and later writes a twenty-page defense of himself. 
Some Tallahassee citizens accuse Governor Reid of incompetence 
while others defend him. Frenzied contests between Whigs and Demo- 



i 



Book Reviews 99 

crats and libelous political writings often result in challenges, and a 
few duels, and murders. 

Political disagreements also arise over admission to statehood and 
the conduct of the Seminole War. Detailed accounts in letters, peti- 
tions, and memorials list reasons for dividing the territory into eastern 
and western parts and for retaining territorial unity to speed admission 
into the Union. Individuals from every section criticize army com- 
manders and militia officers for ineptness in fighting the Seminole In- 
dians. Governor Reid calls the Indians wild beasts who "venture to 
assail houses . . . press beyond military posts to perpetrate their mur- 
derous purposes, and start up like evil spirits, when least expected to 
appear, to detroy the brave, virtuous and innocent" (p. 110). Sad to 
contemplate, however, is a report of killing 210 Seminole women and 
children and only 15 warriors in almost three years of warfare. 

In addition to war, politics, and individuals, this volume is a store- 
house of economic history. East Floridians petition for and eventually 
receive a land office at Newnansville. Almost every petitioner requests 
the liberalization of land policies and demands federal expenditure 
for roads and waterways. Page after page of text relates to the insolv- 
ent territorial banks and the government's responsibility to bond- 
holders. Among other important topics are federal and territorial 
finance, railroads, trade, land surveys, slavery, and aid to education. 

The five volumes, and approximately 6,000 oversized pages, of the 
Florida territorial papers provide a wealth of source material for schol- 
ars. Every document is identified as to location by the editor, cross ref- 
erences enhance the usefulness of the work, and letters referred to 
but not extant are indicated in footnotes. Brief, adequate notes iden- 
tify individuals and each volume has a complete index. This is a monu- 
mental work of compilation and editorship. 

Rembert W. Patrick. 
University of Florida. 



Dickison and His Men: Reminiscences of the War in Florida. By Mary 
Elizabeth Dickison. Introduction by Samuel Proctor. (Gainesville: Uni- 
versity of Florida Press [Facsimile reproduction of 1890 edition]. 1962. 
Illustrations, documents, and index. Pp. xxiv, 272. $6.00.) 

The University of Florida Press this year has started, under the edi- 
torship of the able historian, Rembert W. Patrick, the facsimile re- 



100 The North Carolina Historical Review 

printing of books about Florida, each with d short and precise intro- 
duction by a qualified scholar. Since many Floridiana items have be- 
come rare and their prices have skyrocketed, this enterprise can only 
be applauded. The Dickison book is the third of this reproduction 
series. All of them, including this one, are beautifully bound and taste- 
fully designed, and they make an elegant addition to any drawing 
room. More than that, they are good books which carry the best writ- 
ings of the past of Florida. 

In 1890 Mary Elizabeth Dickison wrote about the Civil War ex- 
ploits of her beloved husband, John Jackson Dickison. Born around 
1816 in Virginia, Dickison moved from South Carolina to Marion 
County, Florida, in 1856. He had military experience in the South 
Carolina State Militia. In Florida Dickison owned a lush plantation 
near Ocala. He was stanch in his loyalty to southern ways. When the 
War came Dickison organized an artillery company which became 
the famous Dickison Company, the subject of the book. The Company 
became a daring unit of what its daring commander called a "parti- 
zan" force, better known today as guerrilla warfare. His exploits were 
even celebrated by the Yankees who called him "Dixie" and the land 
which the "partizan" Dickison controlled "Dixieland." 

Dr. Proctor, a forceful historian, has written a competent and clear 
Introduction. Proctor, sympathetic to the Dickisons, does state that 
1 ) the book has too much hero worship "to be wholly acceptable to 
the scholar"; 2) Mrs. Dickison cannot distinguish "between the ro- 
mance and the realism of war"; 3) Colonel Dickison was helpful in 
the preparation of the book and that "it is possible that he wrote a 
sizable part, or even all of it." Proctor has used good external and in- 
ternal evidence to come to such a conclusion. 

After carefully reading the book with its flowery descriptions and 
its transcription of many primary sources, one cannot quarrel with 
Proctor. The editor Patrick states that this is not a "great book, or even 
a good one by the standards of yesterday or today," but that it is 
unique and as a historical source has "enduring value." Maybe by 
the standards of yesterday it was rather good and there is no doubt 
that Dickison and his men, and therefore the Dickison book, deserve 
a spot in the reprint series. 

Charles W. Arnade. 
University of South Florida. 






Book Reviews 101 

Reflections of the Civil War in Southern Humor. By Wade H. Hall. (Gaines- 
ville: University of Florida Press. University of Florida Monographs: 
Humanities. 1962. Pp. 82. $2.00.) 

From a larger study of Southern humor, Mr. Hall has drawn off for 
this monograph his findings related to the Civil War. The initial chap- 
ter offers a general view of humor in Southern literature from 1861 
to 1914, followed by separate chapters on the soldiers, the Negroes, 
the poor whites, and the folks at home as they appear in the humor. 

Mr. Hall says in his Preface that "The Southerner's sense of humor 
helped him to fight a war he believed honorable and to accept the 
bitter defeat which ended it," and he concludes that from the close 
of the war to 1914 "the Civil War was second only to the Negro as 
subject for Southern humor." There is clear evidence that the common 
soldiers got therapeutic laughs at the expense of their officers and the 
enemy, and from their own frustration and suffering. There is little 
evidence, however, to refute the statement often made that southern 
leaders before and at the time of the Civil War suffered from the 
lack of a sense of humor. The laughing at or about the Negroes and 
the poor whites is of a different sort from the laughing of the soldiers 
at themselves. 

The humorous writings in diaries, reminiscences, and other non- 
literary works furnish realistic glimpses of life in the camps and at 
home such as rarely occur in other writings. Except for Charles Henry 
Smith, who wrote as Bill Arp from the beginning of the War onward, 
and one or two others, the authors discussed in this monograph who 
achieved a literarv reputation of any note were onlv incidentallv 
humorists. 

Arlin Turner. 
Duke University. 



Early American Wooden Ware and Other Kitchen Utensils. By Mary Earle 
Gould. (Rutland, Vermont: Charles E. Tuttle Co., Inc. 1962. Illustrations 
and index. Pp. 243. $8.50.) 

Only on occasion does Mary Earle Gould stray from her first love, 
wooden ware, to discuss "other kitchen utensils. " She became inter- 
ested in wooden pieces quite by accident when she found and bought 
an old cheese box. Her box collection, which developed with her in- 



102 The North Carolina Historical Review 

terest, soon became an eight hundred-piece museum of utensils made 
of wood. In her first full-sized book on the subject she has covered all 
phases of the study of wooden ware in such a way that there is some- 
thing for both the scholar and the layman. She has not only listed 
many items along with their functions, but has elaborated on the 
home life of the common people in the early days of America. She 
takes the time and trouble to explain beliefs and habits in the daily 
existence of those people. The over-all style is clear and simple and 
shows throughout the love of the author for the subject. 

The introductory chapters cover tools used in woodworking and 
types of wood used, as well as general suggestions for using marks, 
stains, and smells to determine the original purpose of an object. 
Later chapters emphasize the preparation and consumption of food 
with butter making and apple processing taking up much of the in- 
terest since they both require many types of wooden utensils. Mor- 
tars and pestles, boxes, buckets, and bowls are the most common sur- 
vivors of wooden ware found today and naturally make up the majority 
of the illustrations. 

More than two hundred pictures are most informative but could be 
clearer in order to be helpful to the scholar. There are instances of 
sentence construction where the meaning becomes vague but these 
are few and should bother only the exacting scholar. The majority of 
the reference materials and illustrations are taken from sources avail- 
able in New England, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, so that the 
southern and western idiosyncrasies are not to be found; but the last 
chapter on the discovery and eradication of that scourge of wooden 
ware— the Lyctus powder-post beetle— is of vital interest to any owner 
of antique wood pieces. 

Sue R. Todd. 
State Department of Archives and History. 






Book Reviews 103 



A Guide to the Principal Sources for American Civilization, 1800-1900, in 
the City of New York : Manuscripts. Compiled by Harry J. Carman and 
Arthur W. Thompson. (New York: Columbia University Press. 1960. 
Index. Pp. xlviii, 453. $10.00.) 

A Guide to the Principal Sources for American Civilization, 1800-1900, in 
the City of New York : Printed Materials. Compiled by Harry J. Carman 
and Arthur W. Thompson. (New York: Columbia University Press. 
1962. Index. Pp. xlviii, 630. $15.00.) 

The publication in 1929 of A Guide to the Principal Sources for 
Early American History (1600-1800) in the City of New York, com- 
piled by Evarts B. Greene and Richard B. Morris, met with such use- 
fulness and appreciation that a chronological successor became highly 
desirable. The two volumes under review comprise another of the mar- 
vels of modem bibliographical history. 

Because of the bulk of materials to be included, Compilers Carman 
and Thompson wisely decided to produce separate volumes for manu- 
scripts and printed works. No researcher in nineteenth-century Ameri- 
can history, regardless of topic or area of interest, can afford to be 
unfamiliar with these two publications. 

In both volumes items are listed according to a rather complicated 
but well-thought-out subject arrangement. A name index makes ref- 
erence easy even for an amateur. 

No work of this magnitude could possibly emerge without errors. 
It is perhaps not surprising, then, that the name of James Iredell 
should come out as James "TredeU" both in the text and index of the 
volume on printed materials. To cite several other examples in items 
relating to North Carolina, however, would be to detract unfairly 
from a work for which all researchers in American history owe a great 
debt to the compilers. 

For a single depository to produce such a guide would have been 
an accomplishment. For a guide of this quality to be produced by all 
major depositories in the City of New York is nothing short of genius. 

H. G. Jones. 
State Department of Archives and History. 



104 The North Carolina Historical Review 



OTHER RECENT PUBLICATIONS 

Papers Presented at the 1st and 2nd Conferences on Historic Site Arch- 
aeology, a special issue of the Southeastern Archaeological Conference 
Newsletter, has been compiled and edited by Mr. Stanley A. South. It is 
available at $2.50 per copy from Mr. Stephen Williams, Peabody Museum, 
Cambridge 38, Massachusetts. The following articles, all by Mr. South, 
will be of interest to readers of The Review: "The Ceramic Types at 
Brunswick Town, North Carolina," "A Method of Cleaning Iron Artifacts/' 
"Kaolin Pipe Stem Dates from the Brunswick Town Ruins," and "Sal- 
vaging Seals from the Earth and Archives." There are nine other articles 
dealing with historic archeology and numerous photographs of artifacts 
in the 68-page booklet. 



Lattye Eunice Arnold's Aunt Malissa's Memory Jug: Original Folk- 
Stories, brings to the public her popular folk tales in printed form. Radio 
listeners are well acquainted with the little girl Malissa and her jug (with 
its horseshoe nails, shoe buckle, child's ring, and other items — each serv- 
ing as the basis of a story). The 141-page book sells for $3.00 and may 
be purchased in bookstores or ordered from the Exposition Press, 386 
Park Avenue South, New York 16, New York. 

The Archives Committee of the Woman's College of the University of 
North Carolina in Greensboro recently published a 35-page booklet, 
Archives: Records Schedule. Prepared by Mrs. Elizabeth C. Moss of the 
State Records Section of the Division of Archives and Manuscripts of the 
State Department of Archives and History, the publication includes a 
brief history of the Woman's College, general recommendations concern- 
ing its records, and detailed inventories and schedules for each series of 
records created by the College. This pamphlet is available for $1.00 from 
the Library Office, Walter Clinton Jackson Library, Woman's College of 
the University of North Carolina, Greensboro. 

The Department has received Favorite Recipes of the Lower Cape Fear, 
published in Wilmington by the Ministering Circle. The 1962 edition is 
the fourth revised printing of this cookbook and is illustrated with draw- 
ings of famous historic sites. Many recipes, preserved for generations as 
family secrets, are published here for the first time. Each is listed with 
the name of the donor. An index adds to the usefulness of the 183-page 
book, which may be ordered from the Ministering Circle, Box 1809, Wil- 
mington, North Carolina, for $2.25 postpaid. 

A Carolina Landmark: Two Centuries of Southivest Church by Charles 
Crossfield Ware was issued on October 21, 1962. The 12-page pamphlet 
was prepared for the bicentennial of the Lenoir County church. Dr. Ware 
relates the importance of two noted Baptists — Morgan Edwards and 
Shubael Stearns — and traces the history of Southwest Church through 



Book Reviews 105 

its six associational affiliations from 1762 (Sandy Creek Separate Baptist 
Association) to 1962 (Disciples of Christ) . A list of ministers who served 
the church and a brief bibliography are included. Copies of the booklet 
may be obtained for $1.00 from Dr. C. C. Ware, Curator, Carolina Discip- 
liana Library, Box 1164, Wilson. 

First Flight, by John Williams Andrews, is a narrative poem telling 
the story of Orville and Wilbur Wright at Kitty Hawk. The pamphlet is 
illustrated; it was published by the Pavilion Press, Westport, Connecticut, 
and is available for $1.00. 

Numbers 139, 142, and 144 of Preliminary Inventories were recently 
published by the National Archives. Number 139, entitled Records of the 
Supreme Court of the United States, was compiled by Marion M. Johnson ; 
Number 142, Records of the Office of the Chief of Finance (Army), was 
compiled by Richard W. Giroux and revised by Maizie H. Johnson ; and 
Number 144, War Department Collection of Revolutionary War Records, 
was compiled by Mabel E. Deutrich. Each of these pamphlets is available 
without cost from the Exhibits and Publications Branch, National Ar- 
chives, General Services Administration, Washington 25, D. C. 

The National Archives has also recently issued, in revised form, a list 
of its publications. A copy of Publications of the National Archives and 
Records Service is also available without cost from the National Archives, 
the address of which is given above. 

The Department recently received No. 15 of the University of Florida 
Monographs in the Social Sciences. Written by Donald E. Worcester, the 
87-page booklet is entitled Sea Poiver and Chilean Independence. It is 
available for $2.00 from the University of Florida Press, 15 N. W. 15th 
Street, Gainesville, Florida. 

The Genealogical Publishing Company of Baltimore has reprinted the 
Biennial Report of the North Carolina State Library, first issued in 1944, 
under the title Marriage and Death Notices from Raleigh Register and 
North Carolina State Gazette, 1799-1825. Compiled by the late Carrie L. 
Broughton, the 192-page paper-bound booklet is available for $7.50 from 
the Genealogical Book Co., 521-23 St. Paul Place, Baltimore 2, Maryland. 

Genealogists will also be interested in knowing that William S. Powell's 
article on patrons of the press, published in the Autumn, 1962, issue of 
The North Carolina Historical Review, has been issued as a reprint. 
Patrons of the Press: Subscription Book Purchases in North Carolina, 
17 83-1850, contains numerous names. The 77-page booklet may be ordered 
from the Division of Publications, State Department of Archives and 
History, Box 1881, Raleigh, for fifty cents. 



HISTORICAL NEWS 

DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY 

North Carolina Confederate Centennial Commission 

Mr. Norman C. Larson, Executive Secretary of the North Carolina 
Confederate Centennial Commission, represented Governor Terry Sanford 
in Vicksburg, Mississippi, on August 19 at a program honoring those 
Confederate States whose troops fought in the Battle of Vicksburg. 

On August 20, in ceremonies at Roanoke Island, Governor Matthew 
Welsh of Indiana returned to Governor Sanford a Confederate Flag cap- 
tured by Indiana troops at Salisbury in 1865. A Bowie knife recovered 
from the "Modern Greece" was presented to Governor Welsh and the 
State of Indiana by Governor Sanford. The program was sponsored by 
the North Carolina Confederate Centennial Commission and the Dare 
County Centennial Committee. Miss Carolyn Myers, Administrative As- 
sistant, represented the Commission, and Dr. Christopher Crittenden 
represented the Department of Archives and History. An honor guard was 
provided by the reactivated Sixth Regiment. 

Although salvage operations on the "Modern Greece" and other blockade- 
runners were suspended in August, preservation work at the Fort Fisher 
laboratory continues to attract nationwide attention. A recent letter from 
Mr. Harold L. Peterson of the National Park Service to the Executive 
Secretary of the Confederate Commission said in part, ". . . Harry [Wan- 
drus, Preservationist with the National Park Service] and I are particu- 
larly impressed with what we saw at your Fort Fisher laboratory. We 
have watched the work of the Danes on their North Sea recoveries and 
are in touch with the Swedish specialists working on the 'Vasa' and with 
French students working on Mediterranean recoveries. None of these 
situations offer the opportunities you have at Fort Fisher. The variety of 
materials, the known data on provenience, and the technical facilities 
that could be brought to bear on this problem offer a real chance for the 
United States to play a leading role in this field. . . ." 

On October 8 Admiral E. M. Eller, Director of Naval History, Wash- 
ington, D. C, met with Mr. Larson and members of the staff of the De- 
partment of Archives and History at the Fort Fisher laboratory. Admiral 
Eller's comments included the following: "In the recovery, preservation 
and display of materials of this period, you can make North Carolina 
famous (as she is rightly in other ways) with consequent prestige and 
attraction of national — if not world, interest." 



Historical News 107 

A documentary television film on the salvage operation has been pro- 
duced by Mr. Lee Kinard of WFMY-TV, Greensboro. Entitled "100 Years 
Beneath the Sea," the film is being readied for distribution and use 
throughout the State by the Audio-Visual Committee of the Commission. 

A regular meeting of the Confederate Centennial Commission was held 
in Raleigh on September 6 at which time Mr. Larson introduced to the 
Commission new staff members, Mrs. Healan Barrow and Miss Myra 
Thompson. He also summarized the year's activities and outlined plans for 
the future. 

On September 9 Mr. Larson was present at ceremonies at Aiken spon- 
sored by the South Carolina Commission, honoring General "Joe" Wheeler. 
He was accompanied by Colonel Hugh Dortch, Commission Chairman, and 
Mrs. Dortch. 

On September 11 and 12 the Executive Secretary was at Fort Fisher 
and on the latter date met with members of the Audio-Visual Committee 
in High Point. 

Mr. I. H. O'Hanlon of Fayetteville served as Governor Sanford's repre- 
sentative at the re-enactment of the Battle of Sharpsburg on September 
17. He was accompanied by Mrs. O'Hanlon. Commission members attend- 
ing were Mrs. Alvin Seippel and Mrs. Earl Teague. The Executive Secre- 
tary and Mr. Robert Jones of the staff of the Museums Division were 
also present. Approximately 90 members of the Sixth North Carolina 
Regiment took part in the re-enactment which was held in the area of the 
"Bloody Lane." Colonel W. Cliff Elder assumed the role of General D. H. 
Hill and was in command of the sector. 

Mr. Larson met with Mr. R. 0. Everett and Mr. N. B. Bragg in Durham 
on September 19 to begin planning the commemoration of the Bennett 
Place surrender. He was in Wilmington again during the period, Septem- 
ber 24-26, to discuss the Fort Fisher operation. 

On October 3 Mr. Larson attended a meeting with Mr. Sam Beard of 
WRAL-TV, Dr. Crittenden, Director of the Department of Archives and 
History, and staff members of Department to discuss a proposed series 
of documentary TV programs to be aired by WRAL-TV during 1963. 

Attending the annual convention of the North Carolina Division of the 
United Daughters of the Confederacy held in New Bern, October 10-11, 
were staff members Larson, Myers, Louis Manarin, and Jo Ann Manarin. 
Mr. Larson and Mr. Manarin conducted a workshop breakfast on Octo- 
ber 11. 

During the week of October 16-19 Mr. Larson and Mr. Robert Jones 
toured western North Carolina for the purpose of filming scenes to be 
included in a forthcoming motion picture concerning the work of the De- 
partment of Archives and History. They had previously photographed 
sites in the eastern part of the State. On October 23 Mr. Larson spoke 
to the Wake County Historical Society on the Centennial program in 
North Carolina. He also showed slides of Civil War sites and of the preser- 
vation program at Fort Fisher. On October 24 Mr. Larson met with the 
Commission's School Education Committee. Plans were made for an in- 
tensified in-school Centennial program. He attended a meeting of the 
Audio-Visual Committee on November 7. The forthcoming production by 



108 The North Carolina Historical Review 

WUNC-TV of a full-length dramatic program o*n General James Johnston 
Pettigrew was discussed. Tentative plans call for airing of the show in 
July, 1963, to coincide with the 100th anniversary of Pettigrew's death. 

On November 24 and 25 Colonel Dortch and Mr. Larson attended the 
annual meeting of the Confederate States Centennial Conference in New 
Orleans. 

In early October, 1962, Roster Editor Louis Manarin helped to effect 
the return to North Carolina of the wartime letter books of Governor 
Zebulon B. Vance from the National Archives in Washington. These letter 
books were captured by Union troops in the spring of 1865. 

The Commission has three publications in the press. Front Rank: The 
Story of North Carolina in the Civil War by Glenn Tucker is scheduled 
to go on sale in December. The book features original pen-and-ink draw- 
ings by artist Bill Ballard. Harry H. Hall's A Johnny Reb Band From 
Salem: The Pride of Tarheelia, a history of the Twenty-sixth Regimental 
Band, is scheduled for publication in early 1963. The third publication 
will be a reprinting in facsimile of The Dixie Geography, which was pub- 
lished during the Civil War. Dr. 0. L. Davis, formerly of the University 
of North Carolina, will write the introduction to the book, which will 
also appear in early 1963. 

Carolina Charter Tercentenary Commission 

The federal North Carolina Tercentenary Celebration Commission re- 
ceived seven new members by the appointment of President John F. Ken- 
nedy on October 16. The Commission consists of fifteen members: four 
Representatives previously appointed by Vice-President Lyndon B. John- 
son, four Senators appointed by Speaker of the House John W. McCor- 
mack of Massachusetts, and the seven Presidential appointees. The seven 
are: Chairman, Dr. Frank P. Graham, United Nations mediator and 
former President of the University of North Carolina ; Mrs. Bessie Ballen- 
tine, Executive Secretary of the North Carolina Automobile Dealers Asso- 
ciation; Secretary of Commerce Luther H. Hodges; Mr. Bruce Jolly, 
Washington correspondent for the Greensboro Daily Netvs; Mrs. May 
Gordon Latham Kellenberger, Greensboro housewife; Mr. Dwight Phil- 
lips, Charlotte, builder; and Mr. William S. Powell, Librarian for the 
North Carolina Collection at the University of North Carolina. According 
to General John D. F. Phillips, Executive Secretary, Carolina Charter 
Tercentenary Commission, the federal Commission will work with the 
Carolina Charter Tercentenary Commission in formulating plans for the 
1963 celebration, arranging visits of foreign dignitaries, and procuring 
art work for exhibits during the Tercentenary year. 

The symbol which will represent North Carolina's 300th anniversary 
celebration was presented to Governor Terry Sanford on September 18 
by Honorable Francis E. Winslow of Rocky Mount, Chairman of the Caro- 
lina Charter Tercentenary Commission. Based on the original seal of the 
eight Lords Proprietors, to whom King Charles II granted the Charter 
in 1663, the symbol has eight modified shields radiating from a central 
core, representing the form of government 300 years ago. Within the 



Historical News 109 

star-shaped core is an abstraction of the new State House, which will 
house the State Legislature initially during the Tercentenary year. Mr. 
Winslow, in his remarks to the Governor, pointed out that a primary 
objective of the Charter Commission is to educate the people about the 
little known and less understood facts of North Carolina's significant 
history. 

The last plenary meeting of the Charter Commission before the onset of 
the Tercentenary was held in Raleigh on October 12. Committee reports 
were given on the progress accomplished in respective areas. There was 
a great deal of discussion in regard to a commemorative stamp for the 
Tercentenary. It was noted that a portrait of either John Locke or King 
Charles II or a reproduction of the Tercentenary Symbol would be a de- 
sirable design for the stamp. Mrs. J. M. Harper, Jr., of Southport, Com- 
mission member, stated that the North Carolina Federation of Women's 
Clubs has chosen North Carolina's heritage for its theme this year, and 
that in February a "Heritage Week" will be observed in Raleigh. Many 
programs have been presented within the Federation and more are planned 
for the coming year. The Rt. Rev. Thomas H.~ Wright, Chairman of 
the Religious Activities Committee, reported a resolution which has been 
adopted by the North Carolina Association of Rabbis. The resolution con- 
cerns the support of the Tercentenary by North Carolina citizens and an 
appeal to welcome the occasion as a challenge for a new beginning and 
for uniting all men in the furtherance of their religious ideals. 

The first four in a series of leaflets published through the Commission's 
administrative office dealing with colonial life are available for distribu- 
tion. The leaflets are entitled "Colonial Carolina Coins and Currency," 
"Carolina Colonists' Costumes," one each for men and women, and "Co- 
lonial Carolina Sports." Several pamphlets are also being readied for 
distribution to schools and colleges in concurrence with the Commission's 
emphasis on the period 1663-1763. 

"A Selective Music Bibliography From the Period 1663-1763," by Dr. 
James Pruett and Dr. Lee Rigsby and designed to guide planning of 
musical programs and study during the celebration year, is available for 
purchase at the Commission's Raleigh office. Also available for purchase 
is "Songs of the Carolina Charter Colonists, 1663-1763," a bibliographical 
study by Dr. Arthur Palmer Hudson. Both booklets are publications of 
the Carolina Charter Tercentenary Commission. 

Four western North Carolina tourist attractions have announced plans 
for their participation in the Tercentenary celebration. The Rhododendron 
Festival, "Horn in the West," the Mineral and Gem Festival, and the Park- 
way Playhouse will help to tell the story of North Carolina's 300th birth- 
day. The Parkway Playhouse will produce Thomas Godfrey's early drama, 
"The Prince of Parthia." The Southern Appalachian Historical Associa- 
tion, sponsor of "Horn in the West," is considering a prologue to its famed 
story of Daniel Boone's role as a pioneer of Colonial North Carolina. The 
night of July 31, 1963, has been designated for recognizing the anniver- 
sary at the Mineral and Gem Festival sponsored by the Mitchell County 
Chamber of Commerce. The Tercentenary celebration will also be the 



110 The North Carolina Historical Review 

theme of the 1963 Rhododendron Festival, sponsored by the Bakersville 
Lions Club. 

The recently established Speakers' Bureau, located at the Commission's 
offices, has presented programs on Tercentenary plans to many civic and 
professional organizations throughout the State. 

Preliminary production planning of the Tercentenary's motion picture 
documentary has begun under the direction of Mr. James A. Beveridge 
of the newly inaugurated North Carolina Film Board. The film will be 
available to school and civic organizations. 

The booklet, "Historic North Carolina," published by the North Caro- 
lina Department of Conservation and Development, includes an informa- 
tional insert concerning the 1963 Tercentenary. Travel advertisements 
featuring the celebration are also included in nationally circulated maga- 
zines. Many inquiries have been received as a result of their publication. 

Director's Office 

Dr. Christopher Crittenden, Director; Mrs. Memory F. Blackwelder, 
Editor of the Division of Publications; and Mr. H. G. Jones, State Ar- 
chivist, met with Dr. Oliver W. Holmes, Executive Director of the Na- 
tional Historical Publications Commission, on August 13 to discuss the 
publication of a new edition of the papers of James Iredell, Sr. The De- 
partment had previously negotiated a contract with Dr. Don Higginbotham 
of Louisiana State University to serve as Editor. Dr. Holmes met later 
that day with Mrs. Mattie Erma Parker, Executive Editor, to confer 
about the new edition of The Colonial Records of North Carolina. 

On September 5 Dr. Crittenden and Mrs. Blackwelder met in Greens- 
boro with Mr. McDaniel Lewis, Chairman, and Dr. Fletcher M. Green 
and Dr. D. J. Whitener, of the Executive Board of the Department, and 
several other persons to discuss certain matters relating to the Depart- 
ment of Archives and History's budgetary requirements for the biennium 
1963-1965. 

Mr. W. S. Tarlton, Historic Sites Superintendent, and Dr. Crittenden 
on September 10 requested the State Highway Department to alter plans 
for widening and improving the highway (Reems Creek Road) serving 
the Zebulon B. Vance Birthplace State Historic Site in Buncombe County. 
The plan as proposed would have damaged the front of the Vance Birth- 
place property by cutting away trees and shrubs. The Highway Depart- 
ment has agreed not to cut into the section in question, thus preserving 
the present appearance of the Vance Birthplace. 

The Executive Board, the Director, and the Division heads of the De- 
partment of Archives and History and the Chairman and Executive Sec- 
retary of the Carolina Charter Tercentenary Commission appeared before 
the Advisory Budget Commission on September 18 to present budgetary 
requests for the biennium 1963-1965. For the biennium the Department is 
requesting a total operational budget of $675,458 for the first year and 
$687,684 for the second year, compared with the total operational budget 
of $590,341 for 1962-1963. The Department also requested for the "C" 
Budget (Capital Improvements) $2,636,000 of which $2,410,000 is for a 



Historical News 111 

badly needed new building for the Department of Archives and History. 
The Carolina Charter Tercentenary Commission requested a total opera- 
tional budget of $36,476 for the six-months period, July 1-December 31, 
1963, in comparison with a total of $153,490 for the full fiscal year, 1962- 
1963. The Commission also requested $13,698 for the three-months period, 
January 1-March 31, 1964, for a "B" Budget (Expansion of Present Level 
Services). A total of $36,124 for the Colonial Records Project was re- 
quested for the period January 1-June 30, 1964. The Charter Tercentenary 
year comes to a close December 31, 1963. 

The North Carolina Confederate Centennial Commission had requested 
of the Advisory Budget Commission a total of $60,432 for each year of the 
1963-1965 biennium as compared with a total of $61,360 for 1962-1963. 

The Tryon Palace Commission had requested a total of $124,892 for 
1963-1964 and $126,825 for 1964-1965 as compared with $123,820 for 
1962-1963. 

Following the budget hearings the Executive Board of the Department 
held a meeting in the Assembly Room of the Department. 

The Raleigh Historic Sites Commission met on October 2 and adopted 
a proposed budget and bylaws. Methods of financing the work of the 
Commission were also considered, and reports from various committees 
were heard. On November 6 the Commission met again to review a pre- 
liminary list of historic sites to be marked in the City of Raleigh. Mr. 
A. C. Hall, Jr., Director of City Planning, made suggestions concerning 
the presentation of the plans of the Commission to the City Council. The 
Commission met with the City Council on November 19 and gave its an- 
nual report and made requests for funds with which to operate. Three 
projects for the immediate future were proposed, all requiring some finan- 
cial support by the City of Raleigh. The first project suggested is the 
restoration and improvement of the City Cemetery. This would be the 
first step of a long-range program and would include landscaping, beauti- 
fication, proper interpretation through markers, and the publication of a 
brief brochure listing prominent persons buried in this cemetery. The 
second project proposed would consist of marking historic sites and build- 
ings which meet the criteria previously adopted by the Commission. A 
preliminary list includes six churches, six public buildings, four schools, 
nine privately-owned buildings, eighteen houses (specifically named), and 
approximately thirty other buildings and houses (not specifically desig- 
nated) which are considered typical of certain architectural periods. The 
list was prepared by Mr. W. S. Tarlton, Mr. Ben Williams, Miss Beth 
Crabtree, members of the Commission, and Mrs. Ralph Seymour of the 
Raleigh Woman's Club. The third project proposed is the publication of 
a historical pamphlet, with the City of Raleigh being responsible only for 
the cost of publication ; the research, writing, and photographs used to be 
donated. A special meeting of the Commission and a committee represent- 
ing the Raleigh Woman's Club met in the Assembly Room of the Depart- 
ment on November 29 to discuss plans for marking historic sites in Ra- 
leigh and planning one or more historical tours of the City. 



112 The North Carolina Historical Review 

On October 4 Dr. Crittenden and Mr. Nicholas B. Bragg, Historic Site 
Specialist, appeared before the Town Council of Wake Forest to inform 
that body regarding the development and future plans of the Wake Forest 
College Birthplace. The Council passed a resolution commending and ex- 
pressing appreciation to the Wake Forest College Birthplace Society for 
its progress in this field. Dr. Crittenden serves as President of the Society. 
The Society and other interested persons met in Wake Forest on November 
29 to elect officers. Dr. Crittenden was re-elected President; other officers 
elected were Mr. John Wooten, Vice-President ; Mrs. A. C. Hall, Secretary- 
Treasurer ; and Mrs. Cameron Lee, Dr. J. B. Hipps, Mrs. W. W. Holding, 
Mr. J. B. Cook, Jr., Dr. Douglas M. Branch, and Dr. I. Beverly Lake, 
members of the Board of Directors. Mr. N. B. Bragg gave a brief talk 
illustrated with color slides on "Historic Houses in North Carolina." Dr. 
Crittenden stated that grants of $6,000 from the Richardson Foundation 
and $7,000 from the Z. Smith Reynolds Foundation have been received to 
complete the restoration of the Birthplace. Exterior restoration is almost 
complete and interior work is proceeding. It was in this house that the 
first classes of Wake Forest College were held in 1834. The property is 
familiarly known as the Calvin Jones House. Dr. Jones was a native of 
Massachusetts, a physician, member of the House of Representatives, 
Mayor of Raleigh, Editor of the Raleigh Star, Brigadier General of the 
Militia in the War of 1812, Grand Master of the Grand Lodge of Free and 
Accepted Masons of North Carolina, and one of the founders of the North 
Carolina Medical Society. Jones sold the land on which Wake Forest Col- 
lege was established, cutting his price by $500 — his personal gift to the 
College. The College, controlled by the Baptist State Convention, moved 
to Winston-Salem several years ago. The Southeastern Baptist Theological 
Seminary now occupies the campus in Wake Forest. Members of the De- 
partment attending the meeting were Dr. Crittenden, Mr. Bragg, Mr. 
W. S. Tarlton, and Mrs. Memory F. Blackwelder. 

Dr. Crittenden, Mr. Tarlton, and Mr. Richard Iobst, Historic Site Spe- 
cialist in charge of the Marker Program, met on October 5 in Chapel Hill 
with the Advisory Committee on Historical Markers. The group approved 
inscriptions for markers to be erected in the future. 

On October 12 Dr. Crittenden attended the plenary meeting of the 
Carolina Charter Tercentenary Commission in Raleigh and on October 15 
he met with Mr. Norman C. Larson, Mr. and Mrs. Louis Manarin, and 
Mr. H. G. Jones to discuss the progress on the roster of North Carolina 
soldiers in the Civil War. Mr. Manarin, who is Editor of the roster and 
Mrs. Manarin, who assists him, have worked in the National Archives 
for the past several months. Splendid progress has been made on this 
project. 

Dr. Crittenden attended on October 18 the 200th Anniversary Celebra- 
tion of the founding of the City of Kinston. The program included the 
dedication of the new City Hall, a luncheon for guests, a parade, the pres- 
entation of the Kinston Coat of Arms, Seal, and Flag by the Hon. Sir 
George Bellew, formerly Garter King of Arms of the College of Arms, 
London, England. Mr. Marion A. Parrott, Kinston attorney, sponsored 



Historical News 113 

the movement for Kinston to claim armorial bearings, a city seal, and flag 
from the College of Arms. The College devised and issued such arms on 
December 20, 1960. Mr. Meriwether Lewis served as Chairman of the 
Anniversary Celebration. 

Members of the Carolinas Gun Club presented the Department with a 
traveling exhibit relating to Civil War weapons in ceremonies at the Jack 
Tar Hotel, Durham, on October 20. Dr. Crittenden accepted the gift for 
the Department. 

On October 24 Governor Terry Sanford held a press conference in the 
Battery Park Hotel in Asheville. Dr. Crittenden was present with the 
letter books of Civil War Governor Zebulon Baird Vance which recently 
were returned to the Department by the National Archives. The letter 
books had been out of the State since they were captured by the forces of 
Union General William T. Sherman in 1865. It was particularly appro- 
priate for this publicity to be released in Buncombe, the county where 
Vance was born and where his birthplace has been restored as a historic 
site. 

Dr. Crittenden attended the meeting of the Tryon Palace Commission 
in New Bern on November 8, and on November 11 he attended the cele- 
bration of Veterans Day in ceremonies aboard the Battleship "North 
Carolina" at Wilmington. At that time Dr. Crittenden presented the North 
Carolina Battleship Commission an Award of Merit from the American 
Association for State and Local History for that Commission's extremely 
fine accomplishment in bringing the "North Carolina" back to the State 
and preserving it for posterity. The Commission expects to continue to 
function for two more years. 

Dr. Crittenden was present on November 13 at the Wake Forest College 
Alumni dinner in Raleigh which was attended by persons from all sections 
of the State. Mr. N. B. Bragg discussed the restoration of the Wake Forest 
College Birthplace and outlined plans for continuing work on the project. 

On November 16 a meeting was held in Chapel Hill of the Advisory 
Editorial Board of the Colonial Records Project. Among those present 
were Dr. Crittenden and Mrs. Blackwelder, representing the Department, 
Mrs. Mattie E. Parker, Executive Editor, and General John D. F. Phillips, 
Executive Secretary of the Carolina Charter Tercentenary Commission, 
and four members of the Board. Those assembled discussed the immediate 
problems relating to this project and explored the question of materials 
for inclusion in future volumes. Mrs. Parker summarized the steps to be 
taken by the staff of the Colonial Records Project as (1) an inventory 
of records to be included in the series, (2) the over-all plan for publishing 
future volumes, and (3) preparation of the second volume. 

Division of Archives and Manuscripts 

Mr. H. G. Jones, State Archivist, and the three Assistant State Ar- 
chivists, Rear Admiral A. M. Patterson, Mr. Thornton W. Mitchell, and 
Mr. Cyrus B. King, attended the annual meeting of the Society of Ameri- 
can Archivists in Rochester, New York, September 30-October 2. Mr. 
Jones was re-elected Treasurer of the organization, and Mr. Mitchell 



114 The North Carolina Historical Review 

served as Chairman of the Nominations Committee. On October 19 Mr. 
Jones attended the meeting of the Historical Society of North Carolina 
in Boone, and on November 8-10, the Southern Historical Association in 
Miami Beach, Florida, where he read a paper, "Archives and Records 
Management," at the session on Southern Historical Agencies and Their 
Program. 

Miss Kathryn S. Pruitt joined the State Archivist's staff as Stenog- 
rapher II on July 1, replacing Mrs. Carole Foote Lucas. Mr. Julius H. 
Avant resumed part-time work on October 1, and Mr. Albert L. Wilson 
joined the staff as a part-time employee on November 1. A heavy turnover 
of personnel hampered operations in the Microfilm Services Center. Mr. 
Donald L. Horton was promoted to Photographer I to replace Mr. Jerry 
T. Salmon, who returned to college ; Mr. Ernest Hardy replaced Mr. Hor- 
ton in the latter's former position as Reproduction Equipment Operator 
II ; and Mr. James H. Mercer replaced Mr. William H. Langley as Clerk II 
(camera operator). Nevertheless, 42,400 feet of 16 mm. and 32,160 feet 
of 35 mm. negative microfilm were processed during the quarter ending 
September 30. In addition, 16,250 feet of positive film were reproduced 
during the same period. In the Laminating Shop, 25,656 pages of deterior- 
ating manuscripts were restored, plus 5,498 pages rehabilitated for in- 
dividuals and other institutions. 

During the same quarter, 55 additional reels of newspapers were com- 
pleted in the Newspaper Microfilm Project and made ready for positive 
printing, as follows (all are weeklies unless indicated otherwise, and 
brackets around dates indicate badly broken runs) : 

Edenton : One miscellaneous reel containing the following papers : Albe- 
marle Bulletin [1850-1851], Albemarle Enquirer [1886], Albemarle Sen- 
tinel [1839-1840], American Banner [1856], Edenton Clarion [1880-1881], 
Edenton Sentinel & Albemarle Intelligencer [1841], and North Carolina 
Miscellamj [1832-1833]. 

Halifax: One reel containing Halifax Compiler [1818], Halifax Mi- 
nerva [1829-1830], and Roanoke Advocate [1830-1833]; [1840-1843]; 
[1853-1856]. 

Lincolnton: Carolina Republican [1848-1851] and [1853], one reel; 
Lincoln Courier [1845-1851] and [1867], one reel; Lincoln Courier [1887- 
1895], three reels; Lincoln Democrat, 1895-1896, one reel; Lincoln Prog- 
ress [1873] and [1876-1882], two reels; Lincoln Republican [1840-1842], 
one reel; and one-half reel containing a few issues each of the Lincoln 
Transcript [1836] ; Western Whig Banner [1840] ; Plow, Forge & Grip 
[1891] ; and Lincoln Journal [1898-1899] and [1901]. 

Milton: Milton Chronicle [1841-1883], one reel; one reel containing 
Milton Intelligencer [1819] ; Milton Gazette [1824-1831] and Milton Spec- 
tator [1831-1839] and [1845] ; and one reel covering Milton Advertiser 
[1886] and [1891]; Milton Gazette [1892-1893]; and Milton Herald 
[1898-1900]. 

Murfreesboro : Murfreesboro Enquirer [1876-1881], one reel; Mur- 
freesboro Index [1887-1896] and [1908], four reels; and one reel con- 
taining Hornet's Nest [1812-1813] ; North Carolina Chronicle [1827] ; 



Historical News 115 

The Citizen [1859-1860] ; and Albemarle Southron & Union Advocate 
[I860]. 

New Bern: Newbern Daily Progress, 1858-1860 [1861-1863], seven 
reels; Newbern Weekly Progress [1859-1863], and Newbern Semi-Weekly 
Progress [1863], 1 reel. 

Raleigh: Carolina Era, daily [1872-1873], one reel; Carolina Era 
[1871-1872], semi-weekly, 2 reels; Carolina Era, weekly [1871-1876], 
two reels; Raleigh Daily Progress, 1862-1863 [1864]; [1867], three reels; 
and Raleigh Weekly Progress [1864-1867], one reel. 

Wilmington : Cave Fear Recorder, 1816-1832, one reel ; Weekly Com- 
mercial [1848-1857], two reels; Daily Herald [1854-1861], ten reels; 
Herald of the Union, daily [1865], one reel; Wilmington Herald, daily 
[1865], one reel; Daily Wilmington Herald, afternoon [1865-1866], one 
reel; Daily Wilmington Herald, morning [1865-1866], two reels. 

Accessions recorded in the Archives during the quarter ending Sep- 
tember 30, 1962, totaled 73. Included were the records of the North Caro- 
lina Home Economics Association, 1919-1945 ; four bound volumes of 
The Franklin Courier [Louisburg], 1872-1876, which contained all ex- 
cept four issues of the weekly newspaper; 12 volumes and six pamphlets 
of General Court Records, 1704-1754, transferred from Chowan County 
Clerk of Superior Court; and photocopies of six early North Carolina 
maps purchased from the Library of Congress. Additional materials 
from the Division of Negro Education, Department of Public Instruction, 
was also transferred during the quarter. 

During the same quarter 790 researchers visited the Search Room and 
882 letters requesting information from the Archives were answered. 
Photocopies numbering 818, together with 73 paper prints from micro- 
film and 32 typed certified copies, were furnished to the public from 
records in the Archives. 

Mr. Patrick Shuffler, a Needham Broughton High School senior, spent 
the summer as an unpaid intern in the Archives Section. Mr. John R. 
Woodard, Archivist I, returned to the Section after six months active 
duty with the United States Army. 

Mr. Cyrus B. King participated in a panel discussing "Teaching His- 
tory Through the Use of Primary Sources" before the Annual Convention 
of the Social Studies Teachers of the North Central District, North 
Carolina Education Association. On November 7 he spoke on the "Pres- 
ervation of Family Records" to the Woman's Club of Smithfield. 

A major task was accomplished in the Local Records Section when 
115 cubic feet of Bertie County papers were rearranged and made more 
accessible to researchers. Included in the group were civil and criminal 
papers of the County Court of Pleas and Quarter Sessions and the Su- 
perior Court (1737-1868), estates papers (1735-1868), deeds and land 
records (1723-1890), guardians' accounts (1730-1920), lists of taxables 
(1755-1860), marriage licenses (1870-1903), and miscellaneous records 
(prior to 1868). Also arranged and accessioned were smaller groups of 



116 The North Carolina Historical Review 

papers recently received from Cumberland, Granville, and Tyrrell coun- 
ties. These include: from Cumberland, estates and guardians' records 
(1762-1856), and civil actions and miscellaneous papers (1777-1880) ; 
from Granville County, copies of wills (1749-1770) ; and from Tyrrell 
County, wills (1798-1820). 

Staff personnel has begun the arrangement of 34 cubic feet of Edge- 
combe County papers (1761-1905). Work continues on the arrangement 
of a large volume of Chowan County colonial and county records, some 
of which date back to the seventeenth century. 

Records recently received from counties include: from Cumberland 
County, a group of dockets of the County Court of Pleas and Quarter 
Sessions and of the Superior Court, all prior to 1868, the latter including 
four minute dockets; from Davidson County, County Court of Pleas and 
Quarter Sessions and Superior Court dockets, civil action and equity 
papers, all prior to 1868, estates records and fiduciaries' bonds (1833- 
1919), and a large collection of marriage bonds and licenses (1822-1900) ; 
from Guilford County, wills (1792-1899), estates records (1869-1900), 
civil actions and equity papers (1870-1930), marriage registers (1876- 
1937), records of elections (1880-1922) and deeds (1800-1945); from 
Rowan County, miscellaneous dockets of the County Court of Pleas and 
Quarter Sessions and the Superior Court, all prior to 1868, and a small 
collection of miscellaneous papers (1774-1856), including correspondence 
of a number of important personages of that period. 

The microfilming of permanently valuable records in Rowan County 
has been completed, and Department microfilm operators are working 
in Cumberland and Halifax counties. Alamance and Mecklenburg counties 
are conducting their own microfilm programs with the advice and assist- 
ance of the Department. Microfilming has now been completed in 25 coun- 
ties and is in progress in four more. Preliminary to beginning work in 
Halifax County, staff personnel conducted an inventory of the records 
in each county office. The subsequently prepared Halifax County Records 
Inventory schedules for retention or disposal the records of each office, 
and indicates which of the records will be microfilmed. 

A most important and highly appreciated phase of the security micro- 
filming program is the restoration by lamination and the rebinding of 
permanently valuable county records in need of repair. The work of re- 
storing a large number of Orange County deed books and Rowan County 
deed and will books has recently been completed. Repairs to an even 
greater number of Cumberland and Mecklenburg County records are 
now underway. 

Rear Admiral A. M. Patterson, Assistant State Archivist for Local 
Records, read a paper, "Archival Services to State Agencies," at the 
annual meeting of the Society of American Archivists in Rochester, New 
York, on September 30. 

Mr. H. Lloyd Burkley, temporarily employed as a microfilm camera 
operator, resigned on August 31 to enter East Carolina College. He was 
replaced by Mr. Nash A. Isenhower, also a temporary employee whose 
period of employment terminated on November 9. 



Historical News 117 

In the State Records Section the records management program for 
State agencies continued to concentrate on records scheduling, although 
this phase of the program is virtually completed. New schedules for the 
Museum of Art and the Veterans' Commission have been approved and 
schedules for the Board of Higher Education and the Department of 
Water Resources are awaiting agency approval. Revisions for the De- 
partment of Archives and History, Board of Public Welfare, and the 
Board of Alcoholic Control are in process, as are new schedules for North 
Carolina State College and the Hospitals Board of Control. Major re- 
visions and amendments to the Department of Administration, Depart- 
ment of Public Instruction, and Board of Health schedules have been 
approved. 

The desirability of bringing all records under disposition control was 
emphasized when State agencies reported 94,543 cubic feet of records 
in their custody as of June 30, 1962. This does not include the volume of 
records in the State Records Center or in the Archives. 

The project of reorganizing the index file in the Sales Tax Division, 
Department of Revenue, has been completed and a brief training session 
for all employees of the Division was conducted. In addition, a files re- 
organization for the Department of Archives and History is awaiting 
final approval. The study of fiscal records and paperwork throughout the 
State continues. 

The records management handbook of Files and Filing is in draft form 
and is being reviewed in the Department. This handbook will be accom- 
panied by a workshop which has also been drafted and is being put into 
final form for presentation. Plans are also completed for giving the fed- 
eral government correspondence management and forms improvement 
workshops to selected State employees. 

In the Central Microfilm Project, 164 reels containing 1,070,666 images 
were filmed for State agencies during the quarter ending September 30. 

In the State Records Center 1,625.9 cubic feet of records were acces- 
sioned and 566.4 cubic feet disposed of, for a net gain of 1,059.5 cubic 
feet. On September 30, 1962, the net holdings of the Records Center were 
24,569.5 cubic feet and the space problem is critical. To remedy this, the 
Council of State appropriated $7,500 to the Department of Administra- 
tion to rewire the Records Center and to relocate and replace lighting 
fixtures in the storage areas. After this work has been done, additional 
shelving will be constructed. 

During the quarter ending September 30, the Records Center staff 
handled 3,376 reference requests and refiled or interfiled 2,158 items for 
18 State agencies. This increase results from the fact that the staff of 
the Records Center has assumed responsibility for servicing Employment 
Security Commission and Department of Revenue records. For the first 
time, the Records Center is performing reference service on all records 
in its custody. There was a proportionate reduction in the number of 
visitors ; during the quarter ending September 30, 1962, 195 visitors from 
eleven State agencies and from Army Intelligence, FBI, U.S. Probation 



118 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Office, and the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare visited 
the Records Center. 

Mr. Alexander R. Tuten, Records Management Consultant I, spoke to 
the Optimist Club of Raleigh on November 6 on the work of the Division 
of Archives and Manuscripts. 

Effective November 1, 1962, the payroll title of Messrs. Charles I. 
Bryan and Alexander R. Tuten, formerly Archivists III, were changed 
to Records Management Consultant I. Mr. Thornton W. Mitchell's pay- 
roll title (working title: Assistant State Archivist for State Records 
Management) was changed to Records Management Consultant II. 

Division of Historic Sites 

Mr. W. S. Tarlton spoke on June 19 to the Quota Club of Raleigh on 
the "Historic Sites Program in North Carolina"; on July 5 he spoke to 
the Apex Lions Club on the same subject. From August 21 through 23 
he attended the annual sessions in Buffalo, New York, of the American 
Association for State and Local History. He was present for a meeting 
of the Awards Committee as Committeeman for the South Atlantic States 
and also met with the Council. He read a paper, "Local Historical Socie- 
ties and Historic Sites," at one of the sessions. He was re-elected for a 
full four-year term to the Council. On August 24 he visited the Library 
of Congress in Washington for a committee assignment for the Advisory 
Board of the Historic American Buildings Survey and visited the head- 
quarters of the National Trust for Historic Preservation to confer with 
members of the staff on matters of interest to the Historic Sites Program. 

He attended the August 30 meeting of the Lenoir County Confederate 
Centennial Committee to discuss plans for preserving the Confederate 
gunboat "Neuse." On September 6 he attended a meeting in Raleigh of 
the North Carolina Confederate Centennial Commission. He spoke to the 
Hillsborough Historical Society on October 12 on preserving historic 
buildings and sites in Hillsboro, illustrating his talk with color slides of 
a number of buildings in several sections of the State. On November 18 
he attended the dedication ceremonies of the Visitor Center-Museum and 
restored 1870 schoolhouse at the Charles B. Aycock Birthplace State His- 
toric Site. 



Mr. Walter R. Wootten, Historic Site Specialist at the Alamance Bat- 
tleground State Historic Site, reports that on October 11 the Regulator 
column was moved from the Guilford Courthouse Battleground and 
erected at the Alamance Site. A mound, built around the monument, has 
been seeded. Preliminary negotiations have been undertaken with the 
State Highway Commission asking that body to request permission for 
highway directional and turn-off signs to be erected on Interstate 85 to 
guide tourist traffic to Alamance Battleground. During the last quarter 
Mr. Wootten has made talks on the Regulator Movement, on the Carolina 
Charter Tercentenary celebration in 1963, and on citizenship to the Elon 



Historical News 119 

College Book Club, the Burlington Writers Club, the E. M. Holt School, 
and the Graham High School. There has been a great increase in the 
number of visitors to the Site, as well as in public support and publicity. 

The Aycock Visitor Center-Museum was completed on October 17, and 
inspection and the State acceptance were completed on October 23. Mr. 
Frank E. Walsh, Exhibits Designer, worked from October 24 to Novem- 
ber 18 preparing for the opening. The openings of the Visitor Center- 
Museum and the 1870 schoolhouse were held on November 18, with Dr. 
D. J. Rose, Chairman of the Charles Brantley Aycock Memorial Com- 
mission, presiding. Dr. Burkette Raper, President of the Mount Olive 
Junior College, gave the invocation. Dr. Rose recognized distinguished 
guests and acknowledged the private citizens and patriotic, historical, and 
civic groups in Wayne County who have contributed to the entire restora- 
tion project. Mr. David S. Coltrane, Consultant to the Governor, was the 
featured speaker. Mrs. Will Stroud, representing Mrs. A. J. Johnstone, 
Regent, David Williams Chapter, Daughters of the~ American Revolution, 
presented a United States Flag to Mr. Richard W. Sawyer, Jr., Historic 
Site Specialist in charge of the Aycock Birthplace. Mr. Robert Helms, 
general contractor, presented the key for the new building to Dr. Chris- 
topher Crittenden, Director of the Department of Archives and History. 
After the program the 1870 school was open for visitation, at which time 
the Wayne County Historical Society sponsored a demonstration of a 
school in session. Miss Mary Hawley, retired Wayne County school- 
teacher, was dressed in an authentic costume of the period and portrayed 
the role of teacher. Children of members of the County Historical Society, 
also dressed in costumes of the 1870's, participated in the role of students. 
During the afternoon, the Birthplace, dedicated on November 1, 1959, 
was open to visitors. The Fremont Garden Club served cider and home- 
made tea cakes to approximately 800 guests. Mr. Sawyer made a talk to 
the Pikeville Lions Club on November 13, on the opening of the Visitor 
Center-Museum. On November 20, the fifth grade of New Hope School, 
Wayne County — 107 strong — visited the Site. 

Mr. Nicholas B. Bragg, Historic Site Specialist at the Benton ville Bat- 
tleground State Historic Site, reports that less than $6,000 of the esti- 
mated $40,000 for the construction of a visitor center-museum remains 
to be raised. The Battleground Advisory Committee continues to work 
to obtain the necessary funds. Since the United Daughters of the Con- 
federacy, North Carolina Division, furnished a room in the Harper House, 
the Sander-Holt Chapter of the above organization and the Johnston 
County Historical Society have each agreed to furnish rooms. The Dunn 
Chapter, United Daughters of the Confederacy, and the Richardson 
Foundation are financing the restoration of the slave cabin at Averasboro. 
The Chicora Chapter of the United Daughters of the Confederacy is co- 
operating with the Department in this unusual restoration which will 
have hand-riven shakes covering the outside logs to protect the daubing. 
A rock chimney and fireplace have already been constructed. Markers, 



120 The North Carolina Historical Review 

under the direction of Mr. Richard Iobst, haVe been erected at Averas- 
boro, including one at the Chicora Cemetery. Mr. Bragg reports that 
plans are being made for a centennial program to be held at the Bennett 
Place in 1965. Mr. R. 0. Everett/Chairman of the Bennett Place Memor- 
ial Commission, is co-ordinating the program which will be sponsored 
by the Department, the North Carolina Confederate Centennial Com- 
mission, the Bennett Place Commission, and the City of Durham. Plans 
are also being made for the eventual construction of a visitor center- 
museum at the Site. Persons may arrange visits to the Bennett Place 
during the winter months by contacting Mr. Bragg, Box 1881, Raleigh. 
The restoration work at the Wake Forest College Birthplace in Wake 
Forest was begun in August. Bricks for the foundation and chimneys 
were secured from the old Harrison home on Seaboard Avenue in Ra- 
leigh which was recently demolished. Cypress shingles for the roof have 
been hand-riven by an old Negro near Warsaw in Duplin County. During 
the winter it is expected that a new room and a new two-story porch 
will be added as well as blinds, doors, and windows. On September 6 Mr. 
Bragg spoke to the Wake Forest Woman's Club on the restoration of the 
College Birthplace, and on September 23 he participated in the dedication 
of a room of the Harper House, furnished by the North Carolina Division 
of the United Daughters of the Confederacy. Honorable Thad Eure, Sec- 
retary of State, made the principal address for the occasion. Mr. Bragg 
visited the Richmond M. Pearson law school in Yadkin County on Sep- 
tember 27 and was in Winston-Salem on September 28 to do research 
for the Wake Forest College Birthplace. On October 3 he attended a 
meeting of the Edenton-Chowan County Historical Society, and on Octo- 
ber 10 gave an illustrated talk on "Civil War Sites in North Carolina'* 
at the State United Daughters of the Confederacy Convention in New 
Bern. Mr. Bragg spoke on October 11 in Charlotte to the Mecklenburg 
Chapter, Daughters of the American Revolution, on Governor Thomas 
Burke and made a tour of Lincoln County on October 12, visiting with 
Mrs. Joseph Graham and the following sites: Mt. Tirzah (1790), Vesu- 
vius Furnace (1791), Machpelah Church (1848), "Ingleside" (1818), and 
"Woodside" (1804). Mr. Bragg gave slide-lectures to the Kenly Pierian 
Book Club on Civil War sites on November 5, and to the Oxford Woman's 
Club on "Preservation, Restoration, and Reconstruction in North Caro- 
lina" on November 7. He spoke on the "Restoration of the Wake Forest 
College Birthplace" to the Wake Forest Civic Club on November 15. 

Mr. Stanley A. South, Archeologist at Brunswick Town State Historic 
Site, reports that the work on excavation of Judge Maurice Moore's home 
in Brunswick Town continues. The home was similar to others in the 
town, with architectural characteristics derived from the West Indies. 
A large number of signs have been cut in laminated plastic to aid in the 
interpretation of the sites of Brunswick Town and Fort Anderson. A 
number of these have also been placed along the nature trail explaining 
the use the colonists made of various native plants. From November 1 
through 3 Mr. South attended the third annual Conference on Historic 



Historical News 121 

Site Archaeology at Moundville, Alabama, and presented papers entitled 
"Some Notes on Bricks," and "Interpreting the Brunswick Town Ruins." 
He also attended on November 10 the Eastern States Archaeological 
Federation meeting in Athens, Georgia, and presented a paper entitled 
"Dating Historic Sites through Analysis of Ceramics and Kaolin Pipe- 
stems at Brunswick Town, North Carolina." An article, "Coins from the 
Brunswick Town Ruins," was written by Mr. South for the Brunswick 
County Historical Society Newsletter, II (No. 4). These newsletters are 
reprinted and passed out as leaflets to visitors at the Site. Mr. South 
worked with Mr. R. V. Asbury, Jr., the Brunswick Town costumed guide, 
on the excavation of an Early Woodland Period site in Brunswick County. 
Pottery from the period 1000-500 B.C. was found during the excavation. 
Mr. Asbury presented a paper on this work at the annual meeting of the 
Archaeological Society of North Carolina in Wilmington on October 13. 
Three displays on Brunswick Town history, archeology, and Fort Ander- 
son were prepared and erected at Wilmington College for use during the 
month of October. Arrangements have been made with the College to 
provide protected fireproof storage space for some of the more important 
Brunswick Town artifacts until a museum can be erected at the Site. 



Mr. A. L. Honeycutt, Jr., Historic Site Specialist at Fort Fisher State 
Historic Site, reports that visitation was excellent during the period 
August-November. Since the opening of the Museum-Pavilion on March 1, 
165,000 people have visited the Site. Some of the surgical instruments, 
knives, guns, tools, and other items recovered from the "Modern Greece" 
by U.S. naval divers have been treated at the Fort Fisher Preservation 
Laboratory and are now on exhibit in the temporary museum. On August 
7 and 8 Mr. Harold Peterson, Director of the National Park Service, 
toured the Fort Fisher Preservation Laboratory and the Museum-Pa- 
vilion. On August 15 Mr. Virgil Carrington Jones, author of the trilogy, 
Civil War at Sea, visited Fort Fisher. He is preparing a "Civil War at 
Sea" article, which deals in part with Fort Fisher, for the National Geo- 
graphic magazine. On August 8 Mr. Honeycutt attended the quarterly 
meeting of the Board of Directors of the SEENCL and Development 
Association in Wilmington, at which time he was appointed to serve on 
a special advisory committee to work with the Association's Travel and 
Recreation Division. He attended this committee's September 25 meeting 
at which a historical brochure was planned to cover the Southeastern 
North Carolina area. On August 20 Mr. McDaniel Lewis, Chairman of the 
Executive Board of the Department of Archives and History, toured Fort 
Fisher. At the close of the 1962 beach season Mayor John Washburn of 
Carolina Beach stated that "the tourist boom [caused by the opening of 
the Fort Fisher Museum-Pavilion and the U.S.S. "North Carolina" Me- 
morial and the recovery of Civil War artifacts by U.S. naval divers] 
created a busy season for nearby Carolina Beach, . . . with businessmen 
and residents reporting the biggest season in history." On September 13 
Governor Terry Sanford and the Council of State voted to condemn 11.4 
acres adjoining Fort Fisher which is badly needed for the future develop- 



122 The North Carolina Historical Review 

d 

ment of the Site. The purchase of the land will be handled by the Depart- 
ment of Administration. On September 19 Mr. Honeycutt gave a talk on 
Fort Fisher and the recovery operation there at a meeting of the Wil- 
mington Civitan Club. On September 21 the North Carolina Water Re- 
sources Commission toured Fort Fisher and the Preservation Laboratory. 
After the tour Mr. Honeycutt made a radio recording on Fort Fisher at 
WGNI, Wilmington, for the John Powell interview program. After the 
radio recording Mr. Honeycutt attended a board of directors meeting 
of the Lower Cape Fear Historical Society and on November 7 he at- 
tended the Society's fall meeting held at St. Andrews Covenant Presby- 
terian Church in Wilmington. On September 25 Mr. Honeycutt attended 
an organizational meeting of the Carolina Beach Junior Chamber of 
Commerce. At the October meeting of that group he was elected to the 
Board of Directors and was installed in office on November 15 at the 
Jaycees' Charter Night Banquet. On October 9 Rear Admiral E. M. Eller, 
Director of Naval History from Washington, toured the Fort Fisher 
Museum-Pavilion and the Preservation Laboratory. On October 10 Mr. 
Honeycutt installed three displays at Wilmington College on "Fort Fisher 
Archeology," "Fort Fisher Underwater Archeology," and "Blockade- 
Runner Artifacts." The exhibits remained through November. On August 
27 and September 24 Mr. Honeycutt attended the Lower Cape Fear 
Archaeological Society meetings, and on October 13 he attended an all-day 
session of the Archaeological Society of North Carolina at Wilmington 
College. The next day Mr. Honeycutt spoke to the Society members at 
the Fort Fisher Museum-Pavilion and conducted them on a tour of the 
old fort and the Preservation Laboratory. At the October 29 meeting of 
the Lower Cape Fear Archaeological Society Mr. Honeycutt was elected 
President. A short article on Fort Fisher appeared in the October Na- 
tional Trust Newsletter, and in the October Tarheel Wheels there was an 
article, "At Fort Fisher, The 'Modern Greece.' " On November 18 Mr. 
Honeycutt attended the opening of the Charles B. Ay cock Visitor Center- 
Museum. In Rocky Mount on November 30 Mr. Honeycutt spoke to the 
Tar River Archaeological Society on "Fort Fisher Historic and Under- 
water Archeology." 

Mr. Bennie C. Keel, Archeologist at Town Creek Indian Mound State 
Historic Site, reports that while the rate of excavation during the past 
season did not proceed as rapidly as anticipated, much new information 
was gained. An additional mortuary was discovered just north of the 
Plaza and excavation along the southern edge of the Plaza hints at the 
possibility of establishing some internal breakdown during the Pee Dee 
Period (1550-1650 A.D.). It was during this period that the ceremonial 
center was built and used. If future work proves this to be feasible, then 
certain of the architectural structures can be dated more accurately. 
During this season's work about 3,000 square feet were excavated. Mr. 
Keel also supervised the excavation of a site on the Roanoke River near 
Littleton for the University of North Carolina. Exhibits which will be 
housed in the new Visitor Center-Museum are under construction by Mr. 



Historical News 123 

Frank E. Walsh, Exhibits Designer for the Division. Mr. Keel spent 
several days examining the Town Creek Collection, which is stored at 
the University of North Carolina, for artifacts to be displayed in the new 
exhibits. Mr. Keel attended the annual meetings of the Archaeological 
Society of North Carolina at Wilmington, the Southeastern Archaeological 
Conference at Moundville, Alabama, and the Eastern States Archaeo- 
logical Federation at Athens, Georgia. He spoke to the Social Science 
Section of the Fifth District, North Carolina Education Association, at 
Lexington about the State Department of Archives and History's His- 
toric Sites program and its value to the classroom teacher. During 
this period he also addressed several civic and social organizations in 
the State. Attendance has continued to increase and at the end of the 
third quarter reached 33,152, compared to 22,977 for the same period in 
1961. 

The North Carolina Council of State has approved the institution of 
condemnation proceedings — if need be — to acquire 2.3 acres of land ad- 
jacent to the Zebulon B. Vance Birthplace State Historic Site for the 
construction of a Visitor Center-Museum at the Site. An appropriation 
of $42,500 was made by the 1961 General Assembly to finance the project. 
Acquisition of additional land will permit also the erection of two more 
log farm outbuildings near the Vance Birthplace — a barn and corn crib. 
Four outbuildings already are in existence. Construction of a caretaker's 
residence will complete the building program at this State Historic Site. 
Two World War I enemies in aerial combat met as friends this summer 
at the Vance Birthplace. They were Col. Carl B. Dolan, a member of the 
famed Lafayette Escadrille, and his onetime German adversary, Count 
Waldo von Lossow of Bavaria, who flew with the equally renowned 
von Richthofen "Flying Circus." Their meeting was arranged by Col. 
Paul A. Rockwell of Asheville, former President of the Western North 
Carolina Historical Association. Mr. Robert O. Conway, Historic Site 
Specialist at the Vance Birthplace, has presented programs recently 
at meetings of the Asheville Rotary Club and the Beaverdam Lions Club. 
He has also conducted tours of the Vance Birthplace for the 20th Cen- 
tury Club, YW-Wives Club, wives of State Board of Election officials, 
and a number of Boy Scout, Girl Scout, and school groups. 

Division of Museums 

On August 9 Mrs. Joye E. Jordan, Museums Administrator, met with 
the North Carolina Federation of Women's Clubs in Raleigh, and on 
August 28 she prepared for and conducted a workshop for Social Science 
High School Teachers at Camp Lejeune. The theme of the workshop was 
"Procedures To Be Used in Correlating the Wealth of Historical Sig- 
nificance Available to Us in North Carolina." Mrs. Jordan met with of- 
ficials in Swansboro on August 29 to discuss a proposed museum for that 
town. She and Mr. Robert Mayo, Exhibits Designer, met on August 30 
with the personnel of Tryon Palace in New Bern to make plans for dis- 
play galleries. On August 30 and 31 Mrs. Madlin Futrell, Photographer, 



124 The North Carolina Historical Review 

photographed the Tryon Palace Garden in color, and on August 31 Mrs. 
Jordan met with Mr. Richard W. Sawyer, Jr., Historic Site Specialist at 
the Charles B. Aycock Birthplace, to discuss furnishings for the restored 
one-room schoolhouse. Mrs. Jordan, Mrs. Futrell, Mr. Mayo, and Mr. 
John D. Ellington attended the opening of the 0. Henry Room at the 
Greensboro Historical Museum on September 11. Mrs. Jordan was nar- 
nator on September 20 for a fashion show presented to the Southeastern 
Gas Association at the Hotel Sir Walter. Lingerie of the early 1900's 
was modeled from the collection of the Hall of History. Mrs. Futrell 
photographed the show. On September 23 Mrs. Jordan and Mrs. Futrell 
attended the opening of the Harper House at Bentonville Battleground 
State Historic Site and on September 24 Mrs. Jordan, Mr. Mayo, and 
Mr. Samuel Townsend met with a committee organized to preserve the 
artifacts from the Ram "Neuse" and to exhibit them temporarily at 
Kinston. Mrs. Futrell and Mrs. Jordan went to Salisbury on September 
26 for ceremonies connected with the presentation of a Confederate Flag 
to the Rowan County Museum. From September 30 through October 3 
Mrs. Jordan, Mrs. Futrell, and Mrs. Sue R. Todd worked with the per- 
sonnel at the Zebulon B. Vance Birthplace State Historic Site, and on 
October 8 Mrs. Jordan met with the Swansboro Historical Association 
at Swansboro. She instructed guides for tours of the Executive Mansion 
in Raleigh on October 11, and with several members of her staff attended 
the October 24-27 meetings of the Southeastern Museums Conference in 
Richmond, Virginia. 

Division of Publications 

Though the third quarter includes the "lean" months when school is 
not in session, the sale of publications continued at a brisk pace. Receipts 
totaled $3,855.91, with $2,512.31 being retained by the Division and 
$1,343.60 being turned over to the North Carolina Literary and Histor- 
ical Association. The distribution of publications included 278 documen- 
tary volumes, 2,247 letter books of governors, 234 small books, 3,817 
pamphlets and maps, 45,265 leaflets and brochures, and 635 copies of the 
list of publications available from the Department. In addition the sale 
of back sets of The North Carolina Historical Review was continued, 
with 12 sets being sold, bringing the total sold through the end of the 
quarter to 122. As of the end of the quarter, only a few sets remained 
for sale and these had been reserved. The year-long sale of back sets 
proved popular, and $3,226.95 was realized. Arrangements were made 
to sell the remaining copies, in bulk, to Mr. David Stick, who handles 
secondhand books. 

There were 111 new subscriptions and 250 renewals to The Review 
during the third quarter of 1962. 

Green Leaf and Gold: Tobacco in North Carolina, written by Mr. 
Jerome E. Brooks of New York, was published in September. This new 
pamphlet tells the story of tobacco cultivation and manufacture from 
the days of Sir Walter Raleigh to the present ; it is available from the 
Division of Publications for twenty-five cents. 



Historical News 125 

Additional copy for a ninth volume of the Records of the Moravians 
was received by the Division during the quarter, and plans are being 
made to have the material in the hands of the printer by the first of the 
year. Bishop Kenneth G. Hamilton was selected as Editor of Volume X; 
he succeeds Dr. Minnie J. Smith, who died in July. Copy was also re- 
ceived from Mr. Noble J. Tolbert, Editor of the Ellis Papers. Index cards 
for the first volume of the Vance Papers were prepared in the Division, 
and a draft of the biographical sketch of Governor Vance was submitted 
by the Editor, Dr. Frontis W. Johnston. Plans are being made to issue 
both the Ellis and the Vance papers during 1963. 

A Civil War diary, kept by Mrs. Catherine Ann Edmondston, is to be 
published by the Department. Dr. James W. Patton, Director of the 
Southern Historical Collection of the University of North Carolina, is 
editing the Diary with the collaboration of Miss Beth G. Crabtree of the 
staff of the State Department of Archives and History. 

Because of the need for county histories written for school children, 
plans were made to initiate this project prior to^ the convening of the 
1963 General Assembly. A grant of $1,000 from the Richardson Founda- 
tion made possible the beginning of the series. Mr. William S. Powell, 
Librarian, North Carolina Collection, University of North Carolina, is 
writing a history of Lenoir County and Kinston. It is anticipated that 
this pamphlet will be published early in 1963 ; funds to continue the plan 
will be sought from the General Assembly. 

The leaflet listing publications of the Department was revised in No- 
vember. Copies of this revised brochure are available free upon request 
to the Department. 

The Advisory Editorial Board met on September 27 to review plans 
and policies concerning the publications program. The meeting was at- 
tended by members of the Board, Dr. Frontis W. Johnston, Mr. William 
S. Powell, Dr. Robert H. Woody, Dr. Sarah M. Lemmon, and Senator 
John R. Jordan, Jr. ; Dr. Christopher Crittenden, Mrs. Elizabeth W. Wil- 
born, and Mrs. Memory F. Blackwelder, of the State Department of 
Archives and History; arid General John D. F. Phillips and Mrs. Mattie 
Erma Parker, of the Carolina Charter Tercentenary Commission, who 
were present for the first part of the meeting. 

Mrs. Wilborn spoke to the Civitan Club in Raleigh on August 9, to the 
Clayton Rotary Club on October 4, and to the 71st Ruritan Club in Fay- 
etteville on November 15. Mrs. Blackwelder went to Greensboro on Sep- 
tember 5 for a meeting with the Executive Committee of the Executive 
Board of the Department. She attended a luncheon meeting of the Con- 
federate Centennial Commission on September 6, the Advisory Budget 
Commission hearings and Executive Board meeting on September 18, a 
meeting of the Wake County Historical Society's Executive Council on 
October 18, the fall meeting of the Historical Society of North Carolina 
in Boone on October 19, and a meeting of the Advisory Editorial Board 
for the Colonial Records in Chapel Hill on November 16. She spoke to 
the Roanoke Rapids Woman's Club on October 1. Both she and Mrs. Wil- 



126 The North Carolina Historical Review 

born went to Fremont for the opening and dedication of the Ay cock 
Birthplace Visitor Center-Museum on November 18. 

Mrs. Blackwelder attended the Southern Historical Association in 
Miami Beach, November 8-10. While there she represented Dr. Chris- 
topher Crittenden at a meeting of the program committee for the Asso- 
ciation's 1963 meeting and read a paper prepared by Dr. Sarah Lemmon 
as Discussant for a session entitled "Twentieth Century Intrastate Po- 
litical Battles." 

The Baptist State Convention, at its meeting in Raleigh in November, 
elected Mrs. Blackwelder to a three-year term on its Historical Committee. 

COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES 

Dr. Preston W. Edsall, Head of the Department of History and Po- 
litical Science at North Carolina State College, is the author of two chap- 
ters in The Politics of Reapportionment, edited by Dr. Malcolm Jewell, 
which was published in November (Atherton Press). Dr. Marvin L. 
Brown, Jr., is the author of a pamphlet, The United States Marines in 
Iceland, 194-1-1942 (No. 34, Marine Corps Historical Reference Series) 
published by the H.Q. Marine Corps, Washington, D. C. Dr. Brown at- 
tended the April meeting of the Society for French Historical Studies, 
East Lansing, Michigan. He is the Editor in Chief of the Society's semi- 
annual magazine, French Historical Studies. During the summer of 1962 
Dr. Brown did research in Paris and Vienna on a State College Faculty 
Research Grant and attended sessions of Societe d! Histoire Moderne. 
Dr. Stuart Noblin is the author of Codification of Grange Policy pub- 
lished by the National Grange (Washington, D. C). Dr. Noblin will serve 
as chairman of the program committee of the Historical Society of North 
Carolina for 1963. Dr. Murray S. Downs read a paper, "The British Con- 
stitution in 1783: George III Dismisses the Coalition," on November 9 
at the Miami Beach, Florida, meeting of the Southern Historical Asso- 
ciation. 

Dr. Rosser H. Taylor retired as Head of the Department of Social Sci- 
ences at Western Carolina College on June 30, with the title of Professor 
Emeritus of History. Dr. D. C. Sossamon succeeded Dr. Taylor. 

Dr. Fletcher M. Green, Dr. Loren C. MacKinney, Dr. James L. Godfrey, 
and Dr. George B. Tindall of the Department of History of the University 
of North Carolina served as chairmen of sessions at the meeting of the 
Southern Historical Association in Miami Beach, Florida, November 8-10. 
Dr. Harold A. Bierck, Jr., read a paper at the same meeting entitled 
"Spanish-American Contributions to the Economic Development of the 
United States, 1700-1825." Dr. Green, on July 25, delivered a lecture, 
"Origins of Higher Education for Women in the South to 1860," before 
the Institute of Southern Culture meeting, Longwood College, Virginia. 
He is the author of The South in Reconstruction, 1865-1880, Part I, Trav- 
els in the New South: A Bibliography (Norman: University of Oklahoma, 
2 volumes, 1962). Dr. Cornelius O. Cathey has been elected to the Execu- 



Historical News 127 

tive Committee of the Agricultural History Society and was chosen 
"Teacher of the Month" by University students in March. Dr. Cecil John- 
son is serving as Acting Secretary of the Faculty, and Dr. Clifford M. 
Foust is a member of the Organizing Committee of the Southern Con- 
ference on Slavic Studies which met at Duke University, October 5-6. 
Dr. Tindall delivered a talk, "Images of the South," at a meeting of the 
Association for Education in Journalism held in Chapel Hill on August 
29. Dr. Frank W. Klingberg is the author of A Documentary History of 
the United States from 1865 to Present, published by Meridian Books in 
October. Dr. MacKinney has been appointed an Associate Editor of the 
Unesco History of the Scientific and Cultural Development of Mankind, 
Volume IV. Dr. Hugh T. Lefler wrote articles on North Carolina for 
Collier's Encyclopedia Yearbook, 1962, and The Americana Annual, 1962. 
For The State magazine he wrote "North Carolina's Unique Role in the 
Civil War," XXIX (No. 11), and "Zeb Vance Versus Jefferson Davis," 
XXIX (No. 16) . On November 15 he addressed the Greensboro Historical 
Society on "The First Century of North Carolina History" and on No- 
vember 27 he spoke to the Moore County Historical Association on "North 
Carolina Celebrates Its Tercentenary." Dr. Henry C. Boren read a paper, 
"Roman Reaction to Hellenistic Penetration, 200-150 B.C." at a meeting 
of the Classical Association held on November 22. Dr. Godfrey repre- 
sented the University at the Anglo-American History Conference at the 
Senate House of the University of London on July 14. Dr. Robert M. 
Miller was a Visiting Professor of History at the Blue Ridge Assembly 
for the summer session, 1962, and Dr. George B. Taylor was a Visiting 
Professor of History at Duke University during the summer of 1962. Dr. 
Taylor published "The Paris Bourse on the Eve of the Revolution, 1781- 
1789" in The American Historical Review (July, 1962). He is currently 
moderator of a panel program, called "Encounter," which appears on 
WUNC-TV. Recent promotions include those of Dr. John K. Nelson from 
Instructor to Assistant Professor and of Dr. Stephen B. Baxter to Asso- 
ciate Professor. 

On September 13 Dr. Ina W. Van Noppen was named a Distinguished 
Professor by the Trustees of Appalachian State Teachers College and 
on October 27 she was presented the Thomas Wolfe Memorial Trophy 
for her reprint, Stoneman's Last Raid. The book was published first as a 
four-part article, "The Significance of Stoneman's Last Raid," in The 
North Carolina Historical Review in 1961. 

Dr. Robert H. Woody, Dr. Joel Colton, Dr. Warren Lerner, and Dr. 
Doris King of the Department of History, Duke University, attended the 
meeting, November 8-10, of the Southern Historical Association in Miami 
Beach, Florida. Dr. Colton was the Discussant of a paper in the session 
on the "European Press and Public Opinion"; Dr. Lerner read a paper 
on "Karl Radek and Trotskyite Opposition"; Dr. Woody was the Dis- 
cussant of two papers in a session, "Northerners in the South"; and 
Visiting Scholar King read a paper, "The Yankee Hotel-keepers in the 



128 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Towns of the Old South." Dr. Lerner has had about seventy articles pub- 
lished in the Encyclopedia on Russia and the Soviet Union and has a chap- 
ter, "Karl Radek and the Chinese Revolution, 1925-1927," in Essays in 
Russian and Soviet History, edited by Dr. John S. Curtiss. Dr. Curtiss has 
written the following articles : "The Russian Revolution of 1917," in Sam- 
uel Hendel (ed.), The Soviet Crucible: Soviet Government in Theory and 
Practice (Princeton, New Jersey : D. Van Nostrand Company, Inc., 1959) ; 
"Religion as a Soviet Social Problem," Social Problems, VII (No. 4, Spring, 
1960) ; "History," in Harold H. Fisher (ed.), American Research on 
Russia (Bloomington: University of Indiana Press, 1959) ; and "Church 
and State," Cyril E. Black (ed.), The Transformation of Russian Society: 
Aspects of Social Change since 1861 (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Har- 
vard University Press, 1960). Dr. Robert I. Crane had a review article, 
"The Historians of India and Pakistan," in the August Journal of Asia 
Studies; "The Sub-Continent of India," in Collier's New International 
Encyclopedia (in press) ; and "Indian History in the Undergraduate Cur- 
riculum," in Studies in Asian Civilizations (New York: Columbia Uni- 
versity Press, 1962). Dr. Calvin D. Davis is the author of The United 
States and the First Hague Peace Conference (Ithaca, New York: Cor- 
nell University Press, 1962) ; and Dr. Robert F. Durden is the author of 
Reconstruction Bonds and Twentieth-Century Politics: South Dakota v. 
North Carolina (Durham: Duke University Press, 1962). Summer ses- 
sion Visiting Scholars for 1963 will include Dr. Forrest McDonald, Brown 
University ; Dr. Richard Lowitt, Connecticut College ; and Dr. William C. 
Jenks, Washington and Lee University. 

STATE, COUNTY, AND LOCAL 

The Historical Commission of Edenton and Chowan County met on 
June 7 as guests of Edenton Mayor John A. Mitchener, Jr. Dr. Robert 
Lee Humber was elected Chairman ; Mrs. W. J. P. Earnhardt, Vice-Chair- 
man ; Mrs. Leon G. Leary, Secretary ; and Mr. John A. Mitchener, Treas- 
urer. The over-all program of the Commission, its policies, and purposes 
were discussed. 

The Gaston County Historical Bulletin for July, 1962, contains a study 
of the census records of the County, with a map showing the various 
townships; an article on the Rev. John Frederick Dubbert, possibly Gas- 
ton's first resident minister, by Mr. Philip Leonard ; a tribute to the late 
Robert F. Cope, co-author of the recent history of the County; and an 
article on the Gaston Museum of Natural History, officially dedicated on 
July 23. 

The Littleton College Memorial Association met on the campus of North 
Carolina Wesleyan College on July 14. President and Mrs. Thomas A. 
Collins held "Open House" for the 120 members and guests and extended 
an invitation to the group for the 1963 meeting. Five hundred dollars 
was added to the $1,500 for the Vara Louise Herring and Emma Thorn- 
ton Nowell Scholarship Funds. Mrs. Carl A. Sanders of Richmond, Vir- 



Historical News 129 

ginia, gave the principal address. Mrs. Dora Hornaday Stephenson, also 
of Richmond, is President of the Association; Mrs. Frances Renfrow 
Doak of Raleigh is Secretary-Treasurer. 

The Hillsborough Historical Society has purchased the William Read 
House which dates back to 1768. A portion of the house will be restored 
as a headquarters building near the site of the Regulators' graves on the 
Cameron Park School property. 

The Perquimans County Historical Society met on September 24 in the 
Hertford Library with Mr. Silas Whedbee presiding. Mrs. Emmett Win- 
slow spoke on plans for the tercentenary celebration of the granting of 
the Carolina Charter of 1663. Mrs. Sydney Jessup read excerpts from 
the autobiography of R. B. Cox, a Confederate soldier. 

On September 22 Secretary of State Thad Eure made the principal ad- 
dress at the 175th anniversary celebration of the^ granting of a charter 
to the Town of Pittsboro by the General Assembly in 1787. The speech, 
made at the Chatham County Courthouse, was a part of a day-long series 
of events. The County was named for William Pitt, the Elder, Earl of 
Chatham ; the Town was named for William Pitt, the Younger. 

The Chronicle, official paper of the Bertie County Historical Associa- 
tion, for October, 1962, has articles on courthouses in Bertie by Dr. W. P. 
Jacocks, lawyers of Bertie County by Mr. J. A. Pritchett, and a brief 
history of Capehart's Baptist Church by Mr. Robert Perry. The Associa- 
tion met on October 18 at the Republican Baptist Church in Snakebite 
Township. Mrs. A. S. White was in charge of the program, at which Mr. 
Francis Speight, a native of the township, exhibited and talked about 
several of his paintings. 

The McDowell County Historical Society met in Marion on October 12 
with Mr. Hugh Beam speaking on the Carolina Charter of 1663. Miss 
Mary Greenlee, President, presided at the meeting. 

The annual meeting of the Catawba County Historical Association was 
held in Newton in October with Mrs. J. M. Ballard presiding. Officers for 
the coming year are Mrs. Ballard, President; Mr. Thomas Warlick, First 
Vice-President; Mr. G. Sam Rowe, Second Vice-President; Mrs. Ray 
Smyre, Secretary; Mrs. F. G. Snyder, Treasurer; Mrs. E. B. Crouch, His- 
torian; and Mr. J. Paul Wagner, Custodian. Mr. Glenn A. Sigmon gave 
a program on the history of St. Paul's Lutheran Church; a movie, "Face 
the South/' concluded the program. At the November 10 meeting of the 
Catawba group a history of Bethlehem Methodist Church of Claremont 
was presented by Mrs. Ward Robinson. She was assisted by the Rev. 
James S. Bellamy, who played tape recordings of old hymns used by the 
church. A vote of thanks was given Miss Katie Hoover of Newton and 
the Brown Oil Company of Conover for gifts to the Historical Museum. 



130 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The annual fall meeting of the Southern Appalachian Historical Asso- 
ciation was held in Boone on October 8. General John D. F. Phillips, Ex- 
ecutive Secretary of the Carolina Charter Tercentenary Commission, 
spoke to the seventy-five persons present. Officers elected were Dr. I. G. 
Greer, President ; Mr. Herman Wilcox, Executive Vice-President ; Mr. J ake 
Caudill, Vice-President; and Mr. 0. K. Richardson, Secretary-Treasurer. 
Mr. Wilcox reported an increase of $6,000 in the sale of tickets for the 
1962 season. A total of $45,596.20 was received; however, there was a 
deficit for the year. Mr. Gene A. Wilson, Technical Director for "Horn 
in the West," which is sponsored by the Association, was promoted to 
full directorship of the drama for the next season. He succeeds Mr. David 
French, who resigned in September. 

The Brunswick County Historical Society met on October 13 at the 
Woodburn Presbyterian Church in the Leland section. The largest group 
ever to attend a society meeting heard the Rev. H. Arthur Phillips, pastor 
of the Camp Methodist Church of Shallotte, speak on events preceding 
the granting of the Carolina Charter of 1663. Mr. R. V. Asbury, Jr., gave 
a brief history of the Leland area, and Mr. W. J. Butler talked on planta- 
tions in the northern section of the County. Mrs. Lee Blake and Mrs. M. H. 
Rourk, President, spoke briefly. The Society met again on November 
12 in the Parish House of the Sacred Heart Catholic Church with Mr. 
C. B. Berry of Crescent Beach as speaker. Officers elected for the coming 
year are Mrs. M. H. Rourk, President; Mrs. J. A. McNeil, Vice-President; 
and Miss Helen Taylor, Secretary-Treasurer. Mr. Hal Reeves spoke briefly 
on establishing a museum at Brunswick, perhaps at Boiling Springs Lakes. 

A meeting of persons interested in forming a Yancey County historical 
society was held in Burnsville on October 17. Plans were made by those 
attending to collect documents, letters, and pictures dealing with the his- 
tory of Yancey. Anyone possessing such material who wishes to make it 
available may contact the Yancey County Library. 

The Moore County Historical Association has released The County of 
Moore . . . 1847-1947 ... : A North Carolina Region's Second Hundred 
Years, Volume II of the history of the County, written by Mr. Manly 
Wade Wellman. Mr. E. T. McKeithen of Aberdeen, Chairman of the Asso- 
ciation's history committee, is supervising the distribution. The first vol- 
ume, written by Dr. Blackwell P. Robinson of Greensboro, has been re- 
printed and is also available. Interested persons may write Mr. Norris 
L. Hodgkins, Citizens Bank and Trust Company, Southern Pines. 

The Carteret County Historical Society met on October 20 in Morehead 
City and elected officers. Mr. F. C. Salisbury presided until the following 
persons were elected to serve for the coming year: Mr. John S. MacCor- 
mack, President; Mr. Thomas Respess, Secretary; and Mrs. E. G. Phil- 
lips, Treasurer. Reports on projects of the Society for the past year were 
made, and Mrs. F. C. Salisbury read a paper prepared by Mrs. J. H. 



Historical News 131 

Doughton. Mrs. Lucile Smith read "History in Your Own Backyard" pre- 
pared by Mr. David Stick. Members of the Society extended a vote of 
thanks to Mr. Salisbury for his five-year tenure as President, and he was 
made an honorary president for life. 

The Western North Carolina Historical Association met in Asheville 
on October 27. Rev. T. Hunt Comer, of the Grace Episcopal Church where 
the meeting was held, extended a welcome to the group. Papers were read 
by Dr. Douglas M. Clark and Dr. D. J. Whitener after which President 
Ligon B. Ard presided over a business session. 

The annual historical tour of Wilkes County sponsored by the His- 
torical Society of that County was held October 14. Places visited included 
Beulah Methodist Church, site of the Moravian Falls Academy, the R. A. 
Spainhour store site, Moravian Falls Power Plant site, and the following 
homes and homesites: F. J. Alexander, Greene-Holman, Leach, Samuel 
Pennell, Waugh, and Hubbard. 

Radio Station WBT, Charlotte, observed the 55th anniversary of the 
death of John Charles McNeill on October 17 with a Project 60 special 
broadcast. The radio portrait, "Light on the Clouds," was written by Mr. 
J. Robert Covington. McNeill is regarded by many persons as the greatest 
poet produced by the State. 

The Wake County Historical Society met on October 23, 1962, to hear 
Mr. Norman C. Larson, Executive Secretary of the North Carolina Con- 
federate Centennial Commission, speak on the Commission's program. 
He showed slides and a film clip on the recovery of items from the "Mod- 
ern Greece." Dr. A. M. Fountain, President, presented a report concern- 
ing plans for a history of Wake County which will be sponsored by the 
Society. 

The Historical Society of North Carolina held its fall meeting at Ap- 
palachian State Teachers College in Boone. Papers were presented by 
Dr. Wesley H. Wallace, Dr. Eugene C. Drozdowski, and Dr. Frontis W. 
Johnston. The Society elected Dr. Wallace, Dr. Elmer L. Puryear, and 
Dr. Cratis Dearl Williams to membership. Elected as officers were Dr. 
S. H. Hobbs, Jr., President; Dr. Lawrence F. Brewster, Vice-President; 
Dr. H. H. Cunningham, Secretary-Treasurer; and Dr. Percival Perry, 
Council Member. 

Mr. William Leslie spoke on "A Brief History of Early Burke County 
and the Territory Out of Which It W T as Formed" at the October 29 meet- 
ing of the Burke County Historical Society. Mr. Leslie explained that 
since Burke County contributed to twelve western North Carolina coun- 
ties, it is referred to as the "Mother county" of that part of the State. 
Mrs. T. Henry Wilson presented the Society with a complete set of the 
War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union 



132 The North Carolina Historical Review 

and Confederate Armies. It was also reported* that historic Quaker Mea- 
dows Cemetery will soon be deeded to the Society. 

The Onslow County Historical Society elected the following officers at 
its October meeting: Mr. J. P. Brown, President; Mr. N. E. Day, Vice- 
President; Mrs. Anne Price, Corresponding Secretary; Mrs. K. B. Hurst, 
Recording Secretary; Mr. K. B. Hurst, Treasurer; Miss Adelaide Mc- 
Larty, Historian; and Mrs. Murrill Boggs, Chaplain. The group voted to 
hold its future meetings on a monthly rather than a quarterly basis. 

The North Carolina Society of County and Local Historians, the Rock- 
ingham County Historical Society, and the Caswell County Historical So- 
ciety sponsored a tour of historic sites in Rockingham and Caswell coun- 
ties on October 21. Persons responsible for the tour were Dr. Blackwell 
P. Robinson, Mr. Allan Lewis, Mrs. Arthur Smith, and Mrs. S. R. Prince. 
The tour began at Monroeton School and included stops at the following 
places: Troublesome Iron Works, Old Wright Tavern, plantation home 
of Governor David S. Reid, "Mulberry Island," "Land of Eden," Old 
Leaksville Academy, Morehead homeplace, Lower Saura Town, "Chinqua- 
Penn," Williamsburg Community Center (for a picnic lunch) , High Rock 
Farm, the Slade Farm, and several sites in Milton. 

Members of the Mecklenburg County Historical Association met on 
October 30 in the Charlotte Public Library to make plans for the celebra- 
tion of the 200th anniversary of the establishment of Mecklenburg 
County. The General Assembly, on November 23, 1762, voted to create a 
county out of Anson, which is present-day Mecklenburg. On November 
23, 1962, the former United States Ambassador to Brazil, Mr. Herschel 
V. Johnson, spoke at the anniversary dinner and celebration. Mr. Harry 
T. Orr is President of the Association, which held a membership drive 
during November. 

The Pitt County Historical Society held its quarterly meeting at the 
Olde Towne Inn in Greenville on November 1. 

The Caldwell County Historical Society met in Lenoir on November 1 
in the County Library. After a business session the group heard a report 
on the hobby show. 

The Lower Cape Fear Historical Society, Inc. Bulletin for November, 
1962, contains the message of President Randolph L. Gregory and an 
article, "History As an Art," by Mr. Winston Broadfoot. Lt. Col. Thomas 
A. Price, Jr., has been named Director of the Wilmington-New Hanover 
Museum, effective December 1. General John D. F. Phillips, Executive 
Secretary, spoke on the work of the Carolina Charter Tercentenary Com- 
mission at the November 7 meeting of the Society. 



Historical News 133 

The Wayne County Historical Society met on November 13 in the 
County Education Building. Mr. Hugh B. Johnston of Atlantic Christian 
College spoke on "General Genealogy of Local Interest." Mr. Conway 
Rose, President, urged members to attend the opening of the Charles B. 
Aycock Visitor Center-Museum on November 18. 

The News Bulletin of the Moravian Music Foundation, Winter, 1962, 
has articles on phonograph records produced by Mercury on Civil War 
music, "The Arts and the Church," new acquisitions, and a roster of 
Friends of the Moravian Music Foundation. Dr. Donald M. McCorkle, 
Director and Editor, announces that the Foundation is seeking descen- 
dants of Early American Moravian composers, musicians, and instrument 
makers. Information should be sent to the Foundation, Salem Station. 
Winston-Salem. 






The North Carolina Historical Review is printed on Permalife, a text 
paper developed through the combined efforts of William J. Barrow of the 
Virginia State Library, the Council on Library Resources, Inc., and the 
Standard Paper Manufacturing Company. Tests indicate that the paper 
theoretically has a useful life of at least 300 years. 



I 



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Spun*. 7963 



The Noeth Carolina Historical Review 



Christopher Crittenden, Editor in Chief 
Mrs. Memory F. Blackwelder, Editor 
Mrs. Elizabeth W. Wilborn, Editorial Associate 

ADVISORY EDITORIAL BOARD 

Frontis W. Johnston Miss Sarah M. Lemmon 

John R. Jordan, Jr. William S. Powell 

Robert H. Woody 



STATE DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY 
EXECUTIVE BOARD 

McDaniel Lewis, Chairman 

James W. Atkins Ralph P. Hanes 

Miss Gertrude Sprague Carraway Josh L. Horne 

Fletcher M. Green Daniel J. Whitener 

Christopher Crittenden, Director 



This review was established in January, 1924, as a medium of publication and dis- 
cussion of history in North Carolina. It is issued to other institutions by exchange, 
but to the general public by subscription only. The regular price is $3.00 per year. 
Members of the North Carolina Literary and Historical Association, Inc., for which 
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COVER — Detail from a campaign advertisement used in Wake County in 
1926, during the height of the evolution controversy. The complete adver- 
tisement is pictured on page 153. For an article on William Louis Poteat 
and the evolution question, see pages 135-157. 






Volume XL Published in April, 1963 Number 2 



CONTENTS 



WILLIAM LOUIS POTEAT AND THE 
EVOLUTION CONTROVERSY 135 

Suzanne Cameron Linder 

THE CONFEDERATE REFUGEES IN NORTH CAROLINA „ .158 

Mary Elizabeth Massey 

NORTH CAROLINA'S REACTION TO THE 
CURRENCY ACT OF 1764 H...183 

Robert M. Weir 

A NEW HISTORY BUILDING FOR NORTH CAROLINA 200 

McDaniel Lewis 

NORTH CAROLINA NONFICTION BOOKS, 1961-1962 ___ _. ... .206 

C. Hugh Holman 

THREE HUNDRED YEARS OF CAROLINA HISTORY 213 

Chalmers G. Davidson 

LOCALIZED HISTORY IN THE AGE OF EXPLOSIONS 221 

Clifford L. Lord 

■- ^ 

NORTH CAROLINA BIBLIOGRAPHY, 1961-1962 232 

William S. Powell 

BOOK REVIEWS . 240 

HISTORICAL NEWS 264 



BOOK REVIEWS 



Hamilton, The Papers of William Alexander Graham, 

Volume IV, 1851-1856, by William S. Hoffmann 240 

Arnett, O. Henry from Polecat Creek, by H. G. Kincheloe 241 

Koberts and Gorrell, The Face of North Carolina, 

by Elizabeth W. Wilborn 242 

Roberts, Ghosts of the Carolinas, by Richard Walser 243 

Wellman, The County of Moore, 1847-1947: A North Carolina 

Region's Second Hundred Years, by John Mitchell Justice 244 

Hayes, The Land of Wilkes, by Daniel J. Whitener 245 

Matthews, North Carolina Votes, by Christopher Crittenden 247 

Morrison, Josephus Daniels Says . . . An Editor's Political Odyssey 
From Bryan to Wilson and F. D. R., 1894-1913, 
by James A. Tinsley 248 

McAdoo, The Priceless Gift: The Love Letters of Woodrow 

Wilson and Ellen Axson Wilson, by George Osborn 250 

Chapman, Florida Breezes: Or, Florida New and Old, 

by David L. Smiley 251 

Rogers, Evolution of a Federalist: William Loughton Smith of 

Charleston (1758-1812), by Gilbert L. Lycan 252 

Anderson, By Sea and By River: The Naval History of the 

Civil War, by Alvin A. Fahrner 253 

Ambrose, Halleck: Lincoln's Chief of Staff, 

by Eugene C. Drozdowski 255 

Munden and Beers, Guide to Federal Archives Relating to the 

Civil War, by A. M. Patterson 257 

Noggle, Teapot Dome: Oil and Politics in the 1920 's, 

by William H. Wroten, Jr 258 

Campbell, The Farm Bureau and the New Deal: A Study of the 

Making of National Farm Policy, 1933-40, by Stuart Noblin 259 

Other Recent Publications 261 






WILLIAM LOUIS POTEAT AND THE 
EVOLUTION CONTROVERSY 

By Suzanne Cameron Linder* 

From the time Charles Darwin first promulgated his theory, the 
concept of biological evolution created controversy in theological and 
educational circles. The period of the 1920's was an especially trying 
time for educators, for during this period the fundamentalist move- 
ment changed from a loosely organized, passive influence to a power- 
ful force pledged to purge educational institutions of all "heretics." 
In the fight to maintain freedom of teaching, William Louis Poteat 
of Wake Forest College in North Carolina was an outstanding leader. 
As a teacher of biology and President of Wake Forest from 1905 to 
1927, he was able to maintain his position as a leader in the Baptist 
denomination in the South. At the same time he led the southern 
liberals in the controversy over evolution which swept the nation. 

A native of North Carolina, Poteat studied principally at his home 
in Caswell County until he entered Wake Forest College in 1872 at 
the age of sixteen. Having received from Wake Forest the Bachelor 
of Arts degree in 1877, he began teaching there in 1878. The following 
year he received the Master of Arts degree. He later studied biology 
at the Marine Biological Laboratory at Woods Hole, Massachusetts, 
and at the Zoological Institute at the University of Berlin. 

When he returned from Germany in 1888, Poteat found that excit- 
ing opportunities awaited him in America. Only twelve years earlier, 
Daniel Coit Gilman had adopted the German method of teaching at 
The Johns Hopkins University. American scholars with German train- 
ing were greatly in demand. Young Poteat received an offer of a posi- 
tion on the faculty of Yale, and he probably received other promising 
offers. As a professor in a large university he would have a chance for 
fame, intellectual companionship, and an opportunity to extend the 
boundaries of knowledge by working in the best equipped labora- 
tories. He, however, decided to return to Wake Forest College, a small 
school which had scarcely recovered from the ravages of the Civil 

* Mrs. Linder, who recently received her master's degree from Wake Forest College, 
is now a teacher at Dalton Junior High School in Winston-Salem. 



136 



The North Carolina Historical Review 



#,# 




■ ''•■~;'i*n»i*iiffiaiii6« 




fcfSi! 



William Louis Poteat in 1920. From the Wake Forest College annual for 1920. 



War. No one knew its need better than he. The offer from Yale was 
tempting, but Poteat could not accept it because he was the kind of 
man to whom the greatest need had the most powerful appeal. 1 

The young scholar just back from Europe could not have recognized 
the importance of his decision, for in later years the need for a Wil- 
liam Louis Poteat proved to be greater in the South than in any other 
part of the nation. For the people of the South, reconciling the new 
ideas of science with their religious beliefs proved to be most difficult. 
To southerners, as to Americans in general, the existence of a supreme 
law which ruled the cosmos was of great significance. The considered 
view of Americans was theistic creationism. Darwin shared this 
assumption, but he attacked the current terminology in which it was 
expressed. The problem was twofold. Itinvolved an attempt to find 
stability in a changing world, and on the other hand, the attempt to 
apply the theory of evolution to the development of society. There 
was a conflict between the older thought patterns of the western 

1 Albert Nelson Marquis and Others (eds.), Who*s Who in America: A Biographical 
Dictionary of Notable Living Men and Women in the United States (Chicago, Illinois: 
A. N. Marquis Company, 1899— [annually]), XIX, 1,971; Gerald W. Johnson, "Billy 
With the Red Necktie/' The Virginia Quarterly Review, XXX (Autumn, 1943), 654. 



William Louis Poteat 137 

world and newer experimental evidence with which those patterns 
collided. The force of the collision was magnified because Darwinism 
was the antithesis of permanence. In recent history, few scientific 
theories have gone beyond the internal development of a science; 
fewer still have gone on to revolutionize fundamental patterns of 
thought. By establishing a new approach to nature, Darwinism gave 
fresh impetus to the conception of development. Men were impelled 
to exploit its findings and to try to ascertain methods for the under- 
standing of society through schemes of evolutionary development. 2 

For the majority of people in the South, the implications of evolu- 
tion were difficult to understand. In this predominantly rural area, 
educational facilities were poor, and opportunities for exchange of 
intellectual ideas were severely limited. The educational situation in 
the South was due in part to the damage of the Civil War, and there 
was still some resentment of the North. During Reconstruction, the 
white South had unified in self-defense. When northern intellectuals 
began to ridicule southern backwardness in theological and scientific 
thinking, southerners again sought unity by attempting to make con- 
servatism the rule in religion. Thus the fundamentalists gained 
strength. Although they did not attempt in 1900 to censor teachers, 
by the 1920's some attempted to purge college faculties of both 
liberal professors and administrators. 13 

Until 1920, however, the fundamentalist movement lacked the 
strength to become a major issue in American life. Just after World 
War I, several fresh elements prepared the way for the conflict. When 
it was first discussed, evolution had fostered the conviction that noth- 
ing could prevent the human race from creating, slowly or rapidly, a 
good society free of evils, but the catastrophe of the War contradicted 
the theory that society was continually improving. Many people re- 
jected the optimism which evolution had once inspired and turned 
instead to one of the five major points of the fundamentalist creed, 
the second coming of Christ. The propaganda of hatred, useful in 
inspiring the nation to greater wartime efforts, produced during the 
ensuing years an unanticipated harvest of bitterness and insecurity 
which prepared people for an ideological crusade upon unacceptable 
beliefs at home. 



a Bert James Lowenberg, "Darwinism Comes to America, 1859-1900," The Mississippi 
Valley Historical Review, XXVIII (December, 1941), 339-368, passim. 

*For examples see Norman F. Furniss, The Fundamentalist Controversy (New 
Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press, 1954), 122, hereinafter cited as Furniss, 
The Fundamentalist Controversy; and Edwin Mims, The Advancing South: Stories of 
Progress and Reaction (Garden City, New York: Doubleday, Page and Companv, 
1926), 145-147. 



138 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Although these psychological implications paved the way, it is 
probable that William Louis Poteat was the precipitating factor in the 
evolution controversy of the 1920's. In his biology classes at Wake 
Forest College, Poteat taught that the theory of evolution could be 
interpreted in harmony with Biblical teachings. Poteat made no secret 
of the fact that he taught evolution, 4 but his teaching did not excite 
criticism until 1920, when certain fundamentalists launched an attack 
against him. George N. Goad, who traveled over the South gathering 
information for the New York World about attempts to bar evolution 
from the schools by law, found that most ministers and editors of the 
Southeast believed that the movement was actually caused by the 
agitation of certain Baptist evangelists and editors against Poteat. 5 

The first attack came from Thomas Theodore Martin, an evangelist 
from Blue Mountain, Tennessee. Martin severely criticized Poteat's 
belief in evolution in several articles for the Western Recorder. 
According to the evangelist, evolution was the cause of World War I. 
He said that the Germans believed in the survival of the fittest, and 
since they considered Germany the fittest, they thought they ought to 
conquer the weaker nations. He asked, "How can President Poteat 
reconcile such a doctrine with his teachings, of God being the Father 
of the human race? Would a father fasten such a law on His children 
whom he loved?" Martin declared that if evolution could be proved 
as a fact then Genesis could not be the inspired word of God. He 
went on to quote statements of twenty-one scientists who denied the 
theory of evolution. Although the works quoted were outdated, 6 Mar- 
tin proclaimed "overwhelming evidence from these twenty-one great 
scientists of the world" against evolution. He said, "The Baptists of 
North Carolina through the president they have for their great Baptist 
College are partners with Chicago University in fastening this 
German-ruining, world-crushing, soul-destroying doctrine on the 
South. . . " 7 



*W. L. Poteat, "The Effect on the College Curriculum of the Introduction of the 
Natural Sciences," Science, XXI (March 31, 1893), 170-172; W. L. Poteat, "Lucretius 
and the Evolution Idea," Popular Science Monthly, LX (December, 1901), 166-172, 
passim. 

6 New York World, September 24, 1925; see also Columbus Daily Enquirer-Sun 
(Georgia), July 3, 1927. 

"In the Biblical Recorder (Raleigh), April 19, 1922, Poteat stated, "Of a well-used 
list of twenty-one such 'really great scientists' adduced to show the present adverse 
state of scientific opinion, two do not appear in the biographical dictionaries, five 
are misrepresented, seven won reputation in other than biological fields, and six have 
been in their graves more than forty years, two of these having died before Darwin's 
great book was published." This reference is hereinafter cited as Biblical Recorder. 

7 Western Recorder (Louisville, Kentucky), February 5, 1920. Martin also criticized 
Poteat in the Baptist Advance (Little Rock, Arkansas), March 25, 1920. 



William Louis Poteat 139 

The Biblical Recorder, the Baptist denominational paper of North 
Carolina, refused to print Martin's articles and defended Poteat. The 
Biblical Recorders support reassured Baptist readers, and no opposi- 
tion materialized at that time within the State. In the early 1920's, 
however, Baptists all over the South were becoming vividly conscious 
of their ownership and control of denominational colleges through 
publicity for the "Seventy-Five Million Campaign." 8 This interest 
in education provided fertile ground for heresy hunts among science 
professors. Sentiment in favor of direct attacks on professors began 
to take form in North Carolina in 1922. 

Poteat was the chief object of such criticism. He decided to define 
his position in an article for the Biblical Recorder. Poteat indicated 
surprise that a debate had arisen over a question that was settled in 
professional circles some thirty years previously— to the advantage of 
Christianity. Of the critics, Poteat said, "One^ wonders where these 
excited gentlemen have been? Were they asleep when the procession 
passed?" Poteat defined evolution as "the doctrine that the animals 
and plants at any moment on the earth are the offspring of earlier 
animals and plants ... in short, the doctrine of descent with modifi- 
cation." The biologist remarked that the evolution of the individual 
from a single cell was just as wonderful and hard to explain as the 
evolution of the race. 9 After defining evolution, Poteat wrote a second 
article on the topic, "May a Christian Be an Evolutionist?" He de- 
clared that evolution did not touch the fundamentals of faith, much 
less antagonize them. He stated, "The inspiration of the Scriptures 
sanely interpreted, the Deity of Christ, His incarnation, atonement, 
and resurrection are ours, evolution or no evolution." Poteat felt that 
it was unjust for men with no training in the biological sciences to 
seek to discredit Christian men who held evolution as God's method 
of creation. He asserted, "It is not fair. It is not Christian. It ought to 
stop." 10 

The attacks did not stop. In fact, after Poteat restated his position, 
the debating in the columns of the Biblical Recorder increased. Liv- 
ingston Johnson, the Editor, was a trustee of Wake Forest College. He 
gave Poteat every opportunity to defend his position. On at least one 
occasion, Johnson sent the biologist a copy of an article before it 
reached the press, with a suggestion that Poteat prepare a summary 
of his teachings comparing evolution and the account of creation in 

8 The objective of the Southern Baptist Convention was to raise seventy-five million 
dollars for the support of Baptist colleges in the South. Encyclopedia of Southern 
Baptists (Nashville, Tennessee: Broadman Press, 2 volumes, 1958), II, l,i96-l,197. 

• Biblical Recorder, April 19, 1922. 

10 Biblical Recorder, April 26, 1922. 



140 The North Carolina Historical Review 

the book of Genesis. 11 In all fairness, however, Johnson could not 
refuse the antievolutionists a place in the columns of the Biblical 
Recorder. Articles which he printed ranged from scholarly discus- 
sions of theological minutiae to simply worded letters to the Editor 
from alumni in support of "Dr. Billy." 

Robert H. Spiro, a Baptist minister from Asheville, and J. J. Taylor, 
a Leaksville clergyman, wrote two of the more scholarly articles. Spiro 
said that evolution could not be acceptable to the Christian because 
evolution taught an upward journey for man while the Bible taught 
the fall of man from a higher state to a lower one. Also, to Spiro, the 
resurrection of Christ contradicted evolution which indicated that 
life only arose from life. Taylor analyzed Poteat's articles in detail. 
He said, "President Poteat has cited the Britannica as an authority on 
his pet theme; it says: 'The doctrine of evolution is directly antago- 
nistic to that of creation.' Certainly the Bible, sanely interpreted, 
teaches the doctrine of creation as an immediate act of God/' Taylor 
warned that the North Carolina Baptists were responsible for what 
was taught at Wake Forest College. He said, "The case is before them. 
God is the judge, and to Him they must all report after a while." 12 

Some North Carolinians, however, were satisfied with the situation 
at Wake Forest. One supporter of Poteat protested that it seemed 
fashionable for the clergy, when digestion was bad or when they had 
nothing better to do, to hurl verbal brickbats at him and to lament 
the corruption of innocent vouth by the teaching of evolution. "As 
imaginary portraits of imaginary perils, many of these effusions are 
not without merit. As valid arguments against the theory of evolution 
they leave something to be desired." 18 Certainly, many people were 
not convinced by the accusations hurled at Poteat by critics. 14 

The discussion of evolution filled to overflowing the columns of the 
Biblical Recorder in the spring of 1922. To many subscribers the 
debates were confusing and, eventually, tiresome. Livingston Johnson 
realized that the continual debate would never solve the controversy. 
He said, "We have reason to believe that this agitation has shaken 
the faith of many who have read it, and if the faith of any has been 
strengthened, we have not heard of it." He therefore decided to ban 
further discussion of evolution in the Biblical Recorder after May 31, 

n See undated galley proof of J. W. Porter's article, "Can an Evolutionist Be a 
Christian," where comments penciled in the margin are signed "Livingston Johnson." 
Poteat Papers, Wake Forest College Library, Winston-Salem, hereinafter cited as 
Poteat Papers. 

"Biblical Recorder, May 10, 1922. 

™ Biblical Recorder, May 3, 1922. 

u See Biblical Recorder, May 10, 24, 1922. 



William Louis Poteat 141 

1922. The last word on the question came from Johnson himself on 
behalf of the Wake Forest trustees. He reported that the trustees had 
appointed a committee to interview Poteat. The committee reported 
that they found him "in hearty accord with the great Baptist brother- 
hood" in regard to God as the creator, Jesus as His Son, redemption 
through His atoning death, His resurrection, regeneration through the 
Holy Spirit, and the divine inspiration of the Bible in matters of faith 
and practice. After carefully surveying the facts, the trustees by 
unanimous vote expressed confidence in President Poteat. Livingston 
Johnson felt that this action was an additional reason for discontinuing 
discussion of the evolution question. 15 

The discussion of Poteat and evolution continued elsewhere. James 
Larkin Pearson criticized Poteat in his paper, The Fool Killer, 16 and 
Thomas Theodore Martin continued his argument in The Searchlight, 
a Baptist periodical published in Texas. 17 Nevertheless, the students 
of Wake Forest heartily supported "Dr. Billy." The campus news- 
paper, Old Gold and Black, contained articles in stanch defense of 
the College President. An editorial writer for The Raleigh Times re- 
marked, "The stand of the Wake Forest Old Gold and Black against 
the bigots in the denomination ... is not a defense of President Wil- 
liam Louis Poteat alone; it is a stand for the spiritual and intellectual 
freedom of every sentient person in North Carolina." The editorialist 
further stated that Poteat could take care of himself. "He isn't going 
to join this excursion back into the Dark Ages, nor are we." According 
to The Times, making a martyr of Poteat would only move him on to 
a field of larger endeavor at an increase in salary; but the damage 
done to the spirit of the people of North Carolina would be incalcul- 
able. The Raleigh editorialist saw the fight against Poteat as but a 
part of a general campaign of intolerance in the South. He warned 
that this intolerance had been felt in the legislatures of South Caro- 
lina and Kentucky and that it would eventually break out in North 
Carolina. 18 

For the time being, though, the controversy was confined to the 
churches. Poteat's stand on evolution was the major issue at the Bap- 
tist State Convention of 1922, but the Wake Forest President's deeply 
moving speech, "Christianity and Enlightenment," reassured con- 
cerned churchmen as to his catholicity. Rather than censoring Poteat, 

M Biblical Recorder, May 31, 1922. 

™The Fool Killer (Boomer), June, 1922. 

" The Searchlight (Fort Worth, Texas) , November 10, 1922. 

* The Raleigh Times, April 25, 1922. 



142 The North Carolina Historical Review 

the convention adopted a resolution commending him. 19 Poteat's 
strong affirmation of faith at the 1922 Convention evidently satisfied 
the majority of North Carolina Baptists who heard him, but his speech 
fell far short of stopping all opposition to his ideas. Criticism from 
out-of-state increased after 1922. 

The deep-rooted concern of people all over the country was evident 
in the fact that between 1921 and 1929, thirty-seven antievolution 
bills were introduced into twenty state legislatures. 20 These attempts 
to secure antievolution laws were only one example of the many efforts 
to secure legislation against new forms of thought or against practices 
considered undesirable by conservatives. The passage of the Eight- 
eenth Amendment was the outstanding example, but other such 
actions included attempts to curtail academic freedom on the grounds 
of patriotism or moral law. Shortly after World War I, the legislatures 
of New York, Wisconsin, Oregon, Texas, and Mississippi enacted 
laws to prohibit the use in public schools of textbooks found to be 
seditious, critical of the Founding Fathers, or in any other way dis- 
loyal to the nation and to its heritage. Americans of the 1920's had 
great faith in the powers of legislation. They believed that correct 
ideas and good morals could be imposed upon mankind by law. The 
fact that such legislation was more frequently enacted in the South 21 
was probably due to the system of legislative apportionment in that 
section. The southern States were more heavily gerrymandered in 
favor of the rural districts than States in any other section of the 
United States. As late as 1940, Mississippi and Kentucky had not re- 
apportioned since 1890 and 1893; Alabama and Tennessee had not 
done so since 1901. Even in States with more recent reapportionment 
the cities had only a fraction of the representation they deserved on 
the basis of population. 

The rural South which thus held control of the State legislatures 
was predominantly fundamentalist in religious belief. In the 1920's 
the Baptists formed the largest denomination in North Carolina. Any 
statement, therefore, by Poteat as a leading Southern Baptist as well 
as a leader of the evolutionists would be of particular interest to 

19 Annual of the Baptist State Convention of North Carolina, 1922, 33, hereinafter 
cited as Annual of the Baptist State Convention with the appropriate year. 

^Howard K. Beale, Are American Teachers Free? An Analysis of Restraints Upon 
the Freedom of Teaching in American Schools (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons 
[1936]), 227, hereinafter cited as Beale, Are American Teachers Free? The book, a 
Report of the Commission on Social Studies, is Part XII of a series of the American 
Historical Association. 

a Arkansas, Oklahoma, Florida, Tennessee, Mississippi, and Louisiana all had some 
type of restriction on the teaching of evolution. See Furniss, The Fundamentalist 
Controversy, 95. 



William Louis Poteat 143 

people in North Carolina and the South. Poteat's ideas were widely 
discussed in the North Carolina press. This discussion produced an 
awareness of the evolution controversy which reached a climax in 
the State legislature. 

In 1924 a subcommittee of the Text Book Commission of the State 
Board of Education drew up a list of about seven hundred books 
for use in North Carolina schools. Governor Cameron Morrison ob- 
jected to two of the suggested biology texts on the grounds that, "I 
don't want my daughter or anybody's daughter to have to study a book 
that prints pictures of a monkey and a man on the same page." Mor- 
rison declared that he believed in evolution as progress from a lower 
form of human life to a higher, but he stated further, "One of those 
books teaches that man is descended from a monkey and the other 
that he is a cousin to the monkey. I don't believe either one of them." 22 
Morrison's strong stand against evolution, as well as Poteat's stand 
for it, were contributing factors which led to the interest in anti- 
evolution legislation in 1925. 

In February of that year, D. Scott Poole, publisher of the Hoke 
County Journal and a former mayor of Raeford, introduced a bill in 
the North Carolina House of Representatives to prohibit the teaching 
of evolution in the public schools. The House referred the bill to the 
Education Committee, which held an open hearing on the matter. It 
was necessary to hold the hearing in the House chamber because of 
the large crowd which had assembled to listen to the proceedings. 
Girl students from Raleigh colleges, State College men, representa- 
tives of practically all the State institutions of higher learning, and 
numerous other citizens of prominence in the State crowded into the 
Capitol. The committee limited debate to one hour for each side. 

Poole told the audience that their religion was on trial. As no one 
had asked the State to teach theology, he did not think that state- 
supported schools should teach that the Bible was a myth. When the 
floor was opened for discussion, President Harry W. Chase of the 
University of North Carolina declared, "I am not here to discuss 
evolution, but to speak in behalf of human liberty." In his appeal for 
freedom of speech, Chase demanded eternal vigilance for liberty and 
truth, and ended his speech by stating, "Mr. Chairman: If that be 
treason and if it be treason to oppose the bill offered in the name of 
tyranny over mind for the purpose of abridging the liberty of one 
class of our people, I wish to stand here in the name of progress and 
make my protest." 

29 The News and Observer (Raleigh), January 24, 1924, hereinafter cited as The 
News and Observer. 



144 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Julia Alexander, a representative from Mecklenburg County, was 
in favor of the bill. She said that the Bible was a supernatural book, 
and that she believed it from cover to cover. Miss Alexander declared 
that she would be afraid to return to Mecklenburg if she voted 
against the Poole Bill, H. R. Pentuff, a Concord clergyman, also 
favored the bill. Pentuff said that evolution was based on imagination. 
According to the Concord minister, publishers and teachers who were 
not willing to "dig up and to keep up with the newer sciences" were 
the chief expositors of the theory of evolution. Pentuff called Darwin 
an agnostic and insisted that his theory had been exploded. A State 
College professor had ready answers for this bold statement. Zeno P. 
Metcalf, a professor of zoology and entomology, replied to Pentuff 
that the evolution theory was definitely accepted in scientific cir- 
cles. After Metcalf had spoken, Robert L. Madison, a professor of 
foreign languages at Cullowhee State Normal School, queried, "May 
I ask the gentleman from State College at what stage of transfor- 
mation of man from an amoeba that he parted with his tail and 
acquired a conscience?" 23 Tradition has it that Poteat, who was 
sitting in the audience, turned to a friend and quipped, "Biologically 
he has never lost his tail and here is some evidence that he has never 
acquired a conscience." 24 

Twice the audience called on Poteat to speak. Each time that his 
name was mentioned it was greeted by much cheering and clapping, 
but the biologist declined to speak. Perhaps he felt that he had made 
his position clear. Since Chase had ably stated the liberal position, 
anything he could say would add little and would probably stir up 
trouble for Wake Forest. On the other hand, perhaps Poteat had con- 
fidence that the Wake Forest men who sat in the legislature would 
vote according to what they had learned under his tutelage. 

The outcome of the Education Committee's voting was a tie, seven- 
teen to seventeen. Henry Groves Connor, the chairman, broke the 
tie by voting against the Bill. The majority report was thus unfavor- 
able, but the minority also drafted a report. 

Before these reports reached the floor of the House, the North 
Carolina press exhibited a marked interest in the progress of the Bill. 
The Greensboro Daily News printed a searing invective against Poole 
and his followers which declared that politics and bigotry gave impe- 
tus to their movement. According to the Daily News, the same thing 
was happening to university men of breadth that had been happening 
to the Baptist liberals. All over the State there had been an outcrv 

28 The News and Observer, February 11, 1925. 
* Greensboro Daily News, February 5, 1926. 



William Louis Poteat 145 

against Poteat because he believed "in the amoeba." Many Baptists 
declared that the Seventy-Five Million Campaign for the support of 
Baptist colleges had dragged because of Poteat. "The Wake Forest 
President knows he is constantly in jeopardy. His mastership over 
Wake Forest imperils the denominational appropriation. But he is one 
of those idealists, such as Chase and Ed Graham, who foolishly declare 
that colleges are more than millions set into equipment and lecture 

99 2K 

rooms. ° 

Josephus Daniels, the Editor of The News and Observer, was also 
against the Poole Bill, but he took a more moderate stand than that 
of the Greensboro Daily News. He said that evolution should not be 
taught to children, and it should not be taught dogmatically anywhere, 
but teachers and students in colleges should be able to examine 
the arguments both for and against the theory. 26 Nell Battle Lewis, 
another editorialist, expressed confidence in the outcome of the vot- 
ing. She stated, "It's an old, old show that the anti-evolutionists are 
putting on now on the legislative stage at the Capitol Theater. . . . 
We now have a return engagement of Bigotry and Ignorance, the 
Great Barn Stormers, in the World-Famous Morality Play Entitled, 
'Thou Shalt Not Think.' ' According to Miss Lewis, this play was as 
old as ancient Greece, but all ages had found it impossible to legis- 
late morality. 27 

On the evening of February 17, 1925, the House of Representatives 
met to consider the Poole Bill. The huge crowd which had gathered 
made debate very difficult. Connor remarked, "If we continue, we 
shall be compelled to call on the mayor of Raleigh for police protec- 
tion, so long as the people of North Carolina insist on overrunning 
the hall of the House." 28 Then resolving to discuss the Bill at a later 
date the House adjourned. 

On February 19 the Poole Bill again came before the House. Harri- 
son Yelverton, a young attorney from Wayne Countv, and Henry 
Groves Connor, chairman of the Education Committee, led the oppo- 
sition to the Bill; D. Scott Poole, Robert L. Madison, and Julia Alexan- 
der supported the Bill. The discussion proceeded without bitterness 
even though there was strong feeling on both sides. Many North 
Carolina lawmakers felt a hesitancy to legislate what could and could 
not be taught; others understood the theory of evolution and had no 
objection to it. According to tradition, North Carolina liberals were 

■ Greensboro Daily News, February 16. 1925. 
" The News and Observer, February 12, 1925. 
17 The News and Observer, February 15, 1925. 
m The News and Observer, February 18, 1925. 






146 The North Carolina Historical Review 

confident of the outcome of the voting. "J u ^ wa ^ untut Billy Poteat's 
boys get a chance to vote!" 29 The outcome of the voting was indeed 
satisfactory to the liberal element. The House voted sixty-seven to 
forty-six against the Poole Bill. 30 

Freedom of teaching had triumphed in North Carolina, for under- 
lying the evolution dispute was the question of whether a teacher's 
higher loyalty was to the will of the taxpayer or to the truth as his 
training led him to see it. The legislators decided in favor of the 
latter. What were the influences which led to this decision? Several 
historians have given credit for the defeat of antievolution legislation 
in North Carolina to Harry W. Chase and William Louis Poteat. 31 
Throughout the years Poteat's open testimony that science and religion 
were not contradictory, as well as the fact that the biologist could 
believe in evolution and still live an exemplary Christian life, could 
not have failed to make a significant impression in North Carolina. 
Within the State his greatest influence was at Wake Forest College. 
As its graduates sat in the legislature and listened to the debates on 
evolution, perhaps they recalled their biology classes under Poteat. 
If they had not studied biology, they undoubtedly at some time dur- 
ing their college careers had come in contact with the liberal ideas 
of the Wake Forest President. Of the twenty-one representatives who 
had attended Wake Forest at some time, only three voted in favor of 
the Poole Bill. 32 

Although Poteat did not seek publicity for his ideas on evolution 
and education during the agitation for the Poole Bill, they were well 
known because of the many years he had fought for the cause of 
academic and intellectual freedom. The Greensboro Daily News gave 
Poteat the credit for such leadership: "So staunchly has he stood by 
truth when truth had few to tell her teachings that his career has been 
one long triumph over bigotry and falseness and honest ignorance." 
According to the same article, North Carolina had never appreciated 
the courage of William Louis Poteat, who could lead without driving 
and fight without leaving poisoned wounds. "So closely do we live 
to the routine of our daily lives that we cannot always perceive the 

w Conje B. Earp, personal interview with the author, Winston-Salem, February 4, 
1962. Dr. Earp knew President Poteat personally. 

* Journal of the House of Representatives of the General Assembly of the State of 
North Carolina, 1925, 290-291, hereinafter cited as House Journal, 1925. This refer- 
ence erroneously gives the negative vote as 64. 

"Simkins, The South Old and New: A History, 1820-1947 (New York: Alfred A. 
Knopf, 1947), 317, 319; Furniss, Fundamentalist Controversy, 85; Beale, Are Ameri- 
can Teachers Free?, 241-242. 

89 R. B. House (comp. and ed.), North Carolina Manual, 1925, (Raleigh: The North 
Carolina Historical Commission [State Department of Archives and History], 1925), 
544-583, passim; House Journal, 1925, 290-291. 



William Louis Poteat 147 

greatest movements that are astir about us. But someday the state will 
come to itself and when it does it will trace much of its intellectual 
freedom from Dr. Poteat/' 33 

In the spring of 1925 Poteat continued his fight for intellectual 
freedom in a series of lectures at Chapel Hill. The Reverend Mr. John 
Calvin McNair, a University of North Carolina alumnus of 1849, be- 
queathed a sum of money to the University to be used to "employ 
some able scientific gentleman to deliver ... a course of lectures, the 
object of which lectures shall be to show the mutual bearing of science 
and theology upon each other, and to prove the existence of attributes 
(as far as may be) of God from nature." McNair further provided that 
the lectures should be published. 34 Although the bequest became avail- 
able to the University in 1906, William Louis Poteat was the first 
native North Carolinian to present the lectures. He spoke on the 
subject, "Can a Man Be a Christian To-day?" In introducing Poteat, 
Harry W. Chase asserted that Poteat offered living proof that science 
and religion could be reconciled. Chase stated, "We are in no position 
to debate the philosophical subtleties involved in the current dispute 
. . . but a character that stands the test of half a century in a hard 
position is founded on something more solid than shifting scientific 
hypotheses." 35 

Always a popular speaker, Poteat drew increasingly larger crowds 
each of the three nights he spoke. The Chapel Hill Weekly remarked, 
"Probably no visitor to Chapel Hill— and many distinguished men 
have appeared on the platform here— has ever made a more profound 
impression upon his hearers/' 36 Poteat called upon his long experi- 
ence at Wake Forest as he discussed the intellectual and spiritual 
problems of students. He expressed concern that what they learned 
in their "poor proud Christian homes" of a "simple sturdy democracy," 
might seem inconsistent with their university training. Poteat asked, 
"This adventure of the growing day,— it is likely to intoxicate a 
spirited youth and absorb his enthusiasm. Will it dim and then put 
out the candle of the spiritual life?" Poteat questioned the general 
situation outside university life and the atmosphere of the time. "Is it 
favorable and friendly," he asked, "or chilling and hostile to the faith 
of our fathers? Is religion still possible? Can a man be a Christian 

83 Greensboro Daily News, May 3, 1925. 

84 Excerpt from the will of the late John Calvin McNair on the frontispiece of 
William Louis Poteat, Can a Man Be a Christian To-day? (Chapel Hill: The Univer- 
sity of North Carolina Press, 1925), hereinafter cited as Poteat, Can a Man Be A 
Christian To-day? 

85 Greensboro Daily News, May 26, 1925. 
" The Chapel Hill Weekly, May 7, 1925. 



148 The North Carolina Historical Keview 

to-day?" 37 The Wake Forest President proceeded to answer this 
question by first discussing the main features of the society of that 
day, disentangling the essential substance of Christianity from its 
accumulations through the centuries, and finally, considering what 
serious-minded, intelligent young people should do in order to secure 
and maintain peace between their education and their religion. Poteat 
realized that evolution was a principal stumbling block. He explained 
that the Bible was not intended to be interpreted literally, and when 
interpreted in the fight it was intended, it in no way contradicted true 
science. Launching a vigorous counteroffensive against extreme fun- 
damentalists because he believed that they were doing all they could 
to make it impossible for intelligent, educated men to be Christians; 
Poteat said that religious teachers should recognize the authority of 
science in its proper sphere, just as scientific teachers ought to recog- 
nize the authority of religion in its proper sphere. He explained that 
men could reconcile education and religion if they would discriminate 
between Christ and some of his interpreters, between the apparatus 
of science and the spiritual realities of faith. 

Here was an answer to all those sincerely troubled by the age-old 
differences in science and religion. The experienced educator under- 
stood the problems of the sophisticated youth of Chapel Hill. He 
offered them the fundamentals of Christianity, expressed in modern 
terms and applied to the problems of modern life. Because he dealt 
in basic truths, Poteat offered to the youth of 1925 and to posterity 
an answer to the question "Can a man be a Christian today?" The lec- 
tures were a summary of Poteat's theology and philosophy of educa- 
tion. The statement of faith made his contribution complete, for had 
he merely criticized bigotry, he would have been no different from 
many others. He was different because he offered to his fellow man 
an answer to the conflict of science and religion, and in his own life, 
he proved that his suggestions were applicable. 

The McNair Lectures of 1925 evoked widespread interest. Pub- 
lished in book form, the lectures received favorable comment from 
both the religious and the secular press all over the nation. Papers in 
Baltimore, Boston, New York, Chicago, St. Louis, and Sacramento 
were among those which reviewed Poteat's book. The Greensboro 
Daily News called it "the most significant volume that has come out 
of North Carolina in years," and commented, "There has been no 
moment in this decade . . , when the interest of the state was so cen- 
tered on the expression of any North Carolinian upon a scientific, 

"Poteat, Can a Man Be a Christian To-day?, 1-2. 



William Louis Poteat 149 

philosophical, or religious subject. The moment and the man had met, 
and this message was the answer." 38 The Christian Leader declared, 
"What he says rings true, as something which has been wrought out 
of personal experience," 39 and a Missouri publication echoed, "It is 
emphatically a book for such a time as this if religion and science are 
to learn how to work together in such a world as this." 40 

Further praise came from W. H. P. Faunce, President of Brown 
University, who said, "That such an utterance should come out of the 
Southland must fill all thoughtful New England people with gladness, 
and that the utterance should be so calm and yet so fearless, so broad 
and yet so pungent, gives me personally very great satisfaction." 41 
Poteat replied that the impression that the South was backward was 
largely due to the fact that ultraconservatives had held the center 
of the stage and men with different attitudes had not cared to com- 
pete for publicity. Poteat illustrated, "I have heard of a farmer who 
had engaged to deliver a wagon load of bullfrogs to the cafe steward 
. . . actually presenting only two frogs, with the explanation that he 
did not know two bullfrogs could make so much noise." 42 

In the fall of 1925, the criticism by the ultraconservatives increased 
as North Carolina Baptists prepared for the State convention to be 
held in November. One critic sent Poteat an advertisement of Can a 
Man Be a Christian To-day? with the inscription, "It is hard to be one 
in Wake Forest under present conditions. I am surprised that a man 
who has lost faith in the Bible as God's inspired word has the brazen 
effrontery to try to stay at the head of a Christian college and under- 
mine the faith of Christian students. I have no earthly use for your 
book." 43 S. J. Betts, a minister of Raleigh, wrote a twelve-page pamph- 
let of criticism and refutation. Lawrence Stallings, playwright and 
son-in-law of Poteat, warned, "There hasn't been a theological or 
denominational paper in the South that hasn't been afire with this 
book. It will be the rock upon which the fires will be lighted when the 
legislatures and convocations rally in the fall hunts and the open 
season on intelligence begins." 44 Poteat recognized the criticism but 
had no objection to it. He commented to his publisher, "While I have 
never been hopeful of pleasing everybody and accordingly am not 

greatly disappointed that some criticisms are antagonistic, criticisms 

~— — — ____ 

88 Greensboro Daily News, July 12, 1925. 

39 The Christian Leader (Boston, Massachusetts, and Chicago, Illinois), April 23, 
1927. 
"The Christian-Evangelist (St. Louis, Missouri), Auerust 12, 1925. 
41 W. H. P. Faunce to W. L. Poteat, December 30, 1925. Poteat Papers. 
48 W. L. Poteat to W. H. P. Faunce, January 6, 1926, Poteat Papers. 
48 R. P. Rixey to W. L. Poteat (n.d.), Poteat Papers. 
"New York World, September 25, 1925. 



150 The North Carolina Historical Review 

favorable and unfavorable alike will probably help the book to get 
abroad." 45 

More than literary criticism developed against Poteat. Some stanch 
Baptists were determined to oust the "evolutionist" from the presi- 
dency of Wake Forest. Poteat expected that fundamentalists would 
present an antievolution resolution at the Baptist State Convention 
in November. 46 He wrote to a friend, "That pressure is, as I under- 
stand, likely to come to a head at the Baptist State Convention in 
Charlotte, where your humble servant will likely be asked to step 
down and out in one form or another. My present feeling is that, 
while I may be beaten, I am not disposed to surrender." 47 In late 
October Poteat addressed the Mecklenburg Wake Forest College 
Alumni Association. He said, "I am willing to serve in any place, but 
I will wear no chain except such as He puts on me. Eliminate me, 
stand by the college." The Mecklenburg alumni highly endorsed 
Poteat, the administration, and faculty. 48 

The lines had been drawn by convention time. Poteat had boldly 
stated his ideas on the teaching of evolution in his controversial book, 
Can a Man Be a Christian To-day? Surely the fundamentalists now 
had the best opportunity to oust Poteat from the presidency of Wake 
Forest. They would undoubtedly seize this opportunity at the Novem- 
ber meeting of the Baptist State Convention. The Gaston and Bun- 
combe Baptist Associations 49 had already directed their representa- 
tives to attempt to get convention action on the evolution question. 
These representatives, along with other fundamentalists, went to 
Charlotte eager to seize the opportunity to act against evolution and 
Poteat while interest was high. The fundamentalists felt strongly 
about the subject of heresy, and on the first day of the Convention 
they had a powerful majority. That night Wake Forest alumni from 
all over the State converged on Charlotte. Poteat had said, "I decline 
to be whipped out on an issue that involves the respectability and 
opportunity of my alma mater" 50 Other alumni of Wake Forest came 
to the rescue of their alma mater. A thousand new delegates appeared 
at the Convention in an ugly mood. 

46 W. L. Poteat to W. T. Couch, August 20, 1925, Poteat Papers. 
40 W. L. Poteat to V. P. Harris, October 12, 1925, Poteat Papers. 

47 W. L. Poteat to W. W. Barnes, April 26, 1925, Poteat Papers. 

48 The Charlotte Observer, October 31, 1925. Earlier the alumni association as a 
whole had issued a statement affirming to the public that Wake Forest was true to 
the fundamentals of the Baptist faith. See Biblical Recorder, September 23, 1925. 

48 Associations are groups of Baptist churches in particular areas, sometimes ascer- 
tained on the basis of counties, but not necessarily so. At that time, the association 
sent delegates to the North Carolina Baptist State Convention. 

w The Ledger-Dispatch (Norfolk, Virginia) , November 19, 1925. 



William Louis Poteat 151 

After a hasty consultation among the fundamentalists, they revised 
their position. When R. J. Bateman, representative from the Buncombe 
Association, introduced his resolution, it stated a belief in the divine 
nature of Jesus Christ and belief in creation by God as a fact. The 
last part of the resolution declared opposition to worldly philosophies 
which "seek to revolutionize the interpretation and undermine the 
character of God and Christ." 51 The Bateman resolution was so mild 
that even Poteat voted for it. 52 

Some ardent fundamentalists regarded Batemans resolution as 
innocuous because it contained no direct attack on the theory of evo- 
lution and no demands for the resignation of teachers who taught the 
theory. Still, trustees sympathetic to the fundamentalist cause could 
easily accomplish this with individual schools. At that time boards 
of trustees of Baptist institutions were self -perpetuating; that is, they 
elected persons to fill any vacancies which might occur, and these 
elections were subject only to the approval of the State Convention. 
Under this system trustees of Wake Forest who favored Poteat were 
likely to elect men of similar feelings to fill vacancies on the board. 
At the Charlotte meeting W. C. Barrett, representative from the 
Gaston Association, moved that the trustees of all Baptist institutions 
be elected directly by the State Convention. Surely many members 
of the group must have been surprised when a friend of Poteat, 
Bernard W. Spilman, rose to second the motion. They understood 
Spilmans motive when he further moved that the resolution be re- 
ferred to a committee, and that under the new system, the trustees 
be allowed to nominate persons to fill vacancies in their ranks. Thus 
the only real change was that rather than merely approving a slate 
of trustees, the Convention would have the possibility of nominations 
from the floor. In seconding Barrett's resolution, Spilman took the 
sting out of it. Consideration by the committee would take at least a 
year, and in two years Poteat would probably retire. 

This Charlotte Convention put Wake Forest in a new light. A Bap- 
tist college dared to acknowledge the teaching of evolution, and the 
alumni were willing to fight to protect this right. Faced with such 
strong alumni support, the fundamentalists revised their position. 
Through the entire meeting of the Convention there was no official 
mention of the word "evolution" and the only reference to Poteat was 
when the chairman called on him to read a letter from Benjamin N. 
Duke of Durham and New York donating $100,000 to Wake Forest 

n Annual of Baptist State Convention, 1925, 28-30. 
82 The News and Observer, November 19, 1925. 



152 The North Carolina Historical Review 

College. Fundamentalist leaders in the South were usually able to 
intimidate college presidents, especially when endowments were low, 
but Poteat had stood his ground and when his position was in danger, 
the alumni had appeared to support him. One alumnus said, 'He 
merely stood his ground and whistled, and instantly around him 
sprang up a thousand alumni, grim alumni, with red eyes and no 
scruples about flying at a fundamentalist throat." Why did they go to 
Charlotte, those "thousand men who wheted their knives as they came 
and fervently hoped that somebody would start something?" 53 Few 
of those men cared much about the theory of evolution. Some did not 
even understand it thoroughly, and certainly most of them were 
devout churchmen. But they remembered that Wake Forest had 
opened for them the wonderful door to the world of the mind, and 
they did not intend to have that door closed in the faces of their 
sons. They saved Wake Forest for freedom of teaching and for their 
beloved "Dr. Billy." Gerald W. Johnson, an alumnus of Wake Forest, 
paraphrased Daniel Webster as he said of his alma mater, "She is 
small, but there are those who hate her, and her enemies have made 
her great." 64 

The Charlotte Convention marked the final battle against Poteat. 
There were other small skirmishes from time to time, but there was 
no organized movement against him personally. In 1926 and 1927 
North Carolina fundamentalists made one last attempt to secure anti- 
evolution legislation through the "Committee of One Hundred," but 
leaders of the organization declared that they were not against Poteat. 
When V. T. Jeffreys of New Jersey, a representative of the Anti- 
Evolution League, and J. T. Maples, an evangelist known as the 
"Texas Cyclone," came to the State and verbally attacked Poteat and 
evolution, many North Carolinians objected. 55 

By 1927 the evolution controversy was beginning to decline in the 
South. The very persecution of the evolutionists had stimulated in- 
terest in their ideas with the result that the fear of evolution gradually 
abated. The radio played an increasingly important part, for when 

M Greensboro Daily News, May 16, 1926. 

64 Greensboro Daily News, May 16, 1926. Gerald W. Johnson gave this "behind the 
scenes" account of the convention. The truth of Johnson's statements is supported by 
the fact that the minutes of the Gaston and Buncombe Associations give a very 
different picture of the aims of Barrett and Bateman than the final resolutions 
exhibit. See Minutes of the Forty-fourth Annual Session of the Buncombe County 
Baptist Association of North Carolina, 1925, 15; Minutes of the Seventh Annual 
Sessoin of the Gaston County Baptist Association of North Carolina, 1925, 10; for other 
examples of fundamentalist sentiment see Minutes of the Sixty-fifth Annual Session 
of the Tennessee River Baptist Association of North Carolina, 1925, 4; Minutes of 
the Fortieth Annual Session of the Mecklenburg -Cabarrus Baptist Association, 1925, 
18-19. 

65 Greensboro Daily News, May 4, 1926. 



William Louis Poteat 



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154 The North Carolina Historical Review 

the people could hear evolutionists, they were better able to formulate 
their own independent opinions as to whether or not they were "here- 
tics." A broadening of educational opportunities in the 1920's in- 
creased public receptiveness to new ideas. Even the Tennessee legis- 
lature that passed the antievolution bill provided a longer school term 
and the largest appropriation ever made to the State university. Laws 
to bar evolution did little good, for people discussed it in spite of the 
law. As more people learned to understand evolution, they lost in- 
terest in fundamentalist agitation. As the fundamentalists found them- 
selves on the defensive, they lost confidence in their ability to convince 
others to repudiate the evolution theory. 

By 1926 several fundamentalist societies had lost effectiveness as 
a result of the growing public coolness toward their work. The wide- 
spread endeavor of the World's Christian Fundamentals Association 
revealed this noticeable loss of enthusiasm in the disappointing atten- 
dance at the Toronto convention of 1926. The Bible Crusaders, 
founded by George F. Washburn and then under the leadership of 
Thomas Theodore Martin, declined rapidly. Representative E. K. 
Wyndham of Louisiana was irritated by the lobbying of the organiza- 
tion. He suggested that some Crusaders were motivated less by reli- 
gious convictions than by a desire for financial betterment. 56 After 
1926 no representative of the Crusaders appeared where antievolu- 
tion bills were under discussion. 

Following several years of charges and resolutions, the Southern 
Baptist Convention was free of the evolution dispute. After 1926 
Southern Baptists exhibited little interest in antievolution agitation. 
Financial difficulty, especially for foreign missions, forced churchmen 
to turn their energies elsewhere. 57 The prohibition issue loomed large 
on the national scene and demanded the attention of churchmen. In 
North Carolina the Bible League, which replaced the Committee of 
One Hundred, conducted an unsuccessful movement in 1927 for anti- 
evolution legislation. North Carolinians were no longer interested in 
the subject. Poteat had proved that fundamentalist pressure could 
not force him to resign or to compromise his position on either science 
or religion. For years he had refused to resign under pressure, but in 
the summer of 1926 he felt that the pressure had subsided sufficiently 
to enable him to carry out his intention to resign. Nearing his seven- 
tieth birthday, Poteat announced in August of 1926 that he would 

69 Times-Picayune (New Orleans, Louisiana), February 13, 1926, as cited in Furniss, 
Fundamentalist Controversy, 62. 

67 See Biblical Recorder, May 26, 1926. 



William Louis Poteat 155 

retire the following June. Immediately after the 1927 commencement, 
he resigned as President of Wake Forest College. 

As William Louis Poteat left the presidency of Wake Forest, he 
retained his position as the outstanding figure in the evolution contro- 
versy in the South. William Jennings Bryan had been more famous, 
but he had won recognition mainly in other fields. Poteat's unique 
position as a college president, a scientist, and a leader in the Baptist 
denomination had given him the opportunity to lead the people of 
the South to understand that the truths of science and religion were 
in no way contradictory. In spite of concentrated fundamentalist 
efforts, the North Carolina legislature had refused to pass an anti- 
evolution bill. As long as Poteat maintained his stand, agitators could 
not force any teacher of science in the State to resign. At his retire- 
ment Poteat could see the fruit of his work, not only in the material 
growth of Wake Forest, but in the existing freedom of thought in 
North Carolina. The Greensboro Daily News reported, "Because the 
Poteat of another day stood with a faith no man might question and 
demanded all that the searchers after truth might find, the Poteat 
of this day can enunciate his doctrine of freedom under the benedic- 
tion of a people who themselves have seen the light." 58 

There have been several attempts to explain the leadership of Wil- 
liam Louis Poteat. The New York World said, "Your Fundamentalist 
would rather be burned at the stake than approach creative evolution 
from any laboratory angle giving him understanding of the matter, 
but he will read Dr. Poteat. He reads him either to heckle or dis- 
may." 59 The fundamentalists had read Poteat's book, Can a Man Be a 
Christian To-day?, and in reply had determined to oust him from the 
presidency of Wake Forest College. But they had been unable to 
defeat or refute him. They disputed his Christianity, but he reaffirmed 
it with his words and with his exemplary life. Henry L. Mencken 
interpreted Poteat as "a sort of liaison officer between the Baptist 
revelation and human progress in his native State of North Carolina." 
Mencken expressed the paradox of Dr. Poteat in the following way: 
"On the one hand he has stuck valiantly to such curiosities of the 
Baptist sorcery as total immersion and Prohibition; on the other hand 
he has served his State magnificently as a public critic of the Brvan 
bibliolatry." Mencken believed that because of Poteat North Carolina 
was "the most intelligent" of all southern States. 60 

68 Greensboro Daily News, June 3, 1927. 

**New York World, September 25, 1925. 

w Charlotte News and Evening Chronicle, November 8, 1925. 



156 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Poteat was the only man in history to serve as President of both the 
North Carolina Baptist State Convention and the North Carolina 
Academy of Science. It was certainly unusual for one man to be 
called a heretic and an evolutionist and at the same time, "an old- 
fashioned, Bible-reading, family-altar, Sunday-school, mid-week 
prayer meeting Christian." 61 But these words fit. 

To Poteat his stand was not at all paradoxical. It was an integral 
part of all that he thought and did, and it found excellent expression 
in the field of education. His view of education was idealistic as 
opposed to the strictly materialistic view. He made education seem 
not the number of students at a college, not the wealth of its build- 
ings, and not the enthusiasm of its alumni, but the development of an 
attitude of mind that regarded the search for truth as the holiest duty 
and the highest adventure. 92 To Poteat the most serious danger to 
students was "the peril of being content in our own little cabbage 
garden, while the illimitable universe challenges us in vain." 63 Poteat 
presented the challenge, and in his own life, gave an excellent example 
of how it might be met. He brought to Wake Forest material growth, 
enterprise, exalted ideals of scholarship and of Christian service, but 
his most important contribution was the vision to look beyond text- 
books, buildings, and athletic events in a search for and devotion to 
truth, not only scientific truth, but the basic truths of everyday living. 
At his retirement, the Richmond News-Leader declared, "The high 
faith that has marked the life of Dr. Poteat, the courage of his devo- 
tion to the principle of soul-liberty, and his influence upon the youth 
of the South have made him more than the president of a college; he 
has been the preceptor of a generation." 64 

Poteat's influence did indeed reach beyond the Wake Forest Col- 
lege campus. As a leading Baptist in favor of the teaching of evolu- 
tion, Poteat provided the focal point for the start of the antievolution 
controversy of the 1920's. Thomas Theodore Martin's articles criticiz- 
ing Poteat stimulated interest in the possible conflicts between evolu- 
tion and religion. The entire controversy reached mammoth propor- 
tions, filling the columns of both the religious and the secular press, 
and even invading the State legislatures. Throughout the controversy, 
Poteat remained the principal religious leader for the liberal side. 
Because of his educational background and his moderate stand, he 
became a significant factor in the controversy not only in the South, 

61 Religious Herald (Richmond, Virginia), August 19, 1926. 

m The News and Observer, May 18, 1924. 

n Biblical Recorder, July 1, 1925. 

"Richmond News-Leader (Virginia), June 10, 1927. 



William Louis Poteat 



157 



but in the nation as a whole. He was the outstanding person among 
many well-informed southerners who wished to assure freedom of 
teaching within the strongholds of fundamentalism. Poteat led the 
people of the South to a more enlightened religion and in so doing, he 
helped to insure freedom of teaching and a reverence for truth which 
would last far beyond his lifetime. 



/ 



THE CONFEDERATE REFUGEES IN 
NORTH CAROLINA 

By Mary Elizabeth Massey* 

Two weeks after his participation in the First Battle of Manassas 
the young North Carolina Lieutenant John Avery Benbury wrote his 
wife a prediction of things to come. It was probably his intention to 
prepare her for what she might soon encounter on their plantation 
near Edenton and to impress upon her the seriousness of the War, for 
he realized that Harriet Benbury, like most southerners, had no com- 
prehension of what the Civil War would do to the South's way of life. 
But whatever his reasons for writing as he did, his were words of 
wisdom from which thousands of overconfident, idealistic civilians 
might have benefited had they but heard and heeded them. However, 
his opinions were those of an unknown lieutenant whose name meant 
nothing to the majority of the people, and they were directed only to 
his wife who gave no indication that she took them seriously at the 
time. Within a year Mrs. Benbury would have reason to recall them 
when she and her six-weeks-old daughter were driven from their home 
to become refugees and when her husband was killed at Malvern Hill. 
As he wrote, Lieutenant Benbury described the first great battle of 
the Civil War, emphasizing not only the carnage of the battlefield but 
also the destruction of private property, and he prophesied that the 
time had now arrived when women must be men "in spirit." He 
then predicted that which the next four years would prove to be 
true, that "people never realize the horrors of war till it is brought to 
their own doorsteps.'* 1 As the Federal armies penetrated the Con- 
federacy hundreds of thousands of citizens were to learn through 
experience that such was the case, and no group would be in a better 
position to confirm Benbury's statement than the tens of thousands 
who became refugees when the War came "to their own doorsteps/' 

Every State in the Confederacy experienced the displacement of a 
part of its citizenry and all absorbed to some extent refugees from 
other States. North Carolinians living in the coastal areas were among 
the first to flee from the enemy early in the War, but except for this 

* Dr. Massey is Chairman of the Department of History at Winthrop College, Rock 
Hill, South Carolina. 

1 John Avery Benbury to Harriet Ryan Benbury, August 5, 1861, Benbury-Haywood 
Papers, Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, 
hereinafter cited as Benbury-Haywood Papers. 



Confederate Refugees 159 

group there was no large or continuing displacement of people as 
there was in many other southern States. North Carolina was one of 
the safest areas in the Confederacy despite the sporadic Unionist and 
guerrilla activities in the mountains and Sherman's invasion in 1865. 
Provisions were also more plentiful than in the war-torn regions and 
because the refugees sought both safety and sufficient food it would 
seem that North Carolina would have attracted a much larger pro- 
portion of homeless southerners than did her neighbors, but such was 
not the case. While records indicate that many towns in the State 
were crowded with refugees, the majority of these seem to have been 
North Carolinians except during two relatively brief periods when a 
great many Virginians and South Carolinians sought refuge here. In 
the late spring and summer of 1862 large numbers of Richmond resi- 
dents, most of whom were the families of Confederate officials, came 
to North Carolina when McClellan's forces threatened the city during 
the Peninsular Campaign. Most of these remained in the State for 
only a few months and returned to Virginia as soon as the danger had 
passed. The second great refugee invasion of North Carolina occurred 
in February, 1865, when thousands fled from Sherman's armies, but 
many of these returned to their homes before either General Lee's 
or General Johnston's surrender. It should not be concluded, however, 
that North Carolina had no out-of-state refugees but these. There was 
a gradual infiltration throughout the War, but most of those who were 
displaced for any length of time were North Carolinians from the 
coast. A Raleigh editor seemed aware of this when he editorialized 
on the refugees, and appealing to citizens in the interior to receive 
the homeless graciously he reminded his readers, "We are all North 
Carolinians." 2 

There are several explanations as to why there were proportionately 
fewer out-of-state refugees in North Carolina than in some of the 
other southern States. The first is so obvious that it might easily be 
ignored. No one could predict with certainty the course of the War 
and because the coastal areas were invaded very early there was 
always the possibility that the enemy would penetrate deep into the 
interior. While it is easy a century later to say that North Carolina 
would have afforded an ideal haven for the displaced people, at the 
time the War was being fought no one knew what its pattern would 
be. The people did not know what to do or where to go and the 
movements of the refugees give proof of this as they settled them- 

2 Semi-Weekly Standard (Raleigh), June 12, 1863. This paper was also published 
as the Weekly Standard during this period. 



160 The North Carolina Historical Review 

selves in areas which they believed would be safe from invasion for 
the duration of the struggle, but often within a few months they were 
compelled to uproot themselves and find another wartime home if 
they were to remain within Confederate lines. After once leaving their 
homes most refugees moved many times before the end of the War 
as a Georgia lady noted when she told of friends who had lived in 
twelve different communities as they tried to evade the enemy. 3 Those 
who moved once and spent the turbulent years in their first place of 
refuge were the lucky ones. 

The way in which most of these people moved also explains North 
Carolina's receiving fewer out-of-state refugees than other areas, for 
they tended to inch away from home and then move by installments 
as the enemy again approached. This was especially true of those 
who became refugees early in the War, when most people believed 
their displacement would be temporary. They were confident the 
Federals would be repelled and they could soon return to their homes. 
Therefore they reasoned that it would be easier to go back if they 
did not wander too far away, and the North Carolinians were like 
others in this regard. When Mrs. Benbury eventually realized that 
she would have to leave her plantation if she were to avoid direct 
contact with the enemy, she went first to Windsor thinking that she 
could live out the War in her mother's home, but no sooner had she 
arrived than her husband wrote that she must move away from the 
coast. She then went to Warrenton as her husband suggested, and 
when he heard she had taken his advice he wrote, "Dear wife, you 
have done wright Isic] in going higher up the country." 4 Thousands 
of other displaced people sidled away from home as had Mrs. Benbury 
and for this reason very few of those who lived a great distance from 
North Carolina reached the State before the end of the War. It must 
also be noted that some refugees, after making several moves, decided 
it was to their best interests to remain where they were when the 
Federals overtook them, and others eventually questioned the wisdom 
of their earlier flight and returned home to live within Federal lines 
rather than continue their nomadic existence. 

Nor can the devotion of southerners for their States be ignored as 
a reason for so few out-of-state refugees coming to North Carolina. 
The majority of refugees not only preferred to remain within its 
confines but some adamantly refused to leave it until such a time 

8 Mrs. Lenora Clayton to Mrs. Howell Cobb, February 3, 1865, Cobb Papers, De- 
partment of Special Collections, University of Georgia, Athens. 

*John Avery Benbury to Harriet Ryan Benbury, February 21, 1862, Benbury- 
Haywood Papers. 



Confederate Refugees 



161 



' WtWx&. 




Southern women applying to the Federal Commissary for food. From a contem- 
porary periodical, the photograph is now in the files of the State Department of 
Archives and History. 



as they had no choice in the matter. They generally preferred to move 
a half-dozen times within the home State rather than take one broad 
leap into a neighboring one, and some southerners left the Confed- 
eracy for foreign countries more easily than others crossed the State 
lines. While this provincialism was evidenced everywhere in the 
South, nowhere was it as widespread and deep-seated as in Virginia 
and South Carolina. Virginians were displaced by the thousands 
throughout the War but rarely did they seek permanent refuge out- 
side the State, and when they fled into North Carolina, as they did in 
1862, they only camped out until they could return to Virginia. Mat- 
thew Page Andrews indicated this attitude of Virginians when he 
wrote his fiancee about the possible communities to which she might 
go when driven from her home. All of the places he suggested were 
in Virginia, and this he told her was "a very important consideration. 
I have a perfect dread of your going out of the State." 5 South Caro- 
lina was in much the same position as North Carolina in that only her 
coastal areas fell to the enemy early in the War, but when the dis- 

8 Matthew Page Andrews to Anna Robinson, May 7, 1861, Charles Wesley Andrews 
Papers, Manuscript Division, Duke tJniversity Library, Durham. 



162 The North Carolina Historical Review 

placed planters sought wartime homes they were usually in the 
central or western parts of the State. As they moved into the Piedmont 
they often met with a cool reception and there was constant friction 
between the refugees and the residents. Various newspapers editorial- 
ized on this problem and the Charleston papers frequently pleaded 
with the Up Country people to understand the problems of the Low 
Country refugees. In one such appeal the Mercury asked if the Pied- 
mont citizens expected the planters from the coast to go into neighbor- 
ing States to avoid the enemy. He reminded them that "the heart of 
an exile . . . revolts at seeking home however temporary outside the 
parental territory," and for this reason the Low Country refugees 
preferred to remain "in their own Carolina." 6 North Carolina there- 
fore attracted very few of the displaced citizens from the States to 
the north and south except at specific times when desperation and 
the Yankees combined to push them over the State line. 

The mountains of western North Carolina were a barrier to most 
of the displaced people from Kentucky and Tennessee who tended, 
therefore, to move into the Deep South or into southwestern Virginia. 
Some of these eventually swung into both Carolinas and a few were 
brave enough to slip through the mountains, but this was a dangerous 
route for anyone to follow, especially for those of strong Confederate 
sympathies. To the east were also obstacles which prevented great 
numbers of out-of-state refugees from coming into the State. The 
Outer Banks and the presence of the enemy blocked their entry along 
most of the coast, and although some did come to Wilmington this 
city was more often used by the refugees as a port of exit rather than 
of entry. Wilmington was different from the other major port cities 
in the Confederacy in that she did not have thousands of homeless 
dumped on her docks as did Charleston, Savannah, and Mobile, all 
of which were required to absorb hundreds of people who were 
banished by Federal authorities from some nearby area. Therefore 
North Carolina had fewer refugees coming into the State because of 
many factors, but there were exceptions to all of these and the North 
Carolinians, who happened to live in the overcrowded communities 
where they congregated, gave every indication that they believed a 
sufficient number had arrived to create grave problems for all. 

Many of the out-of-state refugees were families of prominent Con- 
federate military and political officials, and although most of these 
were temporary residents some came early in the War and remained 
until the end. Both groups followed the same pattern in settling as 

• Charleston Mercury (South Carolina), November 8, 1862. 



Confederate Refugees 163 

did those elsewhere in the South, for they tended to congregate in 
urban areas where there were other refugees. As they did so they 
jammed the transportation facilities, crowded together in limited 
housing accommodations, and consumed the provisions. This in turn 
created scarcities which raised prices and encouraged speculation and 
hoarding, When these conditions developed the residents reached the 
point where they dreaded to see refugees come and they were exas- 
perated by the influx which created economic problems for the com- 
munity. The relations between the refugees and residents in North 
Carolina were typical of those elsewhere in the Confederacy; and 
while some of the newcomers reported gracious, hospitable receptions 
others thought the citizens cool, selfish, and rude, but in either case 
much depended on the individuals involved. 

Some of the troubles which developed between the refugees and 
the residents were the fault of the displaced people, many of whom 
were prejudiced against North Carolinians before they arrived and 
nearly all of whom were inclined to be clannish. Some manifested a 
superior attitude which did nothing to endear them to the native 
population who did not understand that this was often done to save 
face, for a great many refugees were proud but poor, and those who 
had lost most of their worldly possessions often assumed a haughty 
exterior in an effort to hide their true situation. There were displaced 
people, however, who felt themselves superior and who did not hesi- 
tate to let it be known, but whatever their reasons for acting as they 
did, in the long run they were the ones most likely to be hurt. They 
were the strangers in the community and the ones who sought favors, 
nonetheless, many of them made no attempt to be diplomatic or to 
adjust to the communities in which they went. The first refugees in 
an area created the image and not only did the first impression 
eventually damage their chances for harmonious relationships, but 
those who came later found it more difficult to win acceptance. All 
conflicts between the residents and their temporary visitors were not 
the fault of the latter, however, for there were North Carolinians who 
did not want them in the community and who were sometimes as 
rude and selfish as the homeless accused them of being. When the 
Columbians fled from Sherman by the hundreds, many of them came 
to Charlotte which was already so congested that the town could not 
accommodate the influx. The refugees made a house-to-house canvass 
as they tried to find living quarters, and the Charlotteans, often 
irritated by the frequent, interruptions, were sometimes rude to them 
and indifferent to their plight. One Woman wrote her son that she had 



164 The North Carolina Historical Review 

rooms she might have rented but she already had more work than 
she could do. However, a younger son who was an invalid in the 
home had even stronger feelings about those who rang the bell and 
begged for shelter. As his mother said, "When he is . . . [too] weak 
and sick to speak on other subjects if you say 'refugee' or South Caro- 
lina he rouses up & holds forth." 7 Whatever sympathy might have 
been shown for the displaced people early in the War had evaporated 
late in the conflict as the citizens blamed the homeless for most of the 
economic hardships they had endured. 

The infiltration of refugees into urban areas disturbed and con- 
fused those who watched them congregate in the communities. News- 
paper editors in every southern State at some time commented on the 
problems which this tendency created for all civilians, and one in 
Georgia thought it "regrettable" that the homeless people were so 
"fascinated by brick and mortar." 8 Yet the towns offered many attrac- 
tions to them which rural areas did not afford, and this was true in 
North Carolina as in other States. All refugees were in search of 
safety, and the cities had more effective law enforcement agencies 
than did the country. This was especially appealing to women who 
were without male protection. The refugees also wanted companion- 
ship, not only for social reasons but to be assured of assistance should 
the need arise. They naturally sought others who had experienced 
displacement as they believed that their common problem would pro- 
mote mutual understanding, and they proved by their movements 
that "misery loves company." Those who traveled in public convey- 
ances were first taken into towns served by the transportation facili- 
ties and those who had made no plans to go elsewhere remained at 
the terminus. But a great many refugees deliberately chose as their 
haven a community situated on a railroad, and although they were 
warned throughout the War that the battles were being fought along 
the rail lines they reasoned that should it be necessary to nee again 
they could more easily get out of town on a train. When a mass 
evacuation took place, however, thousands of people were unable to 
get the accommodations they had expected, and those who did get 
seats on the outgoing trains discovered that they often had to leave 
their baggage behind. One reason for the congestion in Greensboro in 
1862 was that it had rail connections with Richmond and other Virginia 
towns, and the explanation for thousands of South Carolinians being 
dumped in Charlotte in February, 1865, was a direct rail line running 

T Mrs. R. Burwell to Edmund Burwell, February 16, 1865, Burwell Papers, Southern 
Historical Collection, hereinafter cited as Burwell Papers. 
• Daily Chronicle and Sentinel (Augusta, Georgia), June 7, 1864. 



Confederate Refugees 165 

from Columbia to that eity. Despite the warnings given them, the 
refugees were attracted to towns which were situated on the railroads. 

It was also in the urban areas that one expected to find more regular 
mail service and this was a very important consideration for most 
refugees who wanted to be in a position to receive and transmit com- 
munications to loved ones in the service. The diaries and letters of 
those searching for an asylum frequently mention that their one re- 
quirement was that the community be on "a mail line," and although 
postal service was uncertain at best there was a greater possibility 
of one's receiving letters in the towns. When hotels and real estate 
dealers advertised property for rent or sale and hoped to attract the 
attention of refugees, they often assured prospective patrons that the 
community afforded excellent mail service. 

The towns also offered greater opportunities for employment and 
many of the homeless were in desperate need -of work. Some who 
sought jobs had never before worked for wages and this was especi- 
ally true of the women who were now compelled to earn the family's 
livelihood or supplement its income. The North Carolina towns ap- 
pealed to those in need of jobs, for Fayetteville, Greensboro, Salisbury, 
Charlotte, Asheville, and other communities had both private and 
Confederate industries. Wilmington attracted men who were inter- 
ested in the profits to be derived from trade through the blockade, and 
although they were usually looked upon as parasites and vultures by 
both the citizens and the local newspapers, they often tried to attain 
respectability and arouse sympathy by referring to themselves as refu- 
gees, which they sometimes were. 

These unsettled people also reasoned that the urban areas afforded 
more abundant and varied types of housing facilities than could be 
found elsewhere, for in the towns were hotels, boardinghouses, and 
private homes which might be available to them. There were also 
public buildings which could be converted into living quarters and 
any community boasting an academy or college was almost certain 
to attract the homeless who hoped to find accommodations in the 
dormitories or in the boardinghouses which normally catered to stu- 
dents. Men's colleges usually closed or enrolled so few students that 
their buildings were often thrown open to others who needed lodging, 
and the owners of boarding establishments as well as the merchants 
in the college towns welcomed the refugees as patrons. This reasoning 
that towns and cities afforded a greater number of structures which 
might be used as shelter was logical in the early months of the War, 
but as hundreds and even thousands flocked into a communitv all 



166 The North Carolina Historical Review 

available space was soon taken and a housing shortage then devel- 
oped. In the spring of 1862 Greensboro, Raleigh, and other cities 
experiencing the influx of Virginians were soon overcrowded and 
those refugees who had not contracted in advance for rooms dis- 
covered upon arrival that they would either have to live in makeshift 
quarters or move elsewhere. The same situation existed in Charlotte 
and other communities which received those displaced late in the 
War. Until the homeless people learned through trial and error they 
presumed that any town could offer them some type of accommo- 
dations. 

Therefore the refugees went into urban areas hoping to find one, 
two, or perhaps all of these things, and the North Carolina towns 
affording these attractions were likely to experience an invasion of 
displaced people at some time during the War. The newcomers were 
both from within and from outside the State, but those who came 
from out-of-state were often the ones who left the most interesting 
impressions of their wartime homes. They recorded their reactions to 
the State, the community, and the citizens in their letters, diaries, and 
reminiscences, but whether or not they expressed their opinions as 
candidly in conversations is not positively known. If they did, this 
would explain the hostility which many residents felt for them, for 
some refugees were tactless to the point of brutality. 

There were several refugee centers in North Carolina but the only 
city on the coast receiving appreciable numbers from outside the 
State was Wilmington. Although some of the natives left the com- 
munity at various times, either because of the precarious military 
situation or because of yellow fever, refugees came into the city for 
commercial reasons or to await passage on a ship which would take 
them out of the Confederacy. In the latter group were many of the 
more affluent New Orleans exiles who were banished from their 
homes. In the fall of 1863 James Ryder Randall was in Wilmington 
when many Louisianians were in town and he wrote his fiancee that 
the boardinghouse in which he was staying was "crowded with New 
Orleans people; most of them birds of passage." He emphasized, how- 
ever, that they usually moved out as soon as they could get accommo- 
dations aboard ship and he noted that one family in the boardinghouse 
was packing to leave the following day. 9 However, the largest mass 
influx of refugees into Wilmington came in the early months of 1865 
when many people from eastern South Carolina dashed into the city 
as they fled from the Federals. A lady who had lived in Wilmington 

•James Ryder Randall to Kate Hammond, October 6, 1863, Randall Letters, South- 
ern Historical Collection. 



Confederate Refugees 167 

throughout the War commented that the community had suffered 
very little during the conflict, but "the most serious difficulty" which 
the residents had encountered was the arrival of "thousands of refu- 
gees, men, women & children of all classes & grades, both black and 
white, rendered homeless & breadless & many clotheless by Shermans 
armies." She said that these people seemed to descend on the city 
"from all directions," and so many had come into Wilmington that 
they had to be "put in every nook & corner or vacant room ... to be 
found in the place." Despite this reference to the congestion in the 
city, the writer mentioned that she had been spared having to take 
any of the refugees into her home, and although she was sympathetic 
she felt no obligation to rent rooms to them. 10 This attitude was in 
evidence everywhere in the Confederacy but many displaced people 
found many North Carolinians especially reluctant to open their 
homes to strangers. 

Other towns in eastern North Carolina which remained within Con- 
federate lines for any length of time had large numbers of homeless 
wanderers, but these were mostly natives of the coastal areas of the 
State who were edging away from their homes. The village of Warren- 
ton had several families of Virginians living there early in the War, 
mostly from the southeastern part of that State, but during the spring 
and summer of 1862 they were joined by others from Richmond. War- 
renton was especially attractive to the Virginia people because of its 
location just over the North Carolina State line from which point 
they could easily and speedily return to their homes when the "all 
clear" was sounded. The community also had a large, comfortable 
hotel and several boardinghouses all of which were soon filled with 
refugees from both Virginia and North Carolina. One of the ladies 
living in Brownlow's Hotel told of the establishment being crowded 
with displaced people in May, 1862, and all were apparently women 
and children. She mentioned that it was quite a sociable group whose 
favorite pastime seems to have been talking, and because of the 
"babel of tongues" she was unable to write her son, for the inces- 
sant chatter "conf ounde [dl the motion of the pen." She was happv 
to report, however, that this "heterogenous [sic] assemblage of . . . ref- 
ugees" was composed entirely of Episcopalians who agreed that this 
situation produced a most congenial atmosphere. 11 She wrote her son 
that she could not understand why anyone would want to go else- 

19 Minnie Pipkin to her mother, March 30, 1865, P. D. Gold Papers, Southern His- 
torical Collection. 

11 Mrs. P. C. Calder to William Calder, May 26, June 3, 1862, William Calder Papers, 
Southern Historical Collection, hereinafter cited as Calder Papers. 



168 The North Carolina Historical Review 

where but there were two guests at the hdtel who were planning to 
leave because they thought the town too near the battle area, and 
what perturbed her even more, they were going all the way to Green- 
ville, South Carolina. 12 

In central North Carolina a number of communities proved attrac- 
tive to out-of-state refugees and among these were Hillsboro and 
Chapel Hill. By the second year of the War the inn in Hillsboro was 
crowded with homeless people, and attics, basements, and parlors in 
many private homes afforded shelter to others. The schoolhouse and 
bank building had been converted into temporary living quarters 
and the Masonic Lodge was being eyed as a possibility. In the fall of 
1862 a Wilmington woman wanted to move to Hillsboro and she asked 
her son, who taught in the local academy, to assist her in obtaining 
accommodations. Although she was willing to live anywhere as long 
as it was in Hillsboro, the search for rooms was carried on for nearly 
eight months before a boarding place was found and even then the 
son was successful only because he persuaded a resident to convert 
her parlor into a bedroom for his mother. 13 In the summer of 1862 
General William D. Pender wrote to his wife, who was living in Hills- 
boro, that he wanted her to find living quarters for the family of his 
friend, Major E. H. Palfrey. The Major wanted to move his family out 
of Richmond for reasons of safety and economy, and Pender thought 
that Hillsboro would be the perfect retreat for them. He told Mrs. 
Pender that Palfrey specified only one requirement, that the family 
must board in a private home for they did not have any housekeeping 
equipment. As Mrs. Pender read this letter she would have had every 
reason to recall the many times her husband had accused her of being 
unrealistic about the War, for now it was the General who seemed 
unaware of the true situation. Hillsboro was so crowded that everyone 
was having difficulty finding accommodations and it appeared unlikely 
that the Palfreys would ever find room and board, for the Major's 
brood consisted of his wife, nine children, and a servant. 14 

In nearby Chapel Hill refugees came early and stayed late as they 
filled the boardinghouses and private homes in the village. They were 
made welcome by the residents whose income had heretofore de- 
pended on the University students. The number of students decreased 
during the War. Mrs. John Kimberly, whose husband was on the 
faculty, mentioned the great numbers of refugees who were living 

12 Mrs. P. C. Calder to William Calder, May 23, 1862, Calder Fapers. 

w Mrs. P. C. Calder to Robert Calder, February 16, 27, March 30, April 24, 29, and 
May 14, 1863, Calder Papers. 

"William Dorsey Pender to Mrs. Pender, July 28, 1862, William Dorsey Pender 
Papers, Southern Historical Collection. 



Confederate Refugees 169 

in the community as she tried to convince her mother and married 
sister, refugees from Nashville, that they should make their wartime 
home in Chapel Hill. It was her opinion that the village was "the 
safest place in the Confederate States," and one of the greatest attrac- 
tions it had to offer was the comparative abundance and cheapness 
of provisions. Her mother and sister were in Atlanta at the time and 
both complained of the high cost of living there. Whenever they quoted 
Atlanta prices, Mrs. Kimberly answered by citing the lower costs of 
the same commodities in Chapel Hill, and when steak was seventy-five 
cents a pound in Atlanta, it could be bought for ten cents in Chapel 
Hill. Fruit, eggs, chickens, and other produce could be had for a 
fraction of the price her sister was paying, but Mrs. Kimberly ex- 
plained that the Chapel Hillians were so poor that if they had to pay 
as much as the Atlantans, "nothing hardly would be bought here." 15 
Although her mother and sister came for a brief visit they did not 
remain, but the arguments offered by Mrs. Kimberly in an effort to 
convince them were those which were usually irresistible to most 
refugees. 

Greensboro was a popular refugee center throughout the War, but 
the first great influx of out-of-state people came during the spring and 
summer of 1862. At this time many of the newcomers were the fami- 
lies of prominent Confederate officials who sought a temporary home 
until they could return to the Confederate Capital. Among those 
who were in Greensboro at this time were Mrs. Josiah Gorgas and five 
of her six children, the oldest being with friends in South Carolina. 
They left Richmond in May and returned in the fall, but during the 
intervening period they lived in the college in Greensboro. When 
Gorgas visited his family there in July he reported that forty or fifty 
other refugees had rooms in the same institution and he thought his 
brood very comfortably situated in "the Methodist College." He was 
charmed with Greensboro, with its citizens and he reported that he 
found the "North Carolina air very salubrious," but "Mama," as he 
called Mrs. Gorgas, was not as enchanted with the arrangement as 
was her husband. This was not so much the fault of Greensboro, how- 
ever, as that she was never happy away from Gorgas and she was 
eagerly anticipating the day when she could return to Richmond "not 
to leave again . . . until the capital is moved . . . farther south," as her 
husband thought it eventually would be. 16 

"Mrs. John Kimberly to Mrs. John Schon, November 18, 1861, June 8, 1862, John 
Kimberly Papers, Southern Historical Collection. 

M Josiah Gorgas Journal, June 22, July 27, September 7, 1862, Southern Historical 
Collection. 



170 The North Carolina Historical Review 

At the same time that Mrs. Gorgas was 'in Greensboro there were 
a great many other evacuees from Richmond in town, among them 
Louise and Frances Wigfall, the teenaged daughters of Confederate 
Senator Louis Trezevant Wigfall of Texas. The inimitable Louise was 
the older of the two, fifteen at the time, and her comments were 
typical of those one might expect from a girl her age. She wrote her 
mother regularly and her letters did anything but put Mrs. Wigfall's 
mind at ease about her unpredictable daughter. In Louise's first letter 
she told Mrs. Wigfall what she undoubtedly already knew, "The 
College in town is a Female not a Male College," and the young lady 
made it quite clear that she was disgusted with this situation, for she 
was very interested in young men and she judged Greensboro, as she 
would her later places of refuge, by the number of eligible men in the 
community. This discovery prejudiced her against the city and her 
first impression was decidedly unfavorable. She wrote her mother, "I 
am convinced that a great many people in North Carolina are traitors, 
they not only refuse in this one horse town to take Virginia notes, but 
Confederate notes. ... I have always thought North Carolina was not 
good for much, and I am more convinced of it now than ever. . . ." 
Her reaction to the citizens' manners and clothing was also that of 
disgust as she reported to her mother that the first Sunday they were 
in Greensboro she and Frances had worn their "best store clothes" to 
church and had "made quite a sensation among the natives." The 
congregation gave no indication of ever having seen shoes like those 
worn by the girls, and Louise thought this understandable since "shoes 
are not to be had in the classic precincts of Greensboro." Another very 
real complaint she had against the community was the dearth of young 
men and although she had been there a week when she wrote, she 
reported that she had not found a single boy who interested her. She 
made it clear that she had not given up hope, and by the time she 
wrote Mrs. Wigfall a week later the situation looked considerably 
brighter. Suddenly, within seven days, Greensboro had become "quite 
a sociable little place," and the reason for this changed opinion was 
that during the period between letters she had received ten callers 
"3 of whom were young gentlemen, one a Lieutenant, the other a 
Major and the third a Lt. Colonel." Not only had she found eligible 
men but she was moving up in rank, and this was a source of great 
satisfaction to her, but the future held even greater promise now that 
the Ordnance Department had come to town. 17 

"Louise Wigfall to Mrs. Louis Trezevant Wigfall, May 6, 12, 19, 1862, Louis 
Trezevant Wigfall Papers (microfilm copy), Eugene C. Barker Collection, University 
of Texas, Austin, hereinafter cited as Wigfall Papers. 



Confederate Refugees 171 

When Mrs. Wigfall received these communications from her daugh- 
ter she responded, "I do wish very much your head was not quite so 
full of beaux & your own personal appearance. I was in hopes that 
getting you out of Richmond would have abated that nuisance." She 
reminded Louise that she had been sent to Greensboro with the under- 
standing that she would continue her studies and as yet Mrs. Wigfall 
had heard nothing to the effect that she was doing so. "I can't bear to 
have you grow up a vain, uncultivated girl," she wrote, and she urged 
her daughter to study French, read and "not idle away the summer." 18 
Upon the receipt of this letter Louise hastened to assure her mother 
that she was taking French lessons from an instructor at the college, 
that she was spending a part of each day reading, and she added, "I 
have quite enough to employ my time on these hot days." 19 From this 
exchange until her return to Richmond in the fall Louise wrote at 
length of her intellectual pursuits and de-emphasized those of a social 
nature, but there was sufficient mention of gaiety, frivolity, and young 
men to give Mrs. Wigfall cause for concern, and she determined to 
bring her daughters back to Richmond just as soon as she could. 

The refugees from Virginia were not the only ones in Greensboro 
in May, 1862, as a North Carolina editor indicated when he told of a 
number of families from Charleston being scattered through the cen- 
tral portions of the State, some as far away from South Carolina as 
Greensboro. They had been urged to leave their homes by the military 
authorities, but the majority were just what the editor said they were, 
"temporary" residents, 20 for many of those who left Charleston at this 
time returned to their homes as soon as the immediate threat to the 
city had passed. This they had also done in the late fall of 1861 and 
this they would do later, for the Charlestonians were more reluctant 
to leave and more determined to return to their homes than were 
many other southern civilians, and the military authorities in Charles- 
ton failed dismally at trying to settle them elsewhere for the duration 
of the War. Greensboro was host to hundreds of South Carolinians 
in the last months of the War and most of these traveled by train into 
the city. During this same period it was absorbing additional numbers 
of Virginians who were fleeing from the forces of Grant and Sheridan. 
Although many of the refugees came in waves to Greensboro, the city 
was a major point of concentration for displaced people throughout 
the War. 



M Mrs. Wigfall to Louise Wifrfall, May 20, 1862, Wijrfall Papers. 
"Louise Wigfall to Mrs. Wigfall. June 2, 1862, Wigfall Papers. 
* The Wilmington Journal, May 29, 1862. 



172 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Among those who paused in Greensboro* during the last month of 
the conflict was J. G. M. Ramsey, president of the Knoxville branch 
of the Bank of Tennessee which was also a Confederate Depository. 
Ramsey had spent most of the War years moving the Bank's assets 
to safer areas and for most of the period he had maintained head- 
quarters in Atlanta, but when that city was endangered he moved to 
Augusta. When he feared a Federal attack there he fled to Charlotte 
with his "Bank on Wheels," as he referred to the peripatetic institu- 
tion. He had no sooner established riimself in Charlotte than rumors 
were circulated that Sherman was headed in that direction, and taking 
his cue from the local bankers who were leaving the city, he boarded 
the northbound train for Greensboro. As soon as he arrived he began 
his search for two things, a vault in which he might deposit his valu- 
ables and a room in which he might deposit himself. The vault he 
found but the room he did not, for Greensboro was "filled with refu- 
gees from everywhere," and just as he was about to despair of locating 
accommodations for himself he met an old friend who suggested that 
he share his bed. Ramsey's stay in Greensboro was destined to be 
brief, for he had been there only a few hours when the citizens 
became panic-stricken at the rumors that Stoneman would soon be in 
town. The banker hastily gathered his valuables and retreated in the 
direction of Charlotte. The first night found him in Salisbury, and it 
was with a sense of relief that he arrived in the town, for he felt sure 
that he would be able to obtain a comfortable room in the Mansion 
House. But he soon discovered that not only were all rooms taken at 
the hotel but "every public and private house . . . was full of people 
driven in" either by the enemy or the rain. After canvassing the town 
for possible shelter, he returned to the Mansion House where he spent 
the night curled up between the "feet of a small table" in the lobby. 
He later recalled that the "entire floor of the room was covered with 
men— some snoring— some drunk— some sober," nor could he forget 
that he "slept little and rested none" that night. When morning came 
he was as weary as he had been when he crawled under the table the 
night before and he was so sore and stiff from lying on the floor that 
he concluded "the planks of Rowan County were sawed out of very 
hard wood." 21 

Raleigh was also another of the State's refugee centers and while 
many of those living in the city were natives from the coastal areas, 
others were temporary residents who drifted into town from threat- 

81 J. G. M. Ramsey, Autobiographical and Genealogical Notes, James Gettys Mc- 
Gready Ramsey Papers, Southern Historical Collection, hereinafter cited as Ramsey, 
Autobiographical and Genealogical Notes. 



Confederate Refugees 173 

ened areas and drifted out again when the danger to their homes 
had passed. The Peninsular Campaign was responsible for many Vir- 
ginians coming to Raleigh and in this group was the most prominent 
refugee North Carolina received during the War, Mrs. Jefferson Davis, 
whose husband compelled her to leave Richmond despite her protests. 
According to her good friend, Mrs. James Chesnut, Jr., Mrs. Davis 
was "delightfully situated" in Raleigh where she received a gracious 
reception from the citizens who were "so loyal, and so hospitable" 
that she did not have to "eat a meal at the hotel." 22 When Mrs. Davis 
was in the city in May, 1862, Raleigh was crowded but comparatively 
calm; only two months before, however, the residents had been in a 
turmoil as many expected the Federals to march into the heart of the 
State after taking New Bern. In March a young refugee who had 
returned to her parents' home in Raleigh wrote her brother-in-law 
that many families were then packing to leave the city and the possi- 
bility of an immediate attack was "the sole topic of conversation." 23 
On the same day in March that she wrote this letter Nathaniel Henry 
Rhodes Dawson of Alabama, en route to camp in Virginia, reported 
that Raleigh was crowded with refugees from both New Bern and 
Richmond. 24 By the time Mrs. Davis arrived the fear of attack had 
abated but Raleigh had absorbed additional numbers of the homeless 
as Lieutenant Benbury noted when he wrote his wife about the con- 
gestion. Benbury could not understand why these people insisted on 
crowding into cities where provisions were scarce and all necessities 
were more expensive than in rural areas or smaller communities. He 
told of a friend of his who was in Raleigh at the time but who was 
making plans to move into the country, for she was not in a financial 
position to pay seventy-five dollars a month board for herself and 
half that amount for her baby, whom the Lieutenant said was "a 
little thing to pay board/' 25 

Charlotte was always fascinating to refugees, first those from the 
coast and at various times those from both Virginia and South Caro- 
lina. In September, 1861, the city was already making room for the 
homeless, and on the tenth of the month the Western Democrat noted 
that a number of people were there from the eastern part of the State. 

"Ben Ames Williams (ed.), A Diary from Dixie, by Mary Boykin Chesnut (Boston, 
Massachusetts: Houghton Mifflin Company [1949]), 229, hereinafter cited as Chesnut, 
Diary from Dixie. 

28 Mrs. George L'Engle to Edward L. L'Engle, March 18, 1862, Edward L. L'Engle 
Papers, Southern Historical Collection. 

24 Nathaniel Henry Rhodes Dawson to Elodie Todd, March 18, 1862, Nathaniel 
Henry Rhodes Dawson Papers, Southern Historical Collection. 

"John Avery Benbury to Harriet Ryan Benbury, May 7, 1862, Benbury-Haywood 
Papers. 



174 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The following summer a correspondent for Hie Richmond Daily Dis- 
patch wrote, "Charlotte is filled with refugees," and he concluded 
that one of the greatest attractions in the city was the rapidly develop- 
ing industry which offered employment to many displaced people. He 
also noted that many Virginians were in town and he mentioned that 
in the group was Mrs. "Stonewall" Jackson who was visiting in the 
home of her sister, Mrs. D. H. Hill, and it was here that the Jackson's 
only child was born. 26 A great many private homes in Charlotte were 
opened but even those who commercialized on their temporary 
boarders were not always kindly disposed toward them. One man 
who catered to the displaced people wrote that there were forty-three 
women living in his home and space was reserved for nine more who 
were expected to arrive shortly, and even as he derived an income 
from the lodgers he commented that the house was "crowded with 
the ugliest set of girls" he had ever seen. 27 The chances are, however, 
that he did not voice this opinion in the presence of his patrons. 

It was in February, 1865, that Charlotte was called on to endure its 
greatest invasion of refugees as thousands flocked into the city from 
South Carolina. One of these was Mrs. Joseph E. Johnston, who by 
this time was an authority on refugeeing, for she had managed to stay 
with her husband through most of his campaigns and she had been 
uprooted in Dalton, Atlanta, and Macon. But never had she been in 
the middle of such congestion as she was when she rode the train 
from Columbia to Charlotte. However, on most of her previous flights 
she had not been required to use public conveyances for she was 
always assigned government vehicles, but the train that brought her 
to Charlotte was crowded with humanity, the like of which she had 
never seen She wrote friends that three hundred of the women who 
were dumped in Charlotte could not find shelter of any kind and the 
situation was "lamentable: women hunting in every direction for 
shelter— and people . . . beginning to move off. . . " 28 Many of the 
residents would have confirmed Mrs. Johnston's statement that there 
were hundreds who arrived without reservations and who went from 
house to house begging to be taken in and fed. One woman grew 
weary of hearing her doorbell ring day and night, and although she 
might have accommodated some, she refused because provisions were 
"not to be had" and prices were "going up every day." While this was 

M Western Democrat (Charlotte), September 10, 1861; Daily Dispatch (Richmond, 
Virginia), July 14, 1862. 

97 D. S. Burwell to Edmund Burwell, October 6, 1863, Burwell Papers. 

m Mrs. D. Giraud Wright (Louise), A Southern Girl in '61: The War-Time Memories 
of A Confederate Senator's Daughter (New York: Doubleday, Page and Company, 
1905), 229. 



Confederate Refugees 175 

probably a major consideration there was also another— she was not 
very fond of South Carolinians and she was disgusted with them for 
abandoning their homes when danger threatened for the first time. As 
she wrote her son, those who "first made all the fuss are now the 
swiftest on foot/' 29 Many of the refugees who had planned to remain 
in Charlotte until they could return to their homes could not get 
accommodations there and either had to move on to other communi- 
ties or return home to face the Federals. Before the city had com- 
pletely recovered from this onslaught the families of high-ranking 
Confederate officials drifted into town, among these Mrs. Jefferson 
Davis. This group was spearheading the cavalcade of notables which 
would begin leaving Richmond after the adjournment of Congress on 
March 25 and would be climaxed by the flight of President Davis and 
his party on April 2. 

Communities to the west of Charlotte absorbed hundreds of those 
displaced by Sherman during the last weeks of the War. Some of 
these had been moving about for nearly four years, having moved by 
stages into South Carolina only to be uprooted again, but for others, 
who were natives of that State, this was their first experience. They 
converged on Flat Rock, Asheville, Morganton, Lenoir, Shelby, and 
other towns, but it was to Lincolnton that a great many went, among 
these Mrs. Joseph E. Johnston, Mrs. James Chesnut, Jr., and various 
members of the Middleton, Rutledge, Preston, and Ravenel families. 
Mrs. Chesnut referred to Lincolnton as an "out-of-all-routes place" 
but she admitted that it was nevertheless "in the regular line of 
strategic retreat" from Sherman. Mrs. Chesnut was like most other 
refugees in that she was not happy in her role nor was she at first 
enthusiastic about her place of refuge or the people whom she met for 
the first time. However, she and her South Carolina friends did not 
socialize with the residents, thus erecting a barrier between them- 
selves and the natives. When Mrs. Chesnut arrived in Lincolnton she 
was dejected as she moaned, "Here in Lincolnton I am broken- 
hearted, an exile," but this was the first and last experience of this 
kind she was to have. Her room in the local hotel was not satisfactory 
and she complained especially about the bare floors, featherbed, pine 
table, and the price, which was thirty dollars a day. She thought the 
owner boorish and she was irritated by him as he no doubt was by 
her, but Mrs. Chesnut was more fortunate than some in that she very 
soon moved into more comfortable quarters. Her landlady suited her 
taste for she was related to Mrs. "Stonewall" Jackson, Mrs. D. H. Hill. 

29 Mrs. R. Burwell to Edmund Burwell, February 16, 1865, Burwell Papers. 



176 The North Carolina Historical Review 

"the Brevards, Hugers," and other prominent families, and after 
settling herself here the future looked a bit brighter. Also in town 
was one of her dearest friends, the jolly,* amusing, unpredictable 
Isabella Martin from Columbia, and the two became almost insepar- 
able during their weeks as refugees. It was in Lincolnton that Isabella 
Martin saw for the first time Mrs. Chesnut's diary, and it was Miss 
Martin who convinced her that she should not destroy it. Later the 
diary was bequeathed to her and she was its first editor. 

The primary reason for General Chesnut's sending his wife to 
Lincolnton was the abundance of provisions in the area, and while 
there was food aplenty the refugees had difficulty obtaining supplies 
because very few farmers or merchants would accept Confederate 
money in exchange. Mrs. Chesnut was unprepared for this situation 
and she soon found that if she were to get provisions she would have 
to use her clothing in payment, for the farmers were anxious to barter 
for any item of wearing apparel, so she concluded that in Lincolnton 
she ate her clothes. At no time during the War had she been required 
to struggle for food and this was a new experience for her. She was 
critical of the plain diet, bored with the quietness of Lincolnton, and 
unhappy with the rainy weather, but she thought it fortunate that 
during the weeks spent there it was also the Lenten season, so she 
could spend her time fasting and praying like a "drowned rat." 
Whether it was because she changed her first opinion of the com- 
munity or because she was happy to be going home, Mrs. Chesnut 
left Lincolnton with a kindly feeling toward the place. She was especi- 
ally fond of her landlady, and well she might have been for the woman 
charged her no rent, so the refugee departed believing that North 
Carolinians had "great depths of hospitality and kindness." 80 

An unidentified refugee who left Columbia about the same time 
as Mrs. Chesnut tried to get accommodations in several communities 
before he also came to Lincolnton. However, his stay in the village 
was brief, and although he thought it a pleasant enough place despite 
its being overcrowded, he had two complaints against it. He had never 
seen any town as filled with extortioners who made it impossible for 
him to remain there for any length of time, and he had a very real 
aversion to the name of the community, for being an ardent Confed- 
erate he was uncomfortable in Lincolnton. 31 

While many of the eleventh-hour refugees flocked to Lincolnton 
because they believed it safe and well provisioned and also because 
the railroad connected the town with Charlotte, Bishop Henry C. Lay 

80 Chestnut, Diary From Dixie, 47.8-507. 

B Columbia Phoenix (South Carolina), April 8, 1865. 



Confederate Refugees 177 

had already decided on the town as a place of sanctuary for his family 
before the South Carolinians arrived en masse. His wife and children 
had been homeless since the first year of the War, having left their 
home in Fort Smith, Arkansas, going first to the home of friends in 
Huntsville, Alabama, and later to Virginia. Bishop Lay had traveled 
about the Confederacy, preaching in various places and in the fall of 
1864 he had been within the Federal lines in Alabama. However in 
January, 1865, he was shopping around western North Carolina in 
search of a temporary home to which he could bring his family, and 
after visiting several communities he narrowed his decision down to 
either Shelby or Lincolnton. He decided against Shelby because there 
was only one four-room house for rent in the town, and while it was 
situated on three acres of good land, there was not a shade tree near 
it, the rent was $1,500 a year, and the owner "was not easy to deal 
with." He wrote Mrs. Lay that he finally decided against moving here 
because he thought she would not find "anyone with whom . . . [she] 
would be likely to have pleasant association." Proceeding to Lincoln- 
ton he was immediately enchanted by the village. Here he found a 
house which the owner would rent reasonably, and while it did not 
have a garden plot which he very much wanted, there was a man who 
offered to let him use some of his land nearby. But the people in the 
community won his heart when one offered to buy him provisions 
more cheaply than a refugee could purchase them, another promised 
to get him yarn and have sheets woven, and several residents sug- 
gested that they be permitted to furnish the home. Enthusiastic over 
the prospects of living in such a friendly community, he wrote Mrs. 
Lay that he was sure that she would be very happy here for the people 
were so much like her friends in Arkansas. In telling her of his experi- 
ences he commented, "I don't know that I have ever applied myself 
with greater diligence to anything than to this matter of hunting up 
a home— may merciful Providence guide us aright." 32 

The towns in western North Carolina were especially appealing to 
those out-of-state refugees who were displaced early in the War and 
who settled with the idea of remaining in their hideawavs until the 
end of the conflict. Some of these people came great distances to the 
mountains in the belief that this area offered greater safety than any 
other in the Confederacy, and many communities had an appreciable 
number of refugees throughout the War. Lenoir was so crowded with 
homeless people by February, 1864, that the wife of a Confederate 
colonel could find no place to board in the town, and she reported 

88 Henry C. Lay to Mrs. Lay, January 30, 31, 1865, Henry Champlin Lay Papers, 
Southern Historical Collection. 



178 The North Carolina Historical Review 

that such had been the case all the way from Augusta, Georgia, to 
Lenoir. A friend to whom she appealed in the latter community 
wanted to accommodate her, but his home was already filled with 
these temporary visitors; however, he wrote a cousin and asked her 
if she could possibly take the lady into her home. She was anxious 
to get herself settled somewhere and stay there for the remainder of 
the War. 33 

Those who went to the mountains were among the most enthusias- 
tic of the out-of-state refugees, and none was more so than those 
who made their wartime home in Asheville. Although there were 
many Unionists in the town and surrounding areas, even the most 
ardent Confederates felt at home there when they found the citizens 
exceptionally hospitable and kind. One displaced person wrote, "You 
have heard of mountain hospitality, . . . but 'the half has not been 
told/ These mountaineers' hospitality seems inexhaustible. . . . The 
accursed greed for gain . . . sweeping over the land . . . has not pre- 
vailed here. They still have an open house and a welcome hand for 
the exiled refugee." 34 This tribute to the people of Asheville was 
especially meaningful for it was written only four months before the 
end of the War, and by this time most communities looked upon the 
refugees as nuisances and a great many individuals thought of them 
as enemies. Yet in Asheville the homeless were still finding a welcome. 

Asheville had no greater boosters among the displaced people than 
the family of the Confederacy's "Fighting Bishop," General Leonidas 
Polk. Mrs. Polk and her unmarried daughters fled first from Nashville 
just after the fall of Fort Donelson and went to New Orleans where 
they had many friends, but soon after they arrived that city fell to 
the Federals. Mrs. Polk was not happy to have the battlelines separat- 
ing her from her husband and she applied for a pass to go into the 
Confederacy. This was granted and she went to Richmond to confer 
with General Polk about a possible place of refuge where she could 
live for the duration of the War, and he suggested that she go to 
Asheville which he assured her was "a safe, retired place." Mrs. Polk 
and her daughters followed his advice and rented a ten-room house 
situated on a large lot which afforded them a garden plot, and in- 
cluded in the property were an orchard and a cow. Mrs. Polk was 
especially pleased that seven of the rooms were carpeted, for one of 
the universal complaints of refugees was the lack of floor coverings 
in most rented houses, and bare floors increased the problems of 

" E. R. Harpin to Carolina Patterson, February 23, 1863, Lindsay Patterson Papers, 
Southern Historical Collection. 
84 Southern Presbyterian (Columbia, South Carolina), January 12, 1865. 



Confederate Refugees 179 

adequately heating the establishments. Mrs. Polk had reason to be 
pleased that her home had carpets, for the winters in Asheville were 
much colder than those to which she had been accustomed in Louisi- 
ana before the War. When the Polks' oldest daughter Kate, whose 
husband was William Gale of Mississippi and Tennessee, was driven 
first from their plantation home on the Yazoo River and later from 
Jackson, Mrs. Polk urged that she and the children join her in Ashe- 
ville, assuring Mrs. Gale the house was large enough to accommodate 
all. 35 Kate Gale was delighted to accept her mother's invitation, and 
she arrived with her children in late 1863. 

Not long after the second family was added to the household Mrs. 
Polk's son Hamilton and his family joined the others in Asheville. He 
had been wounded while fighting in Louisiana and he had no other 
place to take his wife and children, but the Polks and Gales were an 
exceptionally close-knit family and, as crowded as they were, they 
maintained more harmonious relations with each other than was the 
case in many congested transitory households. Soon after Hamilton's 
arrival, however, the family began its search for more spacious quar- 
ters, but large homes were hard to find and those which were available 
carried prohibitive rents. One of Mrs. Polk's newly acquired friends, 
however, offered to share her nineteen-room home with them, rent 
free, in order to have others in the house for company and protection. 
The Polks were unwilling to accept the invitation on these terms but 
the parties reached an agreement when Hamilton insisted that he pay 
the lady's taxes in return for their sharing the home. This settled, the 
family moved into the large house and here they lived until the end 
of the War. This was only one of the many acts of generosity bestowed 
upon the refugees by the Asheville citizens. Writing years after the 
War, Kate Gale remembered how very kind and sympathetic the 
neighbors had been when her father was killed and how thoughtful 
they were when her younger sister married William Huger in the 
spring of 1864. They helped to make the wedding a memorable 
event as they contributed items of apparel to the bride's trousseau, 
food for the wedding reception, and carriages to be used to take the 
family to the church. Some of the most generous friends they had in 
the mountains were those of Unionist views who accepted the Con- 
federates without thought of their political differences. Mrs. Gale 
remembered one man who was an avowed Unionist who worried 
about the refugees being vulnerable to attack from others of his 
group, and once when a raid was rumored as imminent he insisted on 

*Mrs. Leonidas Polk to Kate Polk Gale, December 17, 1863, Gale-Polk Papers, 
Southern Historical Collection, hereinafter cited as Gale-Polk Papers. 



180 The North Carolina Historical Review 

taking the family's stock of provisions to ^iis own farm near town 
where other Unionists would be less likely to steal or destroy them. 

Mrs. Polk and her household were in some ways more fortunate 
than the average refugee, but the family came to know the meaning 
of privations, as did most southerners. The problem of clothing was a 
major one, for it was a struggle for the family to keep warm in the 
winter, and the women spent many hours patching, sewing, and con- 
verting all kinds of materials into clothing. Mrs. Gale recalled that a 
garment worn by one of the children had been patched a hundred 
times, and she remembered that during the last winter of the War her 
sons had to go "barefooted for three weeks'' in midwinter because no 
shoes were to be had. There were times when it was difficult to feed 
the group and many days they had only milk and corn bread, but 
during the summer and early fall they were able to get vegetables and 
fruit from their garden and orchard. They also knew fear, for while 
they counted a number of Unionists among their friends there were 
others who would delight in causing trouble for the family of a Con- 
federate general, and Hamilton Polk was especially vulnerable, having 
served in the Confederate Army. Yet despite their fears and their 
hardships, they hated to say good-by to their friends when the time 
came for them to go home after the War. Mrs. Gale wrote, "The whole 
community had extended to us individually & collectively the greatest 
kindnesses & sympathy. It was impossible to break from it all without 
real sadness and genuine regret." The only situation in Asheville which 
did not meet with her approval was the poor mail service, and once 
in 1864 she went for two months without hearing from her husband 
who was in the army. Yet it was not the fault of Asheville that letters 
arrived so irregularly, for the city averaged three incoming mails a 
week and this was far better service than many communities had. 36 

Most displaced people naturally looked forw r ard to the day when 
they could return to their homes and many from the adjoining States 
did not wait for the return of peace to start their journey back. Some 
who were nestled away in isolated areas had difficulty in leaving their 
safe harbors. The transportation system was disrupted, vehicles and 
animals were scarce and those having them were often reluctant to 
take them out on the roads of the State in the turbulent weeks follow- 
ing the War. Some refugees had no home to which they could go if 
it had been destroyed or confiscated as abandoned property, and 
women were very reluctant to make the trip without male escort, for 
lawless bands roamed at will in many sections. One young woman, 

'"Katherine Polk Gale, "My Recollections of Life in the Southern Confederacy 
(1861-65)" (manuscript), Gale-Polk Papers. 



Confederate Refugees 



181 




Displaced persons near New Bern during the Civil War. From Harper's Weekly, 
February 21, 1863. 



who had been sent to a point in North Carolina which she located as 
being forty miles from Greensboro and forty miles from Raleigh, had 
to wait four months before she could get a ride to Greensboro from 
which point she could take the train south. Her home was in Columbia, 
yet even when she boarded the train in Greensboro she knew she 
would be unable to travel in this way all the way to Columbia, for 
the tracks were torn up near Newberry, from which town she would 
have to take a stagecoach to her home. But the months between Lee's 
surrender and the start of her journey to Columbia were the worst 
she had known; and many refugees felt as she did, that although life 
was hard in many ways, as long as the War was being fought the 
displaced people could at least hope for victory, but when the War 
was lost everything seemed dark and hopeless. 37 

One prominent man, who bowed in and out of North Carolina 
several times during the War, joined his family in Mecklenburg 
County where they rented a farm in 1865. J. G. M. Ramsey had no 
home to which he could go nor did he have funds for his return to 
East Tennessee. When the War ended his wealth consisted of seven- 



87 Mrs. Clara Dargan MacLean, "Return of a Refugee," Southern Historical Society 
Papers, XIII (1885), 502-515. 



182 The North Carolina Historical Review 

teen dollars in silver and Mrs. Ramsey fyad twenty-five dollars in 
gold; he was sixty-eight and she was sixty-four. The future seemed 
to hold little for them but they made the best of their situation as 
did so many others in similar circumstances. To their rented home 
near Charlotte came homeless friends who, for one reason or another, 
could not get back to theirs, and among these were several families 
from New Orleans. Despite the Ramseys' poverty they always man- 
aged to welcome others, and so many stayed varying lengths of time 
with them that Ramsey named their home, "Exile's Retreat." 38 

The course of the War saved a great many North Carolinians from 
having to make the choice of whether or not to become refugees, 
and many factors combined to keep the State from being as congested 
with displaced people as were some parts of the South. Yet there were 
hundreds who came into North Carolina for brief periods and there 
were others who came with the idea of remaining until the War's 
end. Other States might boast greater numbers of refugees, but few 
had more distinguished ones than did North Carolina. While both the 
Virginians and the South Carolinians preferred to remain within their 
own States for as long as they could do so, the combination of Mc- 
Clellan, Sherman, Grant, Sheridan, and desperation made them grate- 
ful for a refuge even in "the Valley of Humility." 

38 Ramsey, Autobiographical and Genealogical Notes, Ramsey Papers. 



NORTH CAROLINA'S REACTION TO THE 
CURRENCY ACT OF 1764 

By Robert M. Weir* 

Great Britain's continental colonies suffered from a chronic shortage 
of specie in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. As a result most 
colonial legislatures resorted to temporary issues of various types of 
paper money to provide a sufficient medium to carry on internal 
trade. Before the middle of the eighteenth century these issues were 
usually legal tender, but increasing opposition after 1720 from the 
British merchant community, which feared injury from depreciated 
colonial currency, culminated in Parliament's passage of two import- 
tant statutes in 1751 and 1764. The 1751 measure prohibited issues 
of further legal tender paper in New England, and the Currency Act 
of 1764 extended the prohibition to all the continental colonies. The 
1764 Act stipulated that no existing legal tender issue continue in cir- 
culation after the date originally specified for its retirement and 
threatened governors who violated the law with a £1,000 fine, loss 
of position, and permanent exclusion from crown office. 1 

Although opinion has been divided on the degree to which these 
laws actually affected the colonial economy, 2 the 1764 Act is often 
cited in the list of those British restrictions which marked the road 
to revolution following 1763. Speaking before Parliament in 1766, 
Benjamin Franklin mentioned "the prohibition of making paper money 
among themselves" as one cause of the recent decline in colonial 
respect toward Parliament, 3 and the First Continental Congress in- 

* Mr. Weir is a Graduate Assistant in the Department of History, Western Reserve 
University, Cleveland, Ohio. 

*24 Geo. II, c. 53, Danby Pickering (ed.), Statutes at Large from Magna Charta 
(1225 to 1868/69) (Cambridge and London, England: His Majesty's Stationery Office, 
1762-1869, 109 volumes [Title changes to The Statutes of the United Kingdom and 
volumes are not numbered after volume XLVI]), XX, 306, hereinafter cited as Pick- 
ering, Statutes at Large, with proper citation; March 9, 1764, James Munro and 
W. L. Grant (eds.) Acts of the Privy Council of England, Colonial Series (Hereford, 
England: His Majesty's Stationery Office [continuing number of volumes, I — ], 
1908—), IV (1745-1766), 623, hereinafter cited as Acts of the Privy Council; 4 Geo. 
Ill, c. 34, Pickering, Statutes at Large, XXVI, 103-105. 

*E. James Ferguson, "Currency Finance: An Interpretation of Colonial Monetary 
Practice," The William and Mary Quarterly, Third Series, X (April, 1953), 153-180. 

"Testimony before the House of Commons February 3, 1766. John Bigelow (ed.), 
The Complete Works of Benjamin Franklin (New York: C. P. Putnam's Sons, 10 
volumes, 1887), III, 418. 



184 The North Carolina Historical Review 

eluded the Currency Act among those measures it considered "sub- 
versive of American rights/' 4 Nowhere was the Act a more important 
and continuing issue than in North Carolina. Yet no one has attempted 
to spell out the relationship between the Currency Act and the revolu- 
tionary movement in North Carolina. 

North Carolina's pre- 1764 experience with paper money fore- 
shadowed later developments. Crown attempts to restrict colonial 
paper money by instructions to the governor led to colonial evasions. 
Aided by military necessity and a casual attitude toward colonial 
administration in London, the colonists were fairly successful in their 
attempts to augment the currency supply. Indeed, the North Carolina 
situation was one of the prime considerations in the imperial decision 
to extend the restrictions on New England to the other continental 
colonies. 

Imperial officials had long been skeptical of colonial paper money. 
They had instructed George Burrington, North Carolina's first Royal 
Governor, to approve only those acts emitting bills of credit which 
contained a suspending clause 5 — an instruction regularly issued to all 
royal governors after 1720. Following the North Carolina paper 
money issues of 1748 and 1754, British merchants complained bitterly 
that they were being unfairly compelled to accept colonial currency 
at the legal tender rate of <£ 133/6/8 to <£ 100 sterling when actually 
£133/6/8 in North Carolina paper was worth only £70 sterling. 6 As 
a result, in 1759 imperial officials approved an instruction to Governor 
Arthur Dobbs calling for an amendment to the 1748 and 1754 laws to 
provide that debts to British subjects should be payable in colonial 
bills of credit at their actual market value and then only if the creditor 
were willing to accept them. Furthermore, the instruction forbade 
Dobbs to assent to any future act which did not contain a clause to 
that effect and stipulated that paper bills should not be legal tender 
for quitrents or any other crown dues. 7 

* October 14, 1774, W. C. Ford and Others (eds.), Journals of the Continental Con- 
gress, 177U-1787 (Washington, D. C: Government Printing Office, 34 volumes, 1904- 
1937), I, 71. 

8 "Instructions for Our Trusty and Welbeloved George Burrington. . . /'December 14, 
1730, William L. Saunders (ed.), The Colonial Records of North Carolina (Raleigh: 
State of North Carolina, 10 volumes, 1886-1890), III, 95, hereinafter cited as Saunders, 
Colonial Records. 

"Laws of North Carolina — 1748, and Laws of North Carolina — 1754, Walter Clark 
(ed.), The State Records of North Carolina (Winston, Goldsboro, and Raleigh: State 
of North Carolina, 16 volumes and 4-volume index [compiled by Stephen B. Weeks for 
both The Colonial Records and The State Records'], 1895-1914), XXIII, 292-296, 392- 
398, hereinafter cited as Clark, State Records; May 31, 1759, Acts of the Privy Coun- 
cil, IV, 415. 

'Instructions to Arthur Dobbs, May 31, 1759, Saunders, Colonial Records, VI, 43-45. 



Reaction to Currency Act of 1764 185 

In December, 1759, Dobbs. informed the legislature of the new 
instruction. The House not only failed to amend the issuing acts of 
1748 and 1754 but also flatly refused Dobbs* request for a military 
appropriation which, it contended, would require emission of more 
currency. A new issue under such conditions, the House argued, "must 
depretiate the present Paper Currency and prove a means of destroy- 
ing the Credit of the Country/' 8 Dobbs agreed that an increase in 
currency was necessary not only because there was no other way to 
raise money for the French and Indian War, but also because specie 
was so scarce that he feared that sheriffs might have to levy executions 
upon the taxpayers' property in order to collect quitrents or public 
taxes. At a forced sale the few having specie might exploit those 
without it. Such a development, Dobbs warned the Board of Trade, 
might "raise a flame" which would prevent the government from 
enforcing the law. To relieve the situation and secure the military 
appropriation he resolved by the next spring to violate his instruction 
and permit issuance of some paper money. 9 

But Dobbs' plan was frustrated by a disagreement with the Lower 
House. At this point the Lower House saw the opportunity to in- 
crease the supply of provincial currency by appropriating and printing 
more than Dobbs thought necessary to meet the situation. In May, 
1760, he vetoed the bill, charging that "the whole scheme [was] 
calculated to have £12,000 Currency issued without a sinking fund 
and made a tender in all payments. . . ." 10 After proroguing the legis- 
lature until September, Dobbs reported to the Board of Trade that 
the House scheme was simply a plan of a "Junto," composed chiefly 
of the Speaker Samuel Swann; the two Treasurers, John Starkey and 
Thomas Barker; North Carolina's London agent, J. Abercrombie; and 
Attorney General Robert Jones. This group, wrote Dobbs, intended to 
issue paper money, and as that money depreciated use North Caro- 
lina's share of the £50,000 in specie, granted by Parliament to Vir- 
ginia and the two Carolines for military operations in 1757 and 1758, n 
to buy up colonial paper at its market value, exchanging the depre- 
ciated paper at the colonial treasury for specie at the legal rate. This 
operation, Dobbs charged, would result in a considerable profit for 
the "Junto." To complete their nefarious scheme, he continued, they 
would petition again for more paper money. In all probability these 

8 House Journals, December 8, 1759, Saunders, Colonial Records, VI, 149-151. 

9 Arthur Dobbs to Board of Trade, January 19, 1760, and Dobbs to William Pitt, 
April 12, 1760, Saunders, Colonial Records, VI, 218, 234. 

10 House Journals, May 27, 1760, Saunders; Colonial Records, VI, 426. 

n Ella Lonn, Colonial Agents of the' Southern, Colonies (Chapel Hill: The Univer- 
sity of North Carolina Press, 1945), 195, hereinafter cited as Lonn, Colonial Agents. 



186 The North Carolina Historical Review 

accusations were only a diversionary tactic; Dobbs included them in 
a letter to the Board of Trade replying to a series of House resolves 
charging him with maladministration. Apparently, the Board did not 
take Dobbs' accusations too seriously; at least it was unwilling to 
approve an alternative plan which he suggested. 12 Nevertheless Dobbs' 
report could not have been conducive to a more lenient imperial atti- 
tude toward North Carolina's paper money demands. 

Eventually, Dobbs was forced to approve the emission of the addi- 
tional currency on the House's terms. Requests for troops by both 
Pitt and Amherst in 1760 preceded a call from Governor Fauquier 
of Virginia for assistance against the Cherokees in the spring of 
1761. 13 Upon the advice of his Council, Dobbs assented to an emission 
of £12,000 in 1760 and £20,000 in 1761, both of which were legal 
tender. 14 The refusal of the North Carolina legislature to comply with 
the instructions, however, only served to increase the determination 
of imperial authorities to take a stricter tone in currency matters. 15 
Three years later Parliament, freed from the constraints of military 
necessity, enacted the stringent penalties of the Currency Act to pre- 
vent any such acquiescence to colonial demands for legal tender 
paper money. 

The Currency Act did not evoke any immediate response from 
North Carolina officials, but the next four vears saw a succession of 
attempts by the Lower House to obtain relief from its restrictions. 
Despite the strong support of Governor William Tryon and a fair 
prospect for success in late 1766 and early 1767, all of these efforts 
came to naught. 

Except for an unsuccessful protest when Couchet Jouvencal, agent 
for North Carolina's Lower House, with representatives of five other 
colonies called upon the Board of Trade to protest the proposed act, 16 
the first official North Carolina reaction to the Currency Act did not 

u Dobbs to Board of Trade, August 3, 1760, and Board of Trade to Dobbs, June 10, 
1762, Saunders, Colonial Records, VI, 305, 725. Dobbs had recommended that the 
Parliamentary g^ant remain in London as credit upon which the colony might draw. 
The Junto had hoped to have the specie shipped to the colony. See also Saunders, 
Colonial Records, VI, x-xii. 

M Upper House Journals, April 24, 1760, and House Journals, April 15, 1761, 
Saunders, Colonial Records, VI, 346, 687. 

"House Journals, April 23, 1761, and "Report of John Starkey, Treasurer," House 
Journals, November 24, 1764, Saunders, Colonial Records, VI, 695, 1,309; Laws of 
North Carolina, 1760, and Laws of North Carolina, 1761, Clark, State Records, 
XXIII, 516-518, 539-542. 

ia Lawrence H. Gipson, The British Empire Before the American Revolution, Vol- 
ume II, The Southern Plantations (New York: Alfred A. Knopf and Company, 9 
volumes, 1936 — ) , II, 65. 

M Lonn, Colonial Agents, 394; February 7, 1764, Journals of the Commissioners for 
Trade and Plantations: January, 176b, to December, 1767 (London: His Majesty's 
Stationery Office, 1936), 18, hereinafter cited as Journals of the Commissioners with 
proper dates. 



Reaction to Currency Act of 1764 187 

occur until nearly two years after its announcement in the Council 
at Wilmington, November 2, 1764. 17 Wartime currency issues prob- 
ably provided sufficient temporary relief, and the legislature which 
met in May, 1765, made no attempt to issue additional paper. How- 
ever in November, 1766, a petition from Pasquotank County "setting 
forth the many great hardships the said inhabitants ... of this Pro- 
vince endure, for want of Paper, and other currency," prompted the 
Lower House to appoint a committee to draft a petition to the king 
asking repeal of the Currency Act. But the House discharged the 
committee before it had completed the petition, 18 apparently because 
Governor Tryon had offered to intercede with English authorities 
in the matter. Shortly thereafter he wrote to the Earl of Shelburne, 
Secretary of State for the Southern Department, that North Carolina 
had less than <£ 70,000 paper money circulating and that local mer- 
chants thought £200,000 "barely sufficient for the circulating medium 
. . . under the present increasing state of [the colony's] commerce." 19 

This action revealed that Tryon was both an astute politician and 
an advocate of paper money. His inaction was equally revealing. 
Having received a copy of the 1759 instruction in regard to the 
currency emissions of 1748 and 1754 in one of his first letters from 
the Board of Trade, 20 Tryon was confronted with a dilemma. On the 
one hand, he might have attempted to follow his instruction and, by 
pressing for an amendment which his predecessor had already been 
unsuccessful in obtaining, risk conflict with the Lower House at the 
beginning of his administration. On the other hand, to conciliate the 
House he could have chosen to ignore his instruction. Tryon chose 
the latter course, some time later explaining to the Board of Trade 
that the amendment was no longer necessary. When the instruction 
had originally been issued, the courts awarded judgments in colonial 
paper money at its nominal value. Since then, however, Tryon re- 
ported, the Superior Court had reversed this procedure and now the 
courts considered currency depreciation in determining the amount of 
an award. Consequently, he contended, British merchants could have 
no further reason to complain. 21 

By the summer of 1767 it was apparent that the currency shortage 
had caused considerable distress. In June the Reverend Alexander 

1T Upper House Journals, November 2, 1764, Saunders, Colonial Records, VI, 1,080. 

M House Journals, November 20, 22, 27, 1766, Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 386, 
393-394, 408. 

lf Governor William Tryon to the Earl of Shelburne, January 31, 1767, Saunders, 
Colonial Records, VII, 433. 

"Board of Trade to Tryon, November 29, 1765, Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 
132. 

n Tryon to Board of Trade, July 15, 1767, Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 511. 



188 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Stewart of Beaufort County wrote that "so great is the distress of the 
people for want of a currency, that Mobs and Riots are frequent, and 
in many places where there are Officers they dare not distrain for any 
Dues whatever." 22 When the legislature met the next winter, it imme- 
diately indicated concern over the situation. Predicting ruin for the 
colony "from the great want of a sufficient quantity of circulating 
currency to serve as a medium in Trade," the House asked that "every 
laudable measure be made use of by us to avert or delay the impend- 
ing mischiefs, which from the still greater scarcity of a currency must 
consequently ensue." Both houses then appointed a committee to 
draw up a petition to the crown for permission to issue <£ 100,000 in 
paper money to circulate for sixteen years. Pointing out that the paper 
then in circulation was due to be retired within the year, they con- 
tended that great "distresses of the poor inhabitants" would result if 
more were not issued to replace it. The petition also promised that 
the proposed emission would not be made tender for debts due to 
the crown or to British merchants. 23 

Tryon forwarded the petition to Shelburne with his own endorse- 
ment, noting that the promise not to make the issue legal tender for 
debts due to the British Isles seemed to conform to the 1759 instruc- 
tion to Governor Dobbs. If these conditions were not satisfactory, 
Tryon wrote, the legislature would be glad to alter them to contain 
nothing prejudicial to British interests. Confirming the need for 
additional currency, he pointed out that distraint proceedings to 
satisfy debts, taxes, and quitrents caused much distress and frequently 
failed even to yield the required sum. He also suggested that replacing 
the money then circulating with a new emission would be an effective 
way to meet a serious counterfeiting problem that contributed to 
North Carolina's currency woes. Tryon evidently expected the petition 
to be successful. On the same day he asked Messrs. Drummond and 
Company to order copperplates and paper if permission for the new 
issue were granted. 24 

But Tryon's order was premature. Lord Hillsborough had recently 
assumed the new office of Secretary of State for the Colonies, thereby 
taking over duties formerly handled by Shelburne. As his reply to 
Tryon illustrated, Hillsborough was an implacable foe of legal tender 
currency. "But this Matter has already received so full a Discussion 

28 Alexander Stewart to Secretary of Society for Propagation of the Gospel, June, 
1768 (1767), Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 495. 

w House Journals, December 11, 1767, and -January 16, 1768, Saunders, Colonial 
Records, VII, 570, 681. 

** Tryon to Shelburne, February 2, 1768, and Tryon to Messrs. Drummond and Com- 
pany, February 2, 1768, Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 678-679, 680. 



Reaction to Currency Act of 1764 189 

at the Board of Trade, at the Privy Council, and in each House of 
Parliament, and so strong and unanimous a Determination that Paper 
Currency with a legal Tender is big with Frauds, and full of Mischief 
to the Colonies, and to Commerce in general," Hillsborough wrote in 
rejecting the petition, "that I apprehend no Consideration of a possible 
local Inconvenience will induce a Deviation from the sound Principles 
of the Act of Parliament relative thereto." 25 

Faced with such a doctrinaire attitude, the negotiations carried 
on by North Carolina's agent had little chance for success. As early as 
September, 1767, Henry E. McCulloh, a colonist then residing in Lon- 
don, had expected a general discussion by imperial officials of the 
whole currency problem sometime that winter. Of several possible 
alternatives McCulloh felt that the one most likely to be adopted 
involved repeal of the restrictive acts and permission for the colonies 
to emit paper money under limited conditions. First, Parliament was 
to prescribe the amount; second, all debts contracted prior to emission 
of the new currency were not to be affected by any subsequent depre- 
ciation; and third, all sterling debts were to be paid "in Value." 
Before anything was done, however, the colonies would have to assent 
to these conditions. Because he could see little objection to them, 
McCulloh offered to represent North Carolina in the matter. 26 

On December 12, 1768, the Lower House appointed him its agent 
and instructed him to co-operate with representatives of the other 
colonies to secure repeal of the Currency Act. 27 However, a contro- 
versy between the two houses of the legislature over his appointment 
hampered his effectiveness as a negotiator. In fact, the Board of Trade 
temporarily refused to recognize his right to act for North Carolina. 28 
Nevertheless, McCulloh was reasonably hopeful of success. By mid- 
summer of 1769, however, the plan for a direct repeal of the restric- 
tive acts seems to have been dropped; in July he wrote to the North 
Carolina House that a general repeal would be subject to many objec- 
tions. He, therefore, planned to press for a Parliamentary act to 
answer your "particular purposes"— presumably a special exemption— 
for which he expected to be able to gather merchant support. 29 
Nevertheless, Hillsborough remained adamantly opposed, and the 
negotiations soon died. 

"Earl of Hillsborough to Governor Tryon, April 16, 1768, Saunders, Colonial 
Records, VII, 709. 

28 Henry E. McCulloh to John Harvey, September 13, 1767, Saunders, Colonial Rec- 
ords, VII, 517. 

87 House Journals, December 12, 1768, Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 878-879. 
"April 18, 1769, Journals of the Commissioners, 1768-1775, 88. 

29 McCulloh to the Committee for Correspondence of the Lower House, July 14, 1769, 
Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 56-57. 



190 The North Carolina Historical Review 

In the meantime, however, Tryon's administration was in the 
throes of the turmoil caused by the Regulators whose grievances were 
accentuated by the shortage of currency. "These regulators declare 
. . . they are not satisfied with the public and county taxes, and that 
it is not in their power to procure specie or currency, from its scarcity, 
to discharge them," Tryon wrote to Hillsborough. He predicted that if 
the colony's petition for a currency were granted, "the public taxes 
would be collected without any obstruction." Hillsborough was un- 
moved. "I have already . . . been so full and explicit upon the Appli- 
cation made by the Council and Assembly of North Carolina for a 
Paper Currency," he replied, "that I have nothing to add upon that 
Subject." 30 

Although previous petitions had been unsuccessful, the North Caro- 
lina Lower House, with Governor Tryon's support, continued to press 
for legal tender paper money. Continued failures during the period 
1768 to 1771 led to repeated attempts at evasion of the Currency Act. 
Although unable to co-operate openly, Tryon was at least sympathetic 
to colonial proposals. Military necessity again provided an opportunity 
to augment the currency. 

At the opening of the legislature's fall session in November, 1768, 
Tryon reported Hillsborough's refusal. The House replied by thank- 
ing him for the support he had given to their petition. Speaker Harvey 
then continued, "We adopted the measure ... as the only remedy of 
saving this Province from ruin nor are we happy enough at this time 
to have the least reason to alter that opinion." 31 Yet, though in despair, 
the House made vigorous attempts to avert impending calamity. It 
rapidly passed a bill to discharge the public debt by an emission of 
£30,000 in legal tender debenture notes. The Council, however, 
hesitated over so large an issue and suggested instead £20,000 as a 
figure more apt to meet with imperial approval. 32 The Lower House 
refused to entertain the Council's proposal on the grounds that the 
Council had no right to participate in framing money bills. 33 The 
Council countered by suggesting that both houses waive the question 
of their respective rights. It argued that a money bill would certainly 
be deemed a violation of the Currency Act and asserted its willingness 
that the bill "should not be considered as such in any respect whatso- 
ever." So anxious was the Lower House to secure passage that it 

80 Tryon to Hillsborough, June 16, 1768, and Hillsborough to Tryon, August 13, 
1768, Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 791-792, 800. 

81 House Journals, November 12, 1768, Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 931. 

83 Upper House Journals, November 30, December 1, 1768, Saunders, Colonial Rec- 
ords, VII, 912, 915-916. 
** Upper House Journals, November 30, 1768, Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 914. 



Reaction to Currency Act of 1764 191 

agreed not to stand upon its rights, and on December 1 both houses 
passed the bill at the Council's figure. 84 The Lower House also in- 
structed McCulloh to work for "permission to emit a paper currency," 
and again asked Try on to help with his influence. The following day 
Tryon vetoed the debenture bill because it violated the Currency 
Act. 35 

Over the following weekend Speaker Harvey and Tryon apparently 
communicated, 36 and on Monday both houses rushed through a bill, 
which Tryon subsequently approved, to issue £20,000 in nonlegal 
tender debenture bills to pay the forces raised to suppress the Regu- 
lators. At the same time, to further relieve the currency situation the 
House sought to continue in circulation the legal tender currency that 
still remained from the emissions of 1760 and 1761 by suspending 
collection of the poll taxes levied to redeem these issues. 37 But Tryon 
refused to approve the action because he thought it premature and 
rightly recognized it as a violation of the Currency Act. 38 

Apparently the Lower House then directed the treasurers to omit 
the tax from the list of those to be collected. Tryon countered with a 
proclamation enjoining sheriffs to collect it. 39 Gradually, however, he 
changed his position. Probably motivated by a conviction that, al- 
though the colony was in dire need of more currency, it was impossible 
to get imperial approval and influenced by a desire to conciliate the 
legislature to secure its co-operation in suppressing the Regulators, 
Tryon allowed the tax collection to lapse. Although he admitted in 
July, 1770, that there was still £58,000 in legal tender paper circulat- 
ing, Tryon gave official sanction to this policy by consenting to a law 
which indemnified those sheriffs who had not made the collection 
since 1768. Having thus placed himself in jeopardy of the Currency 
Act, Tryon evasively reported to Hillsborough that he had rejected 
the House's initial attempt to suspend the taxes because he previously 
lacked information. He had originally been in error, he implied, and 
therefore allowed the taxes to lapse because the country afterwards 
agreed with the legislature. 40 

84 Upper House Journals, December 1, 1768, Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 915, 
917. 

85 House Journals, December 2, 3, 1768, Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 974, 979. 

86 Tryon to Hillsborough, January 10, 1769, Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 5. 

87 Upper House Journals, December 5, 1768, Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 922, 
924; Laws of North Carolina— 1766, Clark, State Records, XXIII, 781-783. 

38 Tryon to Hillsborough, February 10, 1769, Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 10. 

89 Governor Martin to Hillsborough, January 30, 1772, Saunders, Colonial Records, 
IX, 234. 

48 Laws of North Carolina, 1770, Clark, State Records, XXIII, 840-841 ; Tryon to 
Hillsborough, July 2, 1770, Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 212. 



192 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Meanwhile, to comply with the House's request Tryon in February, 
1769, again wrote Hillsborough urging the* necessity of more paper 
money and pointing out the beneficial effects expected from it. Be- 
fore he received this letter Hillsborough seemed to have been in a 
more conciliatory humor. On March 1, 1769, he had written, "The Com- 
mendable Conduct of the Assembly in the present disturbed situation 
of North America disposes His Majesty to shew them every indul- 
gence in His Power, and the tranquility and support of your Adminis- 
tration are objects which you are well entitled to expect should be 
attended to by Government." But, continued Hillsborough, only 
Parliament had power to alter the Currency Act and "therefore no 
Petition that prays for Paper Currency as a Legal Tender can meet 
with . . . success" without Parliamentary action. He then suggested 
that the colony adopt instead a paper currency like that of New 
England and Maryland, one "upon a just foundation of Credit" but 
without legal tender provisions. 41 Hillsborough's next few letters, 
however, were less conciliatory and seemed to confirm McCulloh's 
opinion that in regard to legal tender paper money the Secretary of 
State for America is "your bitter enemy." 42 By 1770 Hillsborough 
removed any possible doubt about his position when he replied to 
Tryon's report that paper money outstanding had fallen to ap- 
proximately £60,000, that "the only observation I have to make 
upon it is, that the sum appears to be large, and will I trust be fully 
sufficient. . . Z' 48 

The colony would not have agreed with him. In an earlier petition 
inhabitants of Anson County had poignantly contended that "the 
Province in general labour under general grievances, and the Western 
part thereof under particular ones; which we not only see, but very 
sensibly feel, being crouch'd beneath our sufferings." Among other 
demands, they asked that no further tax be imposed until "a currency 
is made." 44 

In October, 1769, when Tryon reported to the legislature that, 
although Hillsborough was willing to consider colonial suggestions, 
there seemed little hope for legal tender paper money, the news gave 
the House the "utmost concern." 45 And cause for concern continued 



41 Tryon to Hillsborough, February 25, 1769, and Hillsborough to Tryon, March 1, 
1769, Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 12, 17-18. 

42 McCulloh to John Harvey, January 26, 1770, Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 
172. 

43 Tryon to Hillsborough, July 2, 1770, and Hillsborough to Tryon, October 3, 1770, 
Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 212, 247. 

44 House Journals, October 9, 1769, Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 75-77. 

46 House Journals, October 23, 1769, Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 87-88; The 
North-Carolina Gazette (New Bern), November 10, 1769, hereinafter cited as The 
North-Carolina Gazette. 



Reaction to Currency Act of 1764 193 

to increase. By the next year Regulator disturbances again demanded 
that the colonial treasury provide money for troops, but the House 
felt unable to meet the expense unless the restrictions of the Currency 
Act were lifted. Again it petitioned Tryon to recommend repeal and 
again, despite Hillsborough's repeated refusals, Tryon gave the House 
his wholehearted support. Requesting that Parliament exempt the 
colony from the currency restrictions, Tryon argued that North Caro- 
lina deserved concessions because "the several ports of this province 
have been open ever since the repeal of the Stamp Act for every kind 
of British manufactures to the full extent of the credit of the 
country." 46 

Tryon's appeal seems to have affected Hillsborough less than the 
members of the legislature. The former made no concession; the latter 
repaid Tryon's support in kind by giving him full co-operation in 
crushing the Regulators. Their action, however, was motivated by 
more than gratitude. To them, as members of an established govern- 
ment, civil insurrection was an immediate threat: The Regulators 
"were pursuing measures destructive to the felicity, and dangerous 
to the Constitution of their Country ." 4T Before the legislature arranged 
to pay the troops, Tryon had moved to the governorship of New 
York, but even from his new post he made one final unsuccessful 
attempt to help North Carolina's currency situation by easing the 
financial burden of the expedition against the Regulators. On August 1, 
1771, he wrote to Hillsborough that the cost of the expedition would 
probably be £40,000, "a load the province is absolutely incapable to 
discharge, unless by a new emission of currency, or an aid from 
Parliament' 9 48 

In 1771 the arrival of Tryon's successor, Josiah Martin, marked a 
new and fateful era for North Carolina in the currency controversy. 
Because he had realized that some form of paper money was essential 
to the colony's economic and political life, Tryon had been tolerant 
of colonial expedients. Martin, however, rigidly opposed them. An 
inflexible supporter of the principles of the Currency Act, he termed 
all paper money "a fraudulent medium of circulation . . . contrary to 
good policy. . . ." 49 In effect Martin brought home to North Carolina's 
soil the Hillsborough attitude. At no time since passage of the Cur- 
rency Act had the colonists been forced to deal with this attitude 
directly. Rather they had met it in a form attenuated by three thou- 

*• House Journals, January 25, 1771, and Tryon to Hillsborough, February 1, 1771, 
Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 462-463, 495-496. 
"House Journals, November 12, 1768, Saunders, Colonial Records, VII, 930. 
48 Tryon to Hillsborough, August 1, 1771, Saunders, Colonial Records, VIII, 651. 
* Martin to Hillsborough, December 12, 1771, Saunders, Colonial Records, IX, 67. 



194 The North Carolina Historical Review 

sand miles and by a governor sympathetic to their proposals. There- 
fore Tryon's departure and Martin's arrival had two implications of 
major significance. First, where Tryon made concessions to colonial 
need, Martin offered no compromise. When forced to deny colonial 
requests, Tryon brought to the task perception and political astute- 
ness; Martin brought the insolence of office. Secondly, as long as 
Tryon held the governorship, the colonists felt that they had an 
important ally to intercede with the ministry. But Martin's coming 
deprived them of such support; only the colonial agent remained to 
represent them, and he was not an integral part of the imperial ma- 
chinery. Given such a situation it was only a matter of time until the 
legislature and the governor would be in open conflict. 

The conflict was not long in coming. In the fall of 1771 Martin's 
first legislature inherited the problem of paying for the expedition 
against the Regulators. Even Martin realized that an emission of 
more paper currency was necessary, but by pressing the legislature 
to call in all outstanding public debts he expected that enough could 
be collected to retire the £42,000 legal tender paper still circulating. 
Consequently he hoped that the new emission could be issued with 
only a small increase in the total supply. 50 

The Lower House had other expectations. On the one hand, by a 
bill to issue £130,000 in debenture notes, more than three times the 
amount Tryon had thought necessary, it moved to increase the cur- 
rency supply with a new emission. On the other hand, by a bill to 
repeal the tax provided for its retirement, it hoped to save the paper 
money already in circulation. And finally, to reinforce the other two 
measures it again petitioned the king for repeal of the Currency 
Act. Promising to frame the issuing statute to protect British creditors 
against possible depreciation, the House contended that unless such 
an exemption were granted debenture notes provided the only means 
to pay for Tryon's expedition. At best, such notes were only a tem- 
porary expedient, the House declared, "attended with great Incon- 
venience to the Public, and those Individuals who are to receive 
them. . . ." Most unfortunate of all, the House shrewdly contended, 
was the fact that the first to suffer by depreciation of the debentures 
would be the very men who had risked their lives in support of the 
king's government. 51 

At this point Martin faced a situation roughly comparable to Tryon 
in 1768. Early in the latter's administration the House had planned to 

"Martin to Hillsborough, December 12, 1771, Saunders, Colonial Records, IX, 67. 
"Upper House Journals, December 12, 1771, and House Journals, December 6, 21, 
1771, Saunders, Colonial Records, IX, 181, 166, 213. 



Reaction to Currency Act of 1764 195 

petition against the Currency Act. Tryon cultivated good will by doing 
it himself. Five years later Martin's first legislature again planned to 
petition. Martin allowed this opportunity to slip by without action. 
In 1768 Tryon vetoed both a legal tender currency emission and a 
bill to discontinue the tax levied to sink the emissions of 1760 and 
1761. Shortly thereafter he allowed the tax to lapse, and two years 
later, as Martin put it, "Governor Tryon was engaged, I must believe 
deceived or surprised, into sanctifying this political enormity . . ." by 
assenting to the 1770 law to indemnify sheriffs who had not made 
the collection. 52 

Martin planned to sanction no such enormity in 1771. Earlier in the 
session a member of the House had consulted him about the bill to 
withdraw the sinking tax. Martin had indicated that he would not 
approve it. He pointed out that the tax was to continue until the 
currency was retired and that, if the tax were discontinued in 1771, 
"the money now in circulation would be continued contrary to the 
express letter" of the Currency Act. Such a step, Martin argued, 
would be a "measure teeming with fraud" which would have "reduced 
to worthless paper" the still outstanding currency. His caller intimated 
that if the bill passed both houses only to be vetoed by the governor, 
his veto would "bring odium upon the dawn of [his] administration. 
. . ." To which Martin reportedly replied that he would never "become 
a pandar to the public dishonor." Nevertheless, the House bill passed 
the Council although Martin contended that if the full membership 
had been present it would have been defeated. 53 The debenture bill, 
reduced to £ 120,000, had also passed both houses. On December 23 
both bills were presented to the Governor. 

Martin decided to invite the threatened odium. A rumor had 
reached him that the House had devised an alternative plan in case 
he refused to approve the tax bill. Previously agreed upon resolves 
to discontinue the tax and to indemnify sheriffs for doing so were 
to be entered on the Journal. Already, Martin had been told, the 
treasurers had omitted the tax from the list of those to be collected. 
Martin inquired if this were true. When assured that it was not, he 
vetoed both the tax and debenture bills 54 and immediately dissolved 
the legislature, hoping thereby to have "frustrated their illegal inten- 
tions." 55 However, to avoid alienating those who had supported the 
government against the Regulators, Martin provided for their pay- 

a Martin to Hillsborough, January 30, 1772, Saunders, Colonial Records, IX, 234. 
63 Martin to Hillsborough, January 30, 1772, Saunders, Colonial Records, IX, 230-235. 
84 House Journals, December 23, 1771, Saunders, Colonial Records, IX, 222. 
"Martin to Hillsborough, January 30, 1772, Saunders, Colonial Records, IX, 233. 



196 The North Carolina Historical Review 

ment by assenting to a compromise bill f<?r £60,000 in debenture 
notes. 5 * 

For about a month Martin believed that he had effectively coun- 
tered the House tactics. But one day in talking to the treasurer for 
the northern district he discovered that the treasurers actually had 
omitted the sinking tax from the collection list. The House had even 
debated an order calling upon the customs collectors to discontinue 
the rum duty, also levied for sinking the currency, but had dropped 
the idea, so the treasurer reported, because a majority felt that such 
an order to crown officers would be futile. "Of all this extraordinary 
proceeding," wrote Martin, "not one word appears upon the Journals." 
The House, he continued, "by an order clandestinely suggested 
through its Speaker to the Treasurers ... exercise Cs] a sovereign 
power; virtually abrogating by its breath, a positive Act of the whole 
Legislature ratified by his Majesty. . . ." Such a "monstrous usurpation 
of authority . . . proves irrefragably the propensity of this people 
to democracy." And, concluded Martin with an ironically prophetic 
statement, "these people are studiously fermenting dispositions of 
which they cannot forsee or determine, but will certainly rue the 
consequences." w 

Thus horrified to discover that the House had outmaneuvered him, 
Martin issued a proclamation ordering the sheriffs to collect the tax. 58 
Here the matter rested for almost two years, but during the following 
summer Hillsborough gave approval to Martin's conduct of the tax 
affair and instructed him that, if he thought the speaker of the House 
had been responsible for the episode, to refuse approval of his re- 
election at the next session. 59 Apparently the issue did not arise. 60 
However, at the winter session in early 1773 the House continued to 
seek more paper currency by instructing its agent to "represent the 
particular distresses ... of the Province" due to the currency shortage. 01 

The following legislature pressed the issue more vigorously. During 
its first session in December, 1773, the Lower House passed another 
bill to discontinue the currency sinking tax only to see it fail in the 
Council. 02 The next spring at its second session the same House ap- 

M Martin to Hillsborough, December 26, 1771, Saunders, Colonial Records, IX, 76; 
Laws of North Carolina, 1771, Clark, State Records, XXIII, 850-851. 
07 Martin to Hillsborough, January 30, 1772, Saunders, Colonial Records, IX, 233-235. 
68 Martin to Hillsborough, January 30, 1772, Saunders, Colonial Records, IX, 234. 
"•Hillsborough to Martin, June 6, 1772, Saunders, Colonial Records, IX, 301. 

• Richard Caswell was the speaker of the 1771 session, John Harvey of the 1773 
session. Examination of The Colonial Records for the period under study revealed no 
conflict over the latter's election. 

• House Journals, March 6, 1773, Saunders, Colonial Records, IX, 579. 

68 House Journals, December 9, 1773, and Martin to the Earl of Dartmouth, April 2, 
1774, Saunders, Colonial Records, IX, 744, 959. 



Reaction to Currency Act of 1764 197 

pointed a committee to petition for permission to make the North 
Carolina debenture bills legal tender. Finally, its patience exhausted, 
it again turned its attention to the tax issue. On March 24, 1774, by a 
series of solemn resolutions the House irretrievably committed its 
prestige to victory in the controversy. These resolutions represented 
a drastic step from which there could be no retreat. The one shilling 
poll tax and the fourpence duty on imported spirits levied to retire 
the currency issues of 1748 and 1754 had already served their pur- 
pose, the House declared. Although it had frequently passed bills to 
suspend those taxes, it had never been able to obtain a law to this 
effect. This failure, it maintained, constituted a "great grievance." 
Therefore, pledging its faith to make good any shortage which might 
result from suspending these taxes, it resolved that the treasurers 
order all collectors to omit them from their tax lists and to "inform 
such collectors that their not complying with the said order will be 
deemed a great contempt to the Resolutions of this House, and merit 
its highest censure." 63 

When he prorogued the legislature on March 26, Martin had not 
yet learned of these resolves; two days later he discovered them. 
Acting on the advice of his Council, he reacted with first one proclama- 
tion dissolving the legislature and then another ordering collection of 
the tax and duty. The next session, the final one under the crown, 
lasted only four days. Thus the last major legislative session was that 
of March, 1774. In this session the House had posed the challenge to 
royal authority for which it was dissolved because as Martin wrote 
at the time, "The plain truth is . . . the Assembly wishes to continue 
the legal tender Paper Bills in circulation forever. . . ." 64 

Actually Parliament had made a major concession to colonial de- 
mands before the North Carolina Lower House took this drastic 
action. In 1773 it passed a statute to supplement and explain the 
Currency Act. Although this act continued to prohibit legal tender 
paper money for general transactions, it specifically provided that 
voluntarily accepted "certificates, notes, bills or debentures," might 
be legal tender at the colonial treasury for duties and taxes. 65 Because 
the effect of this provision was to give legal sanction to a reasonablv 
successful means for stabilizing currency values which several of the 
colonies had employed only at the peril of royal disallowance, the 
new law represented an important concession. But for North Carolina 
it was too little and too late. Apparently by 1773 the situation had 

68 House Journals, March 23, 24, 1774, Saunders, Colonial Records, IX, 937, 943-944. 
** Martin to Dartmouth, April 2, 1774, Saunders, Colonial Records, IX, 959, 960. 
"13 Geo. Ill, c. 57, Pickering, Statutes at Large, XXX, Part 1, 113-114. 



198 The North Carolina Historical Review 

so deteriorated that any official notice of the act seems to have been 
lost in the excitement of the conflict between Lower House and gov- 
ernor. Moreover, the colony continued to demand more than Parlia- 
ment granted. The new act became effective September 1, 1773; as 
late as March, 1774, the House was still petitioning for permission 
to make North Carolina debenture bills "a legal Tender in all pay- 
ments. . . ," 66 

A general fear that nonlegal tender paper money would be subject 
to great depreciation seems to have deterred the legislature from 
greater use of this expedient. Thus unwilling to issue sufficient quan- 
tities of the only type of money permitted, North Carolina was 
trapped. The currency shortage became so critical that the House 
even attempted to jeopardize its own tax revenue to keep in circula- 
tion the legal tender paper previously issued. 87 General distress united 
the colony in opposition to imperial policy. 

Not once in the record of the eleven years between passage of the 
Currency Act and the downfall of royal authority did the colonists 
question Parliament's right to pass the law, but they repeatedly ques- 
tioned the wisdom of its application to North Carolina. As entreaty 
after entreaty yielded no relief, it would not have been surprising had 
the North Carolinians concluded that an arrangement in which Britain 
placed the commercial interests of her merchants before the stability 
of the colonial government was not to their advantage. They saw that 
the Currency Act, as it operated in North Carolina, helped to nourish 
such unrest as the Regulators; they saw equally well that "no con- 
sideration of a possible local inconvenience" would induce Britain to 
alter her policy. The men who led the fight against domestic insurrec- 
tion were the same men who later spearheaded the revolt against 
imperial encroachment. While the astute and sympathetic Governor 
Tryon represented the colonial position to the royal bureaucracy, 
North Carolina could hope for relief. Martin's arrival extinguished 
that hope, and the House grew desperate. From peaceful petition it 
moved to outright defiance. 

A multitude of small things can sometimes be more effective in 
motivating men than a few dramatic acts. The causes of the Revolu- 
tion in North Carolina lay in a host of incidents and grievances. Of 
this host the Currency Act, and its rigid enforcement, was only one, 
but there is little question that it contributed to the growing convic- 

60 House Journals, March 23, 1774, Saunders, Colonial Records, IX, 937. 

67 Although the taxes it sought to discontinue had been appropriated to retire the 
currency issues, the House had often used this revenue to meet contingent expenses. 
See The North-Carolina, Gazette. March 24, 1775; Martin to Hillsborough, January 30, 
1772, Saunders, Colonial Records, IX, 230-235. 



Reaction to Currency Act of 1764 



199 



tion among North Carolina leaders that they were the only ones who 
knew how to solve local problems. Certainly, the Currency Act was 
important in helping to raise that flame which Governor Dobbs had 
so prophetically feared fifteen years before. 






A NEW HISTORY BUILDING FOR 
NORTH CAROLINA 

By McDaniel Lewis* 

The year 1963 will mark two of the most significant anniversaries in 
all North Carolina history— the tercentenary of the granting of the 
Charter of Carolina by King Charles II of England to the eight Lords 
Proprietors and the centennial of the critical year of the War Between 
the States. These two anniversaries will be commemorated throughout 
our State by appropriate ceremonies, publications, dramas, dedication 
of historic sites and historical markers, and in various other ways. It 
will be indeed a year that will highlight, and when we may memorial- 
ize, the great past and background that are ours. 

What could be more suitable, I ask you, than for us during this 
year of dedication to make funds available for and to begin construc- 
tion of a stately North Carolina History Building and to hold cere- 
monies marking the beginning of this important and much needed 
enterprise? Today, as Chairman of the Executive Board of your State 
Department of Archives and History, I wish to use the brief time 
allotted to me to state the pressing, indeed almost desperate, need for 
such a structure. Let me give you the background and the reasons 
why we Tarheels so urgently need a new building to house the records 
and the relics of our past. 

Your State Department of Archives and History will be sixty years 
old next year. It was established in 1903 as the State Historical Com- 
mission, and the name was changed in 1943 to its present form. Among 
all the fifty States of the Union it is one of the oldest of the State 
historical agencies— and, if you will pardon my saying so, it is generally 
recognized as being one of the half dozen pioneers and leaders in the 
field. 

For a good many years the agency moved along rather slowly, with 
a limited budget and a small staff. Only in recent years has the 
marked expansion occurred, when the program has spread into a 

* Mr. Lewis of Greensboro, Chairman of the Executive Board of the State Depart- 
ment of Archives and History, made this address at the morning meeting of the 
North Carolina Literary and Historical Association held on December 7, 1962, in 
Raleigh. 



A New History Building 201 

number of new fields and channels in order to provide a well-rounded 
and well-balanced service to all our four and one-half million people. 
And the people like it. 

Statistics can be dull, but let me illustrate this expansion in terms 
of merely two things— budget and staff. In the fiscal year 1934-1935, 
at the bottom of the Great Depression, the total budget amounted to 
$11,315. During 1962-1963, thirty years later, the Department's budget 
totals $576,714— an increase of fifty fold. Even allowing for the 
erosion of the purchasing power of the dollar, I believe you will agree 
with me that this growth has been little short of phenomenal. 

Likewise the staff has greatly increased in number— from eight in 
1932 to 90 at the present time— an increase of eleven fold. Thus, from 
a small and insignificant agency, your Department has developed into 
one that in size and scope of activities ranks among the larger and 
better-known agencies of the State of North Carolina. You will be 
interested to know also that nationally, in size of budget and of staff, 
we rank among the six leading States. Most other States in the South 
cannot begin to equal us, and actually our budget for archives, records, 
and manuscripts is larger than that of any other State in the Union. 

As for quarters, the old Historical Commission was first located 
temporarily in two rooms of the State Capitol— and had to move out of 
these rooms when the General Assembly was in session. In 1914 the 
Commission moved to the second floor of what is now the Library 
Building. That space in turn was outgrown, and in 1939 the agency 
made its last move to date— to the first floor of the Education Building. 
At that time, twenty-three years ago, the new quarters seemed ample— 
almost magnificent. Today they are completely and totally outgrown. 

What are the space handicaps under which your Department of 
Archives and History labors and seeks to serve our people today? 

(1) The total amount of space is grossly inadequate. So crowded 
have we become that the staff seeks to perform its functions in storage 
rooms, in hallways (where workers are constantly interrupted by 
passing traffic), in basement cubbyholes and, the most extreme case 
of all, we have actually torn the telephone out of a telephone booth 
and have placed in that tiny space a typist and such equipment as 
we could. 

(2) The present space is not suitably designed to meet the Depart- 
ment's specialized needs. The Education Building was planned as an 
office structure and not for an agency needing uniquely designed 
storage areas, workrooms, space for exhibits, and other special areas. 

(3) The Search Room, where the public makes use of the archives 



202 The North Carolina Historical Review 

and manuscripts, is entirely too small anc^ inadequate, so that fre- 
quently researchers overflow into offices, archives areas, and every- 
where else we can put them. 

(4) Though the Department is required by law to preserve the 
permanent official records of our State, counties, and municipalities, 
there is not sufficient space in the Archives to care for all these records. 
We know of thousands of cubic feet of records that should be moved 
into the Archives but that cannot be placed there, because there is no 
room. Actually, we have been compelled to transfer a number of 
records of permanent value to places other than the Archives, where 
they cannot be adequately protected. 

(5) There is no suitable place to preserve microfilm. Under a broad 
program, the Department has now microfilmed more than 50 million 
pages of State and local records, and this enormous and extremely 
valuable mass of film ought to be preserved in specially designed 
cabinets with controlled temperature and humidity. Actually, we 
have nothing of the kind, with the result that the film is steadily 
deteriorating. 

( 6 ) The Department possesses by far the largest and most complete 
set of maps relating to North Carolina history. At the present time, 
for lack of space, the cases in which these maps are contained are 
placed in hallways where there is danger of theft or other loss. 

(7) Archives, manuscripts, museum items, and other historical ma- 
terials that are received are frequently infested with insects of various 
kinds. In order to eliminate these pests, all such materials need to be 
fumigated— but at the present time the Department lacks adequate 
facilities for this purpose. 

(8) Many of the official records and private manuscripts that are 
received have been damaged by fire, insects, and even occasion- 
ally by one or more of that species known as Homo sapiens. Such 
damaged records need to be repaired by scientific and highly special- 
ized processes— but the Department now has its equipment for this 
purpose placed in such crowded quarters that it is difficult to use— 
cannot be used to the greatest efficiency. 

Let us look at the situation in a slightly different light. 

The situation described above is bad enough, but even worse— 
indeed a tragic condition— is the following: 

The General Assembly has required the Department of Archives 
and History "To preserve and administer such public archives as shall 
be transferred to its custody, and to collect, preserve, and administer 
private and unofficial historical records and relics relating to the 
history of North Carolina and the territory included therein from the 



A New History Building 203 

earliest times. The Department shall carefully protect and preserve 
such materials . . ." (General Statutes, Chapter 121-2 [4]). Under 
present conditions it is impossible for the Department to give proper 
protection and suitably to preserve such materials, so that the Depart- 
ment actually is not carrying out the mandate of the law. 

( 1 ) These archives and manuscripts are unique and irreplaceable. 
They are not like books, of which a number of copies usually exists, so 
that if one copy of a book is destroyed another copy is ordinarily 
available. If these archives and manuscripts are destroyed, they are 
gone for all time. There are no other copies (except microfilm copies 
which we are making of a small percentage of the total ) . 

(2) These records constitute the great body of the official (and 
some unofficial) source materials of the history of North Carolina and 
its people, going far back into the colonial period. They have been 
gradually brought to the Archives over a period of nearly 60 years. 

(3) In addition to the historical value of these records, many of 
them are essential to the operation of government and to the protection 
of the rights and interests of persons. For instance, there are early 
court minutes which are frequently used; land records that are neces- 
sary to determine land ownership; maps and drawings of boundaries 
which exist nowhere else; marriage records; correspondence of our 
governors through 1960 (which must be referred to frequently); 
official opinions of the Attorney General; and many other types of 
irreplaceable records. In addition, there are housed in the Archives 
areas security microfilm copies of essential records of the counties, as 
described above. 

(4) These records have an intrinsic value of millions of dollars 
( though, of course, the State will never sell them ) . The State should 
take every possible step to protect such valuable property. 

(5) At present the records are deteriorating. Some of the trunk 
pipes of the State's heating system run through these Archives areas, 
so that it seems impossible to obtain suitable humidity and tempera- 
ture conditions. We have had one expert after another study this 
problem, and they all report that, though we have air-conditioning 
equipment, it cannot be made to produce the desired results because 
of the heating pipes. 

In the Hall of History, or State Historical Museum, conditions are 
similarly bad. 

( 1 ) A large portion of the exhibit areas contains wall space made of 
plaster and therefore it is difficult or impossible to use for hanging 
pictures or other objects/The space is not suitable to handle the 



204 The North Carolina Historical Review 

60,000 school children who annually visit , the Museum. There is no 
public room for showing films and for public gatherings. 

(2) The Museum requires study and research rooms, for each year 
scores of researchers visit the Hall of History in order to make use of 
the Museum's study collection. Such researchers have to be placed in 
offices, storage rooms, and wherever we can find a small amount of 
space for them. 

( 3 ) The Museum lacks appropriate receiving space where incoming 
collections can be temporarily placed and processed. 

(4) There is no fumigating and cleaning space. 

(5) There is not enough workroom space for preparing, altering, 
and otherwise processing exhibits. 

(6) The storage areas are only a fraction as large as they should be. 
According to the standard of the American Association of Museums, a 
first-rate museum should have at least twice as much storage space as 
exhibit space. The Hall of History has been assigned only a small 
fraction as much. 

(7) The storage areas should be air-conditioned. Portraits, photo- 
graphic negatives, and other historic objects are deteriorating every 
minute that passes, and they will continue to do so until proper con- 
ditions are provided. 

Likewise, in the other phases of its work the Department is hampered 
for lack of space. 

Do you realize that every State from New Jersey and Pennsylvania 
on the north to Mississippi and Alabama on the south now have or 
are in the process of erecting new history buildings— every State, that 
is, except North Carolina? The State of Georgia has just let the con- 
tract for such a building to cost approximately $6,000,000. Texas has 
just completed such a structure. 

Today in North Carolina we are proud of our history as never 
before. In the past our people were not fully cognizant of the contri- 
bution our State made to the building of the great American nation. 
Massachusetts and other New England States made— and received- 
full share of the credit. Tn the South, Virginians and South Carolinians 
proclaimed their historical achievements. But we in North Carolina 
knew little about our history and seemed to care less. Indeed, other 
States were credited with rights of priority and achievements that 
really belonged to us. 

Recently our people have become more and more conscious of their 
history— have come to realize that we have made a truly great contri- 
bution to the growth and development of the United States. The first 
English colonists in America; the first official act of any colony calling 



A New History Building 205 

for independence from Great Britain; the oldest State University; the 
first public school system in the South; the greatest contribution of 
men to the Confederate cause— these few examples will serve to illus- 
trate the great events and achievements of our history 7 . 

And yet our State has still not made adequate provision for preserv- 
ing the records and the physical relics of the past. We have permitted 
one State after another, not only in the Southeast but also in other 
parts of the country, to surpass us in making such provision. This lack 
and failure on our part must be remedied. 

And so, in the approaching tercentennial and centennial year, let 
us begin the erection in our Capital City of a building to provide for 
our historical records and relics. Let us build a structure of which all 
our people may truly be proud and which will be second to none in 
the nation. 






NORTH CAROLINA NONFICTION BOOKS, 1961-1962 

By C. Hugh Holm an* 

As one of the five judges of the competition for the best work of 
nonfiction by a North Carolina resident published in the twelve-month 
period ending June 30, 1961, I have the pleasure of trying to suggest 
to you something of the nature, the scope, and the subject matter of 
the books entered in the contest for the Mayflower Society Cup. I 
must begin my remarks by disclaiming a competence for such a task. 
There are at least a score of books entered in this competition that 
merit for their proper evaluation the attention of highly skilled experts 
in perhaps a dozen fields and would demand from those experts in each 
case a longer period of time than I have for all the works. I shall, 
therefore, content myself with essentially non-evaluative brief descrip- 
tions. Yet I believe that such descriptions have a collective value and, 
perhaps, some interest for an audience such as this one, for it tells us 
something significant about ourselves. 

Herman Melville, faced with the problem of somehow classifying 
whales without, in fact, knowing very much about them, resorted to 
the whimsical— and face-saving— device of grouping them under book 
sizes— folio, octavo, duodecimo, and so on. Faced with an equally diffi- 
cult task, I have elected to classify the Mayflower volumes in terms not 
of whales but of how they reflect the concerns and attitudes of North 
Carolinians. 

Two decades ago W. J. Cash, a graduate of Wake Forest College 
and the Editor of the Charlotte News, made a brilliant exploration of 
the way the natives of the southeastern region think and have thought. 
He called his book The Mind of tJie South, and in it he defined both 
the homogeneous and the heterogeneous qualities of thought in this 
section of the United States. As I cast a backward glance over the 
road I have been fortunate enough to travel in surveying the books 
entered in this year's Mayflower competition, it seems to me that they 
give a strengthened and qualified picture of that southern mind as it 
is found in North Carolina twenty-one years after Mr. Cash's study. 

* Dr. Holman is a Professor in the Department of English, University of North 
Carolina, Chapel Hill. Mr. James Chaney, Book Editor of The News and Observer 
(Raleigh), reviewed the North Carolina fiction, 1961-1962. His speech was subsequently 
published in the December 9, 1962, edition of his paper and is therefore not published 
in The Review. 



North Carolina Nonfiction, 1961-1962 207 

For here are thirty books by persons resident in the State for the past 
three years or longer. Furthermore, these thirty books are works of 
nonfiction, and none of them, under the rules of the competition, is a 
technical or scientific work. Thus they form an impressive accumula- 
tion of the results of thinking in a broadly non-artistic and nontech- 
nical sense in North Carolina. Let us examine what they show. 

First, some statistics: Here are 7,761 pages of thoughtful writing, in 
thirty books varying from a thin 96 pages to an impressively thick 577. 
They are the physical and editorial products of 22 different publishers, 
ranging from the author himself in several cases to such nationally 
established houses as Harpers, McGraw-Hill, Lippincott's, Little- 
Brown, William Sloane, and Atheneum. The predominant type of 
publisher is the university press: the press at the University of North 
Carolina produced four of the books, at Louisiana State University 
two, and at Duke and the University of Wisconsin one each. Twelve 
of the books were not only written by North Carolina residents but 
were also published entirely within the State. 

The authors, on the other hand, show a surprisingly unified picture. 
Of the twenty-nine persons who wrote these books ( Burke Davis was 
the author of two of them ) , twenty are from the academic world and 
four more are practicing journalists. Thus the Mayflower books this 
year predominantly show what our college teachers and university 
scholars are writing about and what concerns our journalists when 
they extend their efforts beyond the limits of the newspaper or 
magazine. 

North Carolina, like the region of which it is a part, has obviously 
had a deep interest in history. As W. J. Cash said, "The mind of the 
section ... is continuous with the past." To an abnormal degree, if 
judged by the nation at large, the events and the personages of history 
are at the forefront of our thoughts. It is, therefore, not surprising that 
nine of the Mayflower books deal directly with history and that seven 
more are biographies. Thus 53 per cent of the entries this year are 
concerned with the record of the past. 

This exploration of our history, not surprising in the degree to 
which it has concerned North Carolina writers, does have a great 
surprise in its subject matter. Only one of these books deals directly 
and exclusively with the Civil War period, either in the State or in 
the nation. Perhaps our writers have already grown w r eary of the Civil 
War Centennial, which began with such strength; perhaps the Civil 
War fails to have for this State the obsessive interest that it has for 
some others. Whatever the reason, the presence of only one Civil War 



208 The North Carolina Historical Review 

book in the Mayflower collection is, I thyik, both interesting and 
encouraging. 

The concerns of these historical writers is sharply local. Only one 
of the nine works of history deals with non-North Carolina material, 
and that one is Jonathan Daniels' story of the Natchez Trace, The 
Devil's Backbone, written as the first volume in The American Trails 
Series, a historical project that gives promise of presenting distin- 
guished but popular accounts of special kinds of local history. Mr. 
Daniels' book got the series off to an excellent start, for it is a pic- 
turesque account of violence, villainy, and heroism in the old South- 
west—an admirable example of exciting and romantic but accurate 
and serious history. 

Three of the historical works are the proud records of North Caro- 
lina counties. Ruth Blackwelder, in The Age of Orange, confines her 
account of the period between 1752 and 1861, when Orange County 
had, she asserts, the political and intellectual leadership in the State. 
Col. C. Wingate Reed, in Beaufort County: Two Centuries of Its 
History, follows his subject from the days of the Indians to the turn 
of the twentieth century. Judge Johnson J. Hayes, in the longest of 
this year's Mayflower books, The Land of Wilkes, records the events 
which have marked Wilkes County from its beginnings as a white 
man's settlement to the present and in a valuable group of appendixes 
supplies much additional primary information. 

Two books deal with history in the colonial period. J. K. Rouse's 
Colonial Churches in North Carolina is a group of thirty-six brief, 
pictorial, and historical studies of churches that were established in 
North Carolina during the days before the Revolution. In The First 
South, Professor John R. Alden of Duke University discusses the rise 
of a conscious sectionalism in the South in the period immediately 
after the Revolution and about thirty years before sectionalism is 
usually supposed to have appeared. This important brief volume was 
developed from the Walter Lynwood Fleming Lectures which Pro- 
fessor Alden delivered at Louisiana State University. 

Burke Davis' The Cowpens-Guilford Courthouse Campaign, a pop- 
ular military history of the Revolutionary campaign that led to York- 
town, is a volume in another new and promising historical series, 
Great Battles of History. 

Two other historical works move into the more recent past. Professor 
James H. Boykin of St. Augustine's College in North Carolina in 1861 
examines the State's posture on the eve of the Civil War and traces 
its drift toward secession. Professor Robert F. Durden of Duke Uni- 
versity in Reconstruction Bonds and Twentieth-Century Politics ex- 



North Carolina Nonfiction, 1961-1962 209 

amines in detail and with a meticulous use of primary evidence the 
celebrated suit of South Dakota v. North Carolina in 1904 to collect 
payment of North Carolina Reconstruction bonds, a suit that had grave 
political repercussions and gave the North Carolina Democratic party 
the slogan, "Butler and bonds." 

In the seven biographical works, however, there is no such local 
concentration of interest as the histories display. Only Mary Polk's 
autobiographical The Way We Were, sl charming reminiscence of 
childhood, is centered primarily in North Carolina. Logna B. Logan's 
Ladies of the White House is a useful collection of thumbnail sketches 
of the wives of the presidents. Burke Davis* Marine! The Life of 
Chesty Puller is a memoir, resting largely upon many interviews with 
General Lewis B. Puller, the record of whose military exploits it 
recounts. Professor David L. Smiley of Wake Forest College, in Lion 
of White Hall, gives a scholarly account of the life and eccentric 
adventures of Cassius M. Clay, a Kentucky abolitionist. Harry Golden 
in Carl Sandburg gives a warm and relaxed biographical portrait of 
his friend, now a resident of this State but primarily a poetic citizen 
of the world. Professor Joseph C. Sloane, Director of the Ackland Art 
Museum at the University of North Carolina, examines the nature of 
the failure of a man of talent and promise in Paul Marc Joseph Chena- 
vard: Artist of 1848, a critical biography of a nineteenth-century 
French painter who devoted his life to the development of a heroic 
interpretation of history. 

Professor Charles E. Ward of Duke University in The Life of John 
Dryden, was the only biographer whose choice for a subject was a 
demonstrably great figure from the past. Ward's account of the life of 
a major English poet of the seventeenth century is a thorough, care- 
ful, and detailed piece of work, monumental in its scope, its scholar- 
ship, and the calm certainty with which it deals with its subject. It 
will stand as a major and standard biography for many years to come. 

Two persistent concerns of the southern mind, both past and 
present, have been race and religion. Certainly as we look at our daily 
newspapers or simply gaze on the scenes around us, we see that these 
concerns have not lessened in North Carolina. It is, therefore, sur- 
prising that they received scant attention from this year's Mayflower 
authors. Only three books entered in the competition deal primarily 
with racial issues and only three others with religious matters. 

Professor M. Elaine Burgess of the Woman's College of the 
University, in Negro Leadership in a Southern City, studies the class 
and institutional structures of Negro life in a North Carolina city and 
attempts to discover who the real decision-makers of the Negro com- 



210 The North Carolina Historical Review 

munity are. Dr. Wilmoth A. Carter, who teaches at Shaw University, 
makes what is in many respects a parallel study in The Urban Negro 
in the South, a study of adjustment to change in Hargett Street, 
Raleigh, which, she believes, has the character of "the Negro Main 
Street" in any southern city of comparable size. Professor R. Frederick 
West of Atlantic Christian College links the subjects of race and 
religion in his aid to pastoral and preaching duties, Preaching on Race. 
Two of the books on religion are guides to the study of the Bible. 
Professor William W. Sloan of Elon College in A Survey of the New 
Testament presents an introduction to New Testament study for lay- 
men, designed as a companion volume to his popular Survey of the 
Old Testament. Dr. Howard Justus McCinnis, long associated with 
East Carolina College, has written a useful guide book in Know Your 
Bible, a layman's study of Old Testament history and literature. In 
the most important of the religious books The Gloomy Dean, Professor 
Robert M. Helm of Wake Forest College explores the philosophical 
and theological positions and expressions of William Ralph Inge, Dean 
of St. Paul's Cathedral in London from 1911 to 1934 and a significant 

o 

figure in twentieth-century religious thought. 

Since the turn of the century education has been a central issue 
with North Carolinians, and that concern is reflected in three widely 
different works entered in this year's contest. Alice Noble's The School 
of Pharmacy of the University of North Carolina: A History is a record 
of the beginnings, growth, and present status of an important instru- 
ment of medical education in the State. Dr. Oliver C. Carmichael, now 
a member of the State Board of Higher Education, in Graduate Edu- 
cation: A Critique and a Program, makes an intensive study of the 
nature and problems of graduate study in America and advances 
challenging proposals for setting our bouses in better order in this 
segment of the educational picture. 

Professor Randall Jarrell of the Woman's College of the University, 
a distinguished poet and critic, has assembled ten of his essays and 
addresses in A Sad Heart at the Super Market. These essays, witty 
and sparkling with wisdom, I am also calling works on education; for 
Mr. Jarrell in presenting them to the audiences to whom they were 
originally delivered or to the readers of journals like The Saturday 
Evening Post was trying to instruct our taste, to improve our sensitivity 
to values, and to awaken us to right, wise, and beautiful actions. Here 
skill, courage, and cunning conspire with grace, insight, and style to 
produce some of the best writing done in this State in this or any 
other year. 






North Carolina Nonfiction, 1961-1962 211 

The temptation to quote a stylist like Mr. Jarrell is very strong, but 
I shall hurry on to my last group of books, five volumes which have 
successfully resisted my Procrustean classifications and upon whom I 
take the revenge of applying the label "miscellaneous." Attorney L. A. 
Martin, in Around Court Square, presents more than fifty very short 
familiar essays which he calls "meditations and observations"— thoughts 
on many subjects appropriate to the end of the day. 

Mrs. Louisa E. Rhine of the Parapsychology Laboratory at Duke, 
in Hidden Channels of the Mind, treats various forms of extrasensory 
perception revealed in the experiences of men and women in many 
walks of life and makes an important addition to the studies of extra- 
sensory perception for which her husband is famed. 

Arthur Larson, Director of the World Rule of Law Center at Duke, 
in When Nations Disagree: A Handbook on Peace Through Law, ex- 
plains in nontechnical language the elements needed, as he sees it, 
to achieve a lasting peace and suggests how we-can go to work to do 
our part in creating these elements. 

And Professor Roger H. Crook of Meredith College, concerned with 
keeping another kind of peace, has produced in Let's Get Married, 
a manual of conduct and attitude for engaged couples. 

This year, too, Bill Sharpe published the third installment of his 
New Geography of North Carolina, a county-by-county description of 
landscape, industry, current conditions, and anecdotes, together with 
maps and illustrations. Volume III, which covers twenty-six of North 
Carolina's counties, will be followed in about three more vears bv 
the concluding volume. When it is complete, this Geography will be 
an almost unbelievable wealth of information about the State. 

And thus we come to the end of this very rapid summary of what 
the Mayflower books of 1961-1962 are about and what they suggest 
about the mind of North Carolina. Two decades ago, W. J. Cash, 
concluding his study of The Mind of the South, said: 

Proud, brave, honorable by its lights, courteous, personally generous, 
loyal, swift to act, often too swift, but signally effective, sometimes ter- 
rible in its action — such was the South at its best. . . . Violence, intoler- 
ance, aversion and suspicion toward new ideas, an incapacity for analysis, 
an inclination to act from feeling rather than from thought, an exagger- 
ated individualism and a too narrow concept of social responsibility, 
attachment to fictions and false values, above all too great attachment to 
racial values and a tendency to justify cruelty and injustice in the name 
of those values, sentimentality and a lack of realism — these have been its 
characteristic vices in the past. And, despite changes for the better, they 
remain its characteristic vices today. 



212 The North Carolina Historical Review 

These Mayflower books generally support Mr. Cash's contention, and 
yet they show that the virtues are slowly but surely winning out over 
the vices. They are books in which we can take pride, and the mind 
which they reflect is one in which we can be proud to share. Although 
enamored of the past and local in some of its sentiments, the eyes of 
that mind are turned resolutely to the future and it is in the control 
of a sensible judgment. 



THREE HUNDRED YEARS OF 
CAROLINA HISTORY 

By Chalmers G. Davidson* 

It is a charming happenstance that the colony of Carolina should 
originate in the 1660's with the Merry Monarch of old England, 
Charles II of the House of Stuart. I wish I could believe that his 
present condition is the same felicitous well-being as that of his 
geographical namesake, but all that is Presbyterian within me, I be- 
lieve he is frying in Hell. 

The period of the Restoration was, of course, the nadir of British 
morals. For about a decade the English people had been Puritanized 
and Presbyterianized. They were ready for a swing in the opposite 
direction and Charles II was happy to give the swing a push. He had 
no intention, as he said, of going again "on his travels/' The disastrous 
period of the Civil War in England, of Cavalier versus Roundhead, or 
one might almost says of F.F.V.s versus New England Founding 
Fathers, had been a distressing one for Charles as he wandered in 
exile and poverty throughout Europe. It had also become distressing 
to many of those remaining in England who had unwittingly helped 
to make of Oliver Cromwell the most absolute dictator England had 
seen since the days of William the Conqueror. It is always distressing 
to crusaders to discover that the road they travel to controlled con- 
formity, of however pious intent, leads not to liberty but to totality. 

There would be little difference of opinion, then and now, that 
Restoration England swung too far in the direction of license. It was a 
day of new man (with new women), of turncoats, and chastened 
Cromwellians. 

Of the eight men whom the King delighted to honor with the grant 
of Carolina, two had fought against the Stuarts, George Monck, Duke 
of Albemarle, and Anthony Ashley Cooper, Earl of Shaftesbury. It 
depends, of course, on who is writing the history as to whether these 
men were opportunists or sincere penitents for past errors. Riding 
the bandwagon is no modern invention for getting ahead. The other 

■ 

* Dr. Davidson, Professor of History and Director of the Library of Davidson 
College, read this paper as his Presidential Address at the dinner meeting of the 
North Carolina Literary and Historical Association in Raleigh on December 7, 1962. 



214 The North Carolina Historical Review 

six, however, had signalized their loyalty* by sacrifices while Stuart 
fortunes were at low ebb. Edward Hyde had traveled with Charles 
and served as his Chancellor-in-exile. Lord Craven contributed gener- 
ously to Charles I and his property was confiscated by the Roundheads 
(he is also notable for his tender attentions to Charles II's aunt, the 
Queen of Bohemia ) . George Carteret defended the Channel Isles for 
the Cavaliers, welcomed the Royal family at his castle, and eventually 
gave up home and comfort rather than surrender to Cromwell. John, 
Lord Berkeley, Baron of Stratton, rendered his services to Charles' 
brother, the Duke of York, who eventually became James II, and 
fought beside him in the Spanish War in the Low Countries. The two 
Proprietors with personal knowledge of the New World were Governor 
William Berkeley of Virginia, who held the Old Dominion for the 
Stuart cause, and Sir John Colleton of Barbados who did the same for 
that very English island. It was said to be Colleton who first proposed 
that the Stuart adherents be rewarded with the grant of Carolina. 

Perhaps Charles thought he was getting off with easy payment. As a 
matter of fact this was the seventh time that the monarchs of England 
had attempted to give away the territory including the present Caro- 
lina. In 1578 Queen Elizabeth granted it to Sir Humphrey Gilbert. 
When he failed to return from his second voyage, the grant was trans- 
ferred in 1584, to his half-brother, Sir Walter Raleigh. Raleigh's un- 
successful efforts to establish a colony have provided North Carolina 
with her most intriguing mystery. The land next went to the Virginia 
Company of London in 1606. Two revised charters to the Virginia 
Company, one in 1609 and one in 1612, in effect regranted the terri- 
tory. In 1629 Charles I conveyed to his attorney general, Sir Robert 
Heath, the region south of the Virginia settlements between 31 and 36 
degrees north latitude. For the first time the name "Carolana" ( spelled 
with two a's) came into use. Heath's failure to fulfill his obligations 
simplified the revocation of his grant and the Carolina Charter of 
1663 was the seventh and final effort of the kings and queens of Eng- 
land to give away the most delightful, the most beautiful, and now 
the most civilized area of America. 

An effort to compare the Carolina of 1663 with that of 1763, 1863, 
and the present is fruitless. There was a government in 1663 for the 
inhabitants, but there were no inhabitants, except those "noble 
savages" who so intrigued the artists Jacques Le Moyne and John 
White and whose females presaged the future by their revealing 
bikinis and their frizzled Kennedy coiffures. To claim that these were 
the first Tarheels is historically possible and, if so, our recorded history 
begins with the efforts of the natives to resist a government not of 



Three Hundred Years of Carolina History 215 

their own choosing, but I prefer to invoke the privileges of my faith 
and to believe that these people were not predestined to prevail. At 
any rate, the provisions of the Carolina Charter did not include "the 
barbarous people who have noe knowledge of almighty God." 

Most of the privileges of government granted in the Charter went, 
it is true, to the eight Lords Proprietors, but there is specific provision 
that the settlers were to enjoy all "liberties, franchises, and privileges" 
of the King's subjects in England. And although the Proprietors had 
the power to propose laws they were to become effective only "with 
the advice, assent and approval of the freeman of the said Province 
or the greater part of them or their delegates or deputies." These were 
to be assembled from time to time in such manner and form as seemed 
best to the Proprietors. The nonresident government, that of the 
Proprietors in England, was particularly enjoined to propose no laws 
contrary to the laws and statutes of England. This, to the colonists, 
meant clearly that they were to be protected by what was already 
recognized as the unwritten constitution of England, and they resisted 
henceforth with varying degrees of energy and success the efforts of 
any bodies but their own elected legislature to revise, reverse, or re- 
interpret those liberties which they conceived to be theirs when they 
became a part of the domain of Britain. 

A century later, the year 1763, finds the colonies in the throes of 
such a struggle for survival. The Governor was Sir Arthur Dobbs, a 
well-meaning Anglo-Irish gentleman, who had no intention of depriv- 
ing the good citizens of North Carolina of any of their liberties, except 
such as were obviously, of course, not being exercised for the best 
interest of the world empire or the ruling family. Legislation was slow, 
owing to distances to be traveled and differences of opinion, and the 
Governor received instructions from the Crown that henceforth fifteen 
members of the legislative Assembly should constitute a quorum. On 
May 16, 1763, the Agent for the Province of North Carolina reported 
to the Board of Trade (the body in England which controlled the 
economic affairs of the colonies), the unequivocal objection of the 
Carolinians to such an innovation. 

... by the Charter of the said Province granted by King Charles the 
Second to the late Lords Proprietors of Carolina, they [the North Caro- 
linians] humbly conceive the Laws and Constitutions passed for the good 
and happy Government of the said Province . . . are to be passed by, and 
with the advice, assent and approbation of the Freeman of the said 
Province, or the greater part of them, or their delegates or deputies, as 
by the said Charter (to which they beg leave to refer your Lordships) doth 
at large appear, and that no Assembly from the first settlement of the 



216 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Province, ever proceeded to the passing of Laws or any other business 
without such majority [except for a law of 1746 making fourteen members 
a quorum which caused great confusion and was shortly repealed by his 
Majesty] . . . that should fifteen Members be constituted a Quorum to 
proceed upon Business, it might afford an opportunity for eight evil- 
designed Persons ... to pass bills . . . destructive of the Rights, Liberties 
and Properties of His Majesty's good Subjects in the Province [and 
finally, the Tarheels hope], they will not justly incur r the severe censure 
of disobedience & undutifulness, in adhering to their ancient Constitution 
settled by Charter [until lawfully altered]. 

But whether they were to incur censure or not, as their conduct 
fifteen years hence was to show, they had no intention of giving up 
their liberties without resistance. 

Fortunately for Sir Arthur Dobbs, other events of the year 1763 
were more propitious for peace. The Treaty of Paris brought to an end 
the French and Indian War in which North Carolina had played an 
honorable if minor part. To the very Anglican Mr. Dobbs this had 
been in large part a religious crusade of English Protestantism to oust 
the forces of French "popery" and he greatly rejoiced in the victory. 
On the fall of Quebec to General Wolfe, he had himself composed a 
hymn to be sung throughout the Province, which is perhaps of more 
value as a cultural document than as literature. 

What culture there was was peripatetic, for the colony had no 
settled capital. It had no college and, for the time being, no news- 
paper. The Governor had recently purchased what he called his villa 
at Russelboro in the neighborhood of Brunswick town and had desig- 
nated the handsome edifice of St. Philips in Brunswick as the King's 
chapel in North Carolina. But Brunswick was not large enough to 
entertain many politicians or much culture and Dobbs' favorite seat 
for the government was nearby Wilmington. There was agitation to 
make New Bern the permanent capital and on this proposal Dobbs 
wrote on February 23, 1763, "I told them [the legislators] I could not 
recommend it as a healthy situation having been thrice at death's door 
from its low stagnated situation and bad water." 

His health was not so stagnated, however, as to prevent his exhibi- 
tion of a good dash of Tarheel vigor in marrying at the age of seventy- 
four a fair native of fifteen summers. He died soon afterward and 
lies today somewhere near the ruins of his beloved St. Philips, as con- 
troversial a figure at the present writing as he was two centuries ago. 

A hundred-year leap lands us in the middle of the War for Southern 
Independence. In 1863 the issue was still in the balance. Many prob- 
lems had been solved in the intervening century, or at least the opti- 



Three Hundred Years of Carolina History 217 

mistic Carolinians had so believed. The old charters from kings and 
queens had been replaced by written constitutions, State and national, 
granting to the governments the powers which seemed appropriate, 
and guaranteeing to those governed the liberties they retained for 
themselves. North Carolina had entered the Union reluctantly, refus- 
ing to ratify the Federal Constitution until the Bill of Rights was made 
a part thereof expressly stating by the Tenth Amendment that "the 
powers not delegated to the United States by the constitution or 
prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states respectively 
or to the people." 

The North State left the Union as reluctantly as she had entered it. 
Though dubbed by her own gadflies as "Old Rip" and by her neigh- 
bors as "The Valley of Humility" there was an increasing level of 
prosperity and much with which to be contented by the end of the 
ante-bellum era. The capital had found a resting place in Raleigh to 
the general satisfaction of all sections. The Capitol building was then 
as it is now, an evidence of good taste which could successfully stand 
the test of time. Thanks to Calvin Henderson Wiley and a few co- 
operative governors, the system of public education at the secondary 
level was the best in the South. Higher education suffered a relative 
lag, but only relative for out-of-state students were being attracted 
by the four institutions for men— the University at Chapel Hill, and 
the denominational colleges— Trinity, Wake Forest, and Davidson— 
and by two excellent Piedmont academies for ladies: Salem in her 
present lovely locale, and Edge worth Female Seminary which flour- 
ished for three decades in Greensboro. The plantation system was 
less entrenched than in the States to the north and south, but the 
observation of an ultra democratic chief executive that North Carolina 
had no plantations was an indication less of agricultural poverty than 
of gubernatorial ignorance. For plantations there certainly were, as 
is amply evident to this day from the magnificent "Creekside" near 
the mountains around Morganton to the elegant "Orton" on the Cape 
Fear River. 

There is good reason to believe that North Carolina might have 
remained within the Union had Lincoln not ordered troops to invade 
the South. Old Rip woke up with a start and no State did more for 
the Confederacy than did she. Her peerless leader was Zebulon Baird 
Vance, the most popular Governor this State has ever had. That Vance 
loved the Confederacy there is ample evidence from his service in the 
field before he was chosen chief magistrate, but no love could blind 
him to the rights and privileges of the State he called his own. Remi- 
niscent of the colonial agent's protest to the Board of Trade exactly 



218 The North Carolina Historical Review 

100 years before is Vance's letter of September 11, 1863, to President 
Jefferson Davis. A few days previously, a Georgia regiment had 
entered Raleigh and destroyed the office of the Standard newspaper. 
The next morning a mob of Raleigh citizens destroyed the office of 
the State Journal in retaliation. Governor Vance requested the Con- 
federate government to direct troops passing through the vicinity to 
stay out of the capital city. To President Davis he wrote "I feel very 
sad in contemplation of these outrages. The distance is quite short 
to either anarchy or despotism, when armed soldiers, led by their 
officers can with impunity outrage the laws of a State. A few more 
such exhibitions will bring the North Carolina troops home to the 
defense of their own State and her institutions. I pray you to see that 
it does not occur again." 

The best illustration that I have seen of the unique personality and 
power that was Zebulon B. Vance's comes from an incident of the War 
which took place in the same year 1863. It was related some years 
afterward by a member of his staff who accompanied him on a visit 
to the Army of Northern Virginia. 

He was then a candidate for re-election to the gubernatorial chair, and 
was being opposed by the party proclaiming itself for "Peace and Recon- 
struction" on any terms ; and though the ostensible object of his visit was 
to advance his political fortunes, its real object was to rekindle the fires of 
patriotism in the hearts of the North Carolina troops and to cheer and 
stimulate the entire army. 

General Lee ordered a general review in his honor — an incident I be- 
lieve without parallel in the history of the army. Upon an immense plain 
near Orange Court House, there were assembled the troops which com- 
posed the then unconquered Army of Northern Virginia*** Jackson, Long- 
street, Stuart, Early, Ewell, Hill, Rhodes, Gordon, Hampton, Pettigrew, 
and Fitzhugh Lee were there to do honor to Carolina's illustrious son. 

Arranged in two confronting lines, the noble veterans awaited the 
coming of the old chieftain and the youthful Governor. Finally the cannons 
boomed and General Lee and Governor Vance appeared, and, amid storms 
of enthusiastic cheers, rode slowly along the excited lines. 

Soon as the review was ended the men and officers came crowding 
around the elevated platform which had been prepared for the orator, and 
for two hours they gave him their most earnest attention. The day was 
truly a proud one for North Carolina and her gifted son, and a more 
appropriate, effective and eloquent address was never uttered by human 
lips. Under the influence of his varied imagery, his happy and graphic 
illustrations, his stirring appeals and deep pathos, his masterly grasp 
and inner meaning, trenchant thrusts and touching allusions and, in a 
word, under his magnificent and resistless eloquence, the audience was 
stirred, enraptured, enthused and carried away as if by the spell of a 
magician. Not a man who heard the impassioned outburst of patriotic 



Three Hundred Years of Carolina History 219 

inspiration would have hesitated to die for his country. If aught of luke- 
warmness or despondency had been produced by the machinations of a 
selfish faction at home, they vanished as the morning mist before the 
rising sun under the spell of this good man's matchless eloquence. I heard 
General Lee remark that Governor Vance's visit to the army had been 
equivalent to its reinforcement by 50,000 men, and General J. E. B. Stuart 
said of it, "if the test of eloquence is its effect, this speech was the most 
eloquent ever delivered." 

And that is a good note, it seems to me, on which to move to the 
Tercentenary year of the Carolina Charter. As in the year 1663, it 
would be fruitless to review the condition of the State, and for the 
opposite reason— in the first year we had nothing, in this year we 
have everything. Our happy cities seduce industry from the strife-torn 
metropolises of the North and West. The face of our land is adorned 
with all that the ingenuity of our race can contrive. Architecturally we 
are uniquely blest: The outstanding residence of the thirteen colonies 
was Tryon's Palace on the Trent. The most elaborate residence that 
will ever be built in these United States is "Biltmore" in the Land of 
the Sky. Both are now open to the public. And in State College we 
have a school of design which is not merely abreast of the times but 
a pace-setter for the times to follow. Our Research Triangle is a 
national center for the propagation of knowledge. The magnificence of 
the monument of James B. Duke, cultural and athletic, is matched by 
the intellectual ferment of Carolina, scholarly and sophomoric, both 
complemented by the serene loveliness with which millions of shekels 
have endowed Wake Forest and Davidson. The catalog is endless, our 
cup runneth over. 

In the current dispute over the centralizing tendencies of the United 
States government since World War II, it is not the purpose of this 
paper to become involved. Our present Chief Executive made this 
statement in an address in New York this past summer: "I am sure 
the President and most Cabinet members and substantial leadership 
in the Congress would like to stop the trend to centralization but they 
can't do it unless the public will tolerate it and the public will not 
accept it until we as a state and local officials demonstrate our com- 
petence and willingness to handle the legitimate needs of the public." 

Many will welcome his Excellency's assurance as to the intent and 
purpose of the federal government and its desire to retire from the 
local scene. 

Whatever our differences of opinion with respect to the "legitimate 
needs of the people," the Tercentenary year is an appropriate mile- 
stone at which to take note of where we are and how we got there. 



220 The North Carolina Historical Review 

This, indeed, is the purpose of the Carolina Charter Tercentenary 
Commission, established in 1959, by the fceneral Assembly, and to 
which some $225,000 has thusfar been alloted in State funds in addi- 
tion to private contributions. 

Impressive achievements have already been accomplished, although 
the Tercentenary date for the issuing of the Charter does not arrive 
until March 24, 1963. A TV music drama is in the process of composi- 
tion, a commemorative work for symphony orchestra is being scored, 
an art exhibit, featuring loans from England of three-hundred-year- 
old paintings, will be presented in Raleigh in March and April. Most 
educational institutions in the State plan appropriate observances dur- 
ing the year, and a motion picture film available for loans to teachers, 
clubs, and the like, should be released by September. The Charter 
Commission has some half a dozen informative pamphlets, on topics 
dealing with early colonial history, being published and scheduled for 
distribution to schools throughout the State. The first volume of the 
much-needed revised Colonial Records is now on the press and will 
be available early in 1963, and a campaign is underway to persuade 
the legislature to appropriate funds for a building for the Department 
of Archives and History, ours being one of the few southern States 
without an adequate structure exclusively for such purposes. 

I am quite obviously taking advantage of this captivity of the cul- 
tural elite of the State to enlist support for the Tercentenary celebra- 
tion in all its varied facets of history, literature, education, religion, 
and the arts. There is much to be remembered in these three hundred 
years and there are many to whom we should be grateful. The Tarheel 
names most frequently found in the Dictionary of American Biog- 
raphy published by the American Council of Learned Societies are 
Ashe, Nash, and Henderson. But there are great and small in every 
county who deserve our thanks for present blessings and there is no 
more appropriate time to accord them their due. The North State, old 
and new, was made not by hundreds but by thousands of sincere and 
self-sacrificing patriots. 

We did not get here by chance, although as I suggested in the 
beginning, it may have been by Predestination. We will most certainly 
not stay here without emphasis on the absolutes of success and service 
—however relative each generation is determined to prove them— and 
without, most important of all, the eternal vigilance with respect to 
both friend and foe, which is the price of the Charter— adumbrated 
and God-given liberty which distinguishes our happy State. 



LOCALIZED HISTORY IN THE AGE 
OF EXPLOSIONS 

By Clifford L. Lord* 

I stand before you tonight with great personal pleasure, partly 
because of the nature of this audience which we were assured this 
noon by Dean Holman is enamored of the past, but particularly 
because it gives me a welcome chance to express publicly before a 
North Carolina audience, my long-standing admiration for— and my 
hope that you equally admire— the remarkable job that is being done 
in your Department of Archives and History under the leadership of 
Dr. Crittenden. All of us in the Society of American Archivists and 
the American Association for State and Local History have admired 
Chris for many years, not just as the gentleman he is but as the 
dynamic and deceptively calm leader of a model program in not only 
archival but museum work, with junior historians, sites and celebra- 
tions, publications, and everything that constitutes the well-rounded 
program of the State historical organization. And this he has done, as 
you know, on relatively limited resources. He is a man of great success 
in winning the co-operation of others in a common cause— as all of you 
in this audience tonight certainly well know— and a man, too, of great 
success in drawing to his staff bright, attractive, and able people and 
then holding them against the seductions of those of us elsewhere in 
the country who try to get them away from him. I hope that everyone 
here is going to get behind the two latest projects of the Department— 
the county history program and the sorely needed new building. 

This is a remarkable occasion— an occasion, that is, worthy of re- 
mark. Here we are in the Hotel Sir Walter, spending a week discussing 
culture, cultural projects, history, heritage and similar esoteric subjects, 
in the midst of the most exciting and explosive, dangerous, and prom- 
ising era in the history of mankind. At Canaveral and Vandenburg, at 
Wallops Island and Central Siberia, mankind is launching satellites to 
probe the ionosphere, to send us data on space phenomena, or even 
to relay television programs from continent to continent. There are 

♦Dr. Lord is Dean of the School of General Studies, Columbia University, New 
York. He made this address at the evening meeting of the North Carolina Literary 
and Historical Association in Raleigh, December 7, 1962. 



222 The North Carolina Historical Review 

according to the latest figures well over 200, satellites in orbit around 
the earth at this moment and, just possibly, one of them is passing 
overhead right now. We are launching space probes on the moon, to 
Mars, to Venus; we are launching astronauts and cosmonauts; we are 
beginning the serious exploration of space. 

It is popular in history to characterize various periods as "ages"— 
the Age of Reason, the Age of Enlightenment, the Golden Age of 
this or that. I think of this as the Age of Explosions. 

Though the explosions which launch the exploration of space have 
captured the popular imagination, there are other dramatic and sig- 
nificant explosions taking place all around us. Take, for instance, the 
explosion of knowledge. Robert Oppenheimer not too long ago— and 
how can even a brain like his comprehend this— said that the corpus 
of human knowledge is now doubling at the rate of once every eight 
to eight and one half years. In science, you know something of what 
is going on; the probing of space is paralleled by exploration in the 
opposite direction, as Operation Mohole probes through the under- 
seas surface of the earth to explore what lies beneath. You know some 
of the accomplishments of the sensational International Geophysical 
Year so recently completed. You have been reading of the progress 
in biochemistry and the discovery of DNA, that rather remarkable five- 
foot-long-coil buried in each living cell— animal and vegetable alike— 
which operates rather like a built-in computer to tell that cell how to 
develop and what kind of cell to become. You know something of the 
progress being made in the behavioral sciences and the growing 
understanding of what makes men and women and animals act and 
react as they do. You know something of the progress in medicine: 
the antibiotics, the miracle drugs, the radical surgery now under- 
taken of heart and brain. You know of the new unity that has come 
to the physical sciences with the appreciation of the atomic structure. 
You know something of the miracles and the perils of atomic science. 
This is common knowledge. But let's assess this putative doubling 
of the corpus of human knowledge every eight or eight and one half 
years in some less likely field like ancient history. When I was in 
school, the Empire of the Hittites was terra incognita. It consisted, so 
far as we then knew, of a few Biblical references and some extra- 
ordinary ruins at Boghazkoy and one or two other places in Asia 
Minor. But because, since World War II, we have uncovered some 
extensive Hittite archives and because linguists have cracked the 
code and now can translate the Hittite language we know a great deal 
about this powerful empire that once ruled so much of Asia Minor 
forty centuries ago. 



History in the Age of Explosions 223 

Again, when I was in school, Ankhor Vat in modern Thailand was 
a complete mystery, a huge ruin completely overgrown by the jungle. 
Who had built it, where they had gone, and what had happened to 
them nobody knew. Now we know a great deal about the Khmers and 
the rather remarkable civilization that once centered at Ankhor Vat. 
The discovery of amphora in Turkestan and Roman coins in Mongolia 
has proved what had only been surmised before as to the extent of 
trade in the pre-Christian eras. The same thing is true of the Aztec 
Empire and the civilization of the Incas. We have acquired the use of 
remarkable tools in carbon 14 and a modern derivative of Uranium 
238 with which we can successfully date the objects of pre-history. So 
it is fair to say as we look at ancient history that here is another field 
of knowledge where the corpus of human knowledge is doubled ap- 
proximately every eight or eight and a half years. 

Let's take a look at another unlikely field, like literature. Here I 
would cite only one development— the so-called Mark II translator, 
which IBM will have on the market before long. The present Mark I 
translator has a vocabulary of 27,500 words. The Mark II translator 
will have a vocabularly of 275,000 words, will do very much better 
with dangling participles and split infinitives, and may even be able 
to handle poetry. Now think what this means. We all know of minor 
French classics which have never been translated into English. We 
know of major Russian classics that are not available in English. Urdu, 
Hindi, and Bengali have hardly been tapped. Even Chinese literature 
is for the first time being extensively and scientifically translated. The 
Mark II translator can go to work on all the great mass of untrans- 
lated literature and make it all more or less available in more or less 
good English more or less instantaneously. It can also take all English 
literature and translate it into the several hundred major languages 
and dialects of the world. Here again, clearly, knowledge of the litera- 
tures of other languages is exploding and the end is not in sight. This, 
of course, conjures a publisher's paradise while pointing up the fact 
that all of us in this enormous explosion of knowledge are becoming 
increasingly illiterate. 

Take this theory of Oppenheimer's and put it the other way around. 
It means that by 1970— eight years hence— the corpus of human knowl- 
edge will be just exactly twice what it is today. Fantastic? I think it 
is happening. 

Another explosion is that of automation. There has been in print 
for less than six months a prophesy by one of the students of this 
new development that all jobs below the middle management level 
will be automated within ten years. This may prove to be a slight 



224 The North Carolina Historical Review 

exaggeration but we know what is already happening in the displace- 
ment of persons. We know what is happening in retraining and re- 
treading programs— retraining and retreading people in many in- 
stances, I am afraid, for jobs that will not exist by the time the 
retraining and retreading is done. We know what this means in terms 
of unemployables— the hard core unemployment of the unskilled, un- 
dernamed, undereducated, which is beginning to be serious. 

Automation is accelerated by computers. We have just installed a 
new computer at Columbia. It will be functioning in about two weeks. 
It will take the entire payroll of the University— all the teaching staff, 
all the guards, all the building maintenance helpers and secretaries 
and everybody else paid by the University— compute their social se- 
curity deductions, their retirement premiums, their Blue Cross-Blue 
Shield deductions, their major medical insurance, their group life 
insurance, all the other fringe benefits, New York State taxes, federal 
income taxes, and print the entire payroll in 35 seconds. Librascope 
operations, Control System (General Precision Company), Product 
Administration and Contract Control (Sperry Rand), Uniform Re- 
porting Systems, Automatic Data Acquisition (RCA), all entail ele- 
ments of a new mechanized managerial revolution with all the accom- 
panying problems and with some potential at least of early realization 
of Dr. Donald M. Michael's startling prophecy. 

Take another explosion: the explosion of population. Note the 
prediction that there will be standing room only on this poor globe 
of ours by the twenty-first century. Note the threat meanwhile of 
major explosions in overpopulated areas like China, India, and Latin 
America. 

Take the explosion of nationalism, the collapse of the old colonial 
empires and the creation of new nations literally by the dozen. Think 
what this means in terms of its impact on international politics, on the 
balance of power in the United Nations, creating problems of tremen- 
dous scope and significance. Among others, speeding the realization 
of equality of opportunity— so long the proudest boast of Americans— in 
many areas in this country and abroad, in the process unsettling many 
deeply-rooted customs that people in many areas have come to count 
upon. 

All over the world there are explosions, or explosive situations- 
Cuba, Berlin, Laos, the Chinese-Indian border, Arab nationalism 
against Israel, Kashmir, the captive nations, Latin-American poverty, 
racism in Africa, etc.— any one of which conceivably, directly or in- 
directly, could result in the biggest explosion of them all, which, of 
course, would solve all our problems by the process of elimination. 



History in the Age of Explosions 225 

This then is the Age of Explosions— the Space Age, an age of great 
insecurity, an age in which you can take nothing for granted, an age 
of religious revival and yet of greatly increased delinquency both 
juvenile and adult, an age of awe and of religious affirmation on the 
one hand and of increasing amorality and immorality on the other, 
where many of the bases that we have accepted as basic to our civili- 
zation are shifting. It is an age full of vast, disturbing uncertainties— 
and of great potential and great challenge. 

And here we sit in the Sir Walter participating in Culture Week. 
And this, I repeat, is worthy of remark because we seem also to be in 
the midst of a cultural explosion. Some of you like myself are old 
enough to remember when the newspapers across the country began 
to issue little coupons which you would cut out and send in with 
something like 89 cents and get an anonymous recording of classical 
music. You will remember the extraordinary success of this project 
which all of a sudden, overnight made classical music something not 
just for the elite or the highly cultured but part of the culture of the 
people as a whole. Since that breakthrough we have seen the un- 
anticipated proliferation of symphonies in cities across the country, of 
summer opera in Santa Fe, of opera companies in many of our major 
cities, of festivals like those at Tanglewood and Gibraltar, and in 
New York the new Council of the Fine Arts which subsidizes at State 
expense the sending to the smaller cities of the State of operas, sym- 
phonies, ballets, and theater. This is just one example— music— of what 
I mean by the explosion of culture. Take art. Not just the fantastic 
prices we pay for masterpieces or the even more fantastic prices that 
are paid for experimental art just a few years old, but the new galleries 
and the new art museums which also are springing up all across the 
country. Remember, too, that the art of painting is no longer just a 
quaint curiosity but an acceptable part of the life of public figures like 
Winston Churchill or Eisenhower, or of less well-known people like my 
wife. Take a look at the theater where we all know that summer stock 
and the amateur playhouse and even good television programs are 
things of quite recent popularity and origin. Take projects like Lincoln 
Center in New York, or like the new cultural center underway at 
Trenton, where New Jersey will commemorate the tercentenary of 
its Charter by erecting a new building for its archives, a new State 
library, a new State museum, and a large public auditorium. This form 
of Charter observance I would emphasize without making the point, 
I hope, too obvious. These are signs of an affluent society to be sure, 
but they are something more. They are the signs, too, of an increasing 



226 The North Carolina Historical Review 

maturity, of rising educational levels, of rising standards of cultural 
appreciation throughout the land. 

This brings me, as we come to the conclusion of the last evening 
program of this 1962 Culture Week in North Carolina, to localized 
history where also since World War II there has been a major explo- 
sion. I will be frank with you: It has not attracted the national- 
international attention that the exploration of space or even the explo- 
sion of knowledge has attracted, but it is here. A recent survey taken 
by the American Association for State and Local History indicates that 
the State historical societies between 1951 and 1961 have almost 
tripled their budgets, have more than trebled their membership, and 
have gone in for much more comprehensive programs of history for 
the people: junior historians programs, television, proliferation of 
sites, the expanded scope of the local societies, mobile museums, and 
the rest. I have seen it happen in Wisconsin. You have seen it happen 
in North Carolina. This survey also indicates that there are over 
1,700 county and local societies with over 391,000 members and 
an annual income of close to $6,000,000 a year, that they own real 
property valued in excess of $18,000,000, that they own and oper- 
ate some 470 historic houses and museums. These are just the 
county and local societies. And when you add to this the special 
groups—the Civil War Round Tables, the corrals of the westerners, 
the specialized historical societies, church, regional, and special 
interest groups, the total becomes highly impressive. But that is not 
all, because we have also to add the proliferation of movements 
to preserve sites and historic buildings. It's really getting to be a 
matter of keeping up with the Joneses: Every community must have 
its own historic site or historic house, some of which are not quite 
as historic as some of the others. Another alarming modern statistic 
is that across the nation we are dedicating an average of one his- 
torical museum per week at the present time. One wag, as a matter 
of fact, has charged that we are in the throes of a national edifice 
complex. To this you must add the restorations, starting with Wil- 
liamsburg and your own remarkable Tryon Palace; the College Hill 
project in Providence, Rhode Island; the Independence Hall-area 
project in Philadelphia; the movement to restore historic St. Augus- 
tine; the preservation of San Francisco's waterfront; the restoration 
of Virginia City, Nevada, and so on almost ad infinitum. You have 
to add also the pageants, again Williamsburg, again your own Roa- 
noke and Cherokee pageants, New Salem (Illinois), and all the 
myriad small ones which are being staged all over the country. And 
you have to add the phenomenal success of the magazine American 



History in the Age of Explosions 227 

Heritage— hardbound, expensive, without advertising, and yet with 
an enormous subscription list. I cite these things simply to indicate 
that interest in localized history is widespread and deep-rooted. 

Forgive me two personal experiences to emphasize the point. The 
first is the story of a rather remarkable county society which had gone 
on the rocks. It had been very active in the 1920s and early 1930's, 
had produced some very good county history, had built its own 
museum in a county of only 10,000 people, had gathered a rather 
select collection of artifacts and newspapers, but had made the sad 
mistake of not recruiting new personnel. It was now down to two 
members, both of them octogenarians, and both of them cardiacs. At 
this point the County Board, which had been supplying light and heat 
to the museum, resolved that since there was no county society it 
would return the building to the heirs of the donors. At this point I 
got on the telephone and called up the octogenarian who was then 
the president of this society and said, "Bert, it can't get any worse; 
would you let us come up there and see what we could do?" He said, 
"Come ahead, Cliff, but it is hopeless. You can't do anything. There is 
nobody in this county interested in history." Two colleagues and I 
drove to this county, sat down for two hours with the county clerk, 
the county agent, and the county agricultural 4-H leader and went 
through the telephone book. In a county of 10,000 people this was 
not very hard to do. They checked off the people whom they thought 
would be interested, and off we started. We divided the county into 
three zones, took one each. For two and a half days we rang doorbells. 
The result was that we took in the membership dues of about 200 
people who could not come to the mass meeting we called at the 
county courthouse for the last night of the three-day sojourn. We 
turned out, despite a three-hour torrential downpour, at least one car 
from every community in the county. We had 150 people there. They 
elected the twenty-eight-year old postmaster of one of the towns as 
their president. They organized a group of active committees. They 
got a flourishing county society going, and for the time being they 
saved the museum. 

The second experience I would cite I enjoyed within the month 
in Bergen County, New Jersey, where the county historical society had 
run a small two-column ad once in the county daily. The gist of this 
was if you want to know more about this county you reside in, come 
to this meeting at the civic shopping center at a specified auditorium. 
I attended partly out of curiosity and partly because the president 
invited me to "come on down and see what happens." The turnout was 



228 The North Carolina Historical Review 

1,500 people. The society is going to hold a series of such meetings 
next fall and capitalize on the obviously great public interest. 

All this activity in historical societies, museums, restorations, mark- 
ers, and programs both scholarly and popular reminds one of one of 
those incidents that sears itself into one's consciousness. It came at 
the end of my first presentation to the Joint Finance Committee of 
the Wisconsin legislature. I had made what I thought was a highly 
spirited and I hoped effective plea for an extra $100,000 and I sat 
down with a slow glow of satisfaction spreading over me. It vanished 
very abruptly as the little white-haired senator who was chairman of 
the committee at that time looked up over his half -moon glasses and 
said, "Very interesting, Lord, very interesting, but is it important?" 

That was a good question— a good question then, a good question 
now: Is this important? In this Age of Explosions is it escapism? Is it 
just doing what we have done for years regardless of the situation the 
world is in? I think not. Localized history shares the values that all 
history has to offer. It helps teach us how to weigh conflicting evi- 
dence; that there is more than one side, one version, to most stories; 
gives us a little experience in sifting and winnowing against the 
deliberate lie, propaganda, the misrecollection. All history by defini- 
tion gives background— the background of our present problems, the 
story of how we got where we are. And this I suggest makes for more 
intelligent citizenship. It also makes for understanding— understand- 
ing of how things happen, why they happen, who makes them happen. 
Understanding of that kind makes for a sort of wisdom. And finally 
all history, I think, gives perspective— how far we have come and how 
fast. It makes people a little less radical about the cure of present evil, 
a little less ready to upset the apple cart to get rid of one rotten apple. 
It makes for balance, it makes for evolution rather than revolution. 

So much for history in general. Localized history has its own very 
special importance. I must first make clear that by localized history I 
am not talking about the mere calendaring of local events: who started 
the first bank, who was the second mayor of the town, who was the 
Presbyterian minister when the town burned down. Localized history 
is not antiquarian; it is not provincial. It is not just collecting the old 
fact or the old artifact simply because it is old. It is, instead, the serious 
interpretive study of what has happened, how it has happened, why 
it has happened, and that all-important who made it happen. This 
has been called the microscopic approach to history, the worm's eye 
view of history, grass roots history or, what I call it, localized history. 

It is the story of the man who gets an idea, which becomes a shop, 
which becomes a factory, which makes a product that is ultimately 



History in the Age of Explosions 229 

exported to Japan where a bright entrepreneur picks up the idea, re- 
produces it, starts exporting back to this country, and precipitates a 
tariff fight in Congress. It is the story of the editor who fulminates 
against all transgression, real and imaginary, so mercilessly that he 
actually succeeds in creating a different climate of opinion in his com- 
munity and in his region. It is the story of the preacher, who by pre- 
cept and example, does bring a genuine element of Christian love 
(Xdpitos, charity) to his community. It is the story of the gadfly who 
by reiterated attack ultimately may achieve a measure of reform. Or 
the story of the "stand-patter" or of the "middle-of-the-roader" through 
whom most progress is actually made. It is the story of the patron 
who brings new cultural opportunities to his or her community. It is 
the story of the teacher who opens to generation after student-genera- 
tion new vistas, new horizons, new insights. In short, localized history 
is the story of people, working together or against each other, singly 
or in groups, shaping the course of local events and in that process 
making history, often far beyond the borders of that community or 
that region. 

Looked at another way, our communities are different because their 
people make them so. I am sure I could illustrate this from North 
Carolina history, but it is safer for an outlander to illustrate from a 
distance— in this instance, Wisconsin. There are two towns on the 
Mississippi River, Cassville and Prairie du Chien. Cassville is a town 
of 900 souls; Prairie du Chien is a town of 5,000. Cassville is one and 
a half blocks wide and it will never be any wider because that is all 
the room there is between the water and the bluffs of the Mississippi. 
Prairie du Chien, on the other hand, is on a broad alluvial plain and 
has room to grow and grow and grow. Cassville has one railroad and 
the trains don't stop; Prairie du Chien has two railroads and the trains 
do stop. Cassville has one river; Prairie du Chien has two. All the 
advantages are Prairie du Chien's and yet Cassville is a booming, 
bustling, thriving, prospering town and Prairie du Chien is coming 
apart at the seams. What is the story? One man, literally one man: 
the local undertaker, who has been Mayor of Cassville for 29 years 
and who is one of the great promoters of this generation. I said to a 
friend this morning that if Mayor Eckstein had ever hit Madison 
Avenue this country would not be the same. But he has promoted 
one thing after another for Cassville to the point that his small, dis- 
advantaged town is prospering mightily whereas a far better situated, 
larger community, thirty miles away is in desperate trouble. Localized 
history then, is the study of the men who have left towns—or companies 
or institutions or statutes or what will you— as their monuments. 



230 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Or take another approach. Our political parties are not, as you well 
know, great monolithic unities. They are in their operations made up 
of local groups, local leaders, local interests. There are conflicts of 
policy in both parties at the national level, at the State level, at the 
county level, at the local level. Acts of Congress are best understood 
not as reflections just of the national interest (except in times of 
crisis), but as reflections of these local interests, local pressures, local 
desires worked into cohesive bills by strong leaders and effective com- 
promisers—all of them individuals. Localized history is the study of 
those on whose shoulders we stand. 

Two critical contributions emerge from this approach to local his- 
tory, both of genuine importance, both of basic significance in this 
Age of Explosions. 

First of all in an era of such fantastic change, of such vast uncer- 
tainty, of such rapid shifts in formerly basic concepts, man— if he is 
to keep his wits and his balance— needs as never before a sense of 
roots, of stable background, of participation in a vast stream of history, 
culture, foundations, heritage. For us this sense of heritage goes back 
to Greece, Rome, and Bethlehem to be sure. But it also goes back to 
Roanoke, Hillsboro, Moores Creek Bridge, Brunswick, and Kitty 
Hawk. If we are to keep our sense of perspective we must recognize 
our continuity with and our debt to the past; we must sense the 
way we belong to North Carolina, to Raleigh, to America. If we utilize 
the peculiar values of localized history to compare life in Carolina 
today with life here one hundred, or two hundred, or three hundred, 
or three hundred and fifty years ago; if we study life in a Raleigh or 
a New Bern or a Beaufort then and now; if we look at what our fore- 
fathers did in the Revolution, or the War Between the States, or the 
Industrial Revolution, or what the present generation and its 
immediate predecessor did to bring North Carolina to its present uni- 
que position below the Mason and Dixon Line, our present problems 
fall into perspective. We gain not just insight, but wisdom and courage. 
A modicum at least of order and pattern begins to emerge. Some things 
to hold fast to, some guideposts for the individual and for the State 
come clear. Localized history puts one in intimate touch with the 
past, the rock on which we stand. It is a taproot into the rich soil of 
heritage, into a sense of understanding and belonging through know- 
ing. This we need. 

The second critical contribution of this localized approach is the 
way it brings into focus and spotlights the continuing importance of 
the individual— yesterday, today, and tomorrow. This no longer is 
just a slogan of the National Association of Manufacturers, but— 



History in the Age of Explosions 231 

through localized history— a solid, demonstrable, historical fact. It is 
also a tenet basic to Western Civilization since the days of Greece, a 
tenet basic to the Judeo-Christian tradition. 

Localized history gets away from the broad generalization of world, 
or western, or even American history, which necessarily condenses 
the facts of history into broad syntheses or sweeping trends, in which 
the individual is reduced to a statistic, too often to a cypher. It moves 
from the general to the specific, from mankind to men and women. 
It gives the lie to the economic determinist who would have us 
believe that action is determined solely by self-interest. He who 
studies the history of people knows full well the impact of love and 
hate, of sentiment, principle and morality, of loyalty, and self-sacrifice. 

Localized history brings us close to the source springs of the Ameri- 
can genius, close to an understanding of what has produced the most 
dynamic economy, the most fluid (democratic) society, and the high- 
est standard of living the world has yet seen. 

We are now engaged in a fateful world-wide contest for the minds 
and souls of mankind. Here, in the localized approach to American 
history, we have at hand the means both the better to know— to under- 
stand—ourselves, and to arm ourselves with the understanding, the 
knowledge, the facts with which to help others understand us, our 
way of life, the dynamics of the American experiment. 

Armed with such knowledge, such understanding, balance, perspec- 
tive and wisdom, we achieve that oak-like quality that is the hallmark 
of those well rooted. But simultaneously we arm ourselves for what 
Andrew Jackson once called "the expansion of the areas of freedom. " 
Never was this understanding of the nature of the American experi- 
ment and of the importance of the individual of more critical impor- 
tance than in the turmoil of this Age of Explosions. 

So my answer to that Wisconsin senator, and my conclusion for 
tonight— and for tomorrow and tomorrow's morrow— is that localized 
history, if well-pursued and well-practiced, is of great importance, the 
more so now than ever before. 



NORTH CAROLINA BIBLIOGRAPHY, 1961-1962 \ 

By William S. Powell* 

Bibliography and Libraries 

Byerly, Kenneth R. Community journalism. Philadelphia, Chilton Co., 

1961. 435 p. $6.50. 

Downs, Robert B. Molders of the modern mind, 111 books that shaped 
Western civilization. New York, Barnes & Noble, 1961. 396 p. $1.95. 

Philosophy and Religion 

Blair, Joseph Allen. Living faithfully, a devotional study of the Second 
epistle of Peter. New York, Loizeaux Bros., 1961. 256 p. $3.00. 

Henderlite, Rachel. Forgiveness and hope, toward a theology for Pro- 
testant Christian education. Richmond, John Knox Press, 1961. 127 p. 
$2.75. 

Hollis, Daniel Walker. Look to the rock, one hundred ante-bellum 
Presbyterian Churches of the South. Photographs by Carl Julien. Rich- 
mond, John Knox Press, 1961. 142 p. $10.00. 

Lacy, Mary Lou. And God wants people. Richmond, John Knox Press, 

1962. 80 p. $2.00. 

McGinnis, Howard Justus. Know your Bible better, a layman studies 

the Old Testament history and literature. Durham, Seeman Printery, 

1962. 208 p. $3.75. 
Gates, Wayne Edward. Christ and selfhood. New York, Association 

Press, 1961. 252 p. $4.50. 
Price, James Ligon. Interpreting the New Testament. New York, Holt, 

Rinehart and Winston, 1961. 572 p. $6.00. 
Rhine, Louisa E. Hidden channels of the mind. New York, W. Sloane 

Associates, 1961. 291 p. $5.00. 
Rouse, Jordan K. Some interesting colonial churches in North Carolina. 

Kannapolis, [Author], 1961. 123 p. $4.95. 
Selby, Donald Joseph. Toward the understanding of St. Paul. Engle- 

wood Cliffs, N. J., Prentice-Hall, 1962. 355 p. $4.95. 
Slaughter, Frank Gill. David, warrior and king, a Biblical biography. 

Cleveland, World Publishing Co., 1962. 411 p. $5.95. 
Stewart, James Alexander. Pastures of tender grass, daily inspirational 

readings. Philadelphia, Revival Literature, 1962. 458 p. $3.00. 
Still waters, a book of daily devotional meditations. Philadel- 
phia, Revival Literature, 1962. 369 p. $3.00. 



1 Books dealing with North Carolina or by North Carolinians published during the 
year ending June 30, 1962. 

* Mr. Powell is Librarian of the North Carolina Collection, University of North 
Carolina Library, Chapel Hill. 



North Carolina Bibliography, 1961-1962 233 

Stinnette, Charles Roy. Grace and the searching of our heart. New 
York, Association Press, 1962. 192 p. $4.00. 

Ware, Charles Crossfield. Albemarle annals. [New Bern, Owen G. 
Dunn, for the author], 1961. 102 p. $1.00. 

West, Robert Frederick. Preaching on race. St. Louis, Bethany Press, 
1962. 160 p. $3.50. 

Wiley, Mary Callum. The book of remembrance, 1862-1962, First Pres- 
byterian Church of Winston-Salem, North Carolina, by Mary Callum 
Wiley and William E. East. [Winston-Salem, First Presbyterian 
Church, 1962.] [119] p. 

Economics and Sociology 

Bradshaw, Herbert Clarence. Toward the dawn, history of the first 
quarter-century of the North Carolina State Association for the Blind. 
Raleigh, North Carolina State Association for the Blind, 1961. 214 p. 
$3.00. 

Burgess, Margaret Elaine. Negro leadership in a Southern city. Chapel 
Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1962. 231 p. $6.00. 

Caldwell, Dista H. The education of the Negro child. New York, Carl- 
ton Press, 1961. 51 p. $2.00. 

Carmichael, Oliver Cromwell. Graduate education, a critique and a 
program. New York, Harper, 1961. 213 p. $4.50. 

Carter, Wilmoth A. The urban Negro in the South. New York, Vantage 
Press, 1962. 272 p. $4.00. 

Crook, Roger H. Let's get married, a manual for engaged couples. St. 
Louis, Bethany Press, 1962. 96 p. $1.95. 

Henderson, John S. National income: statics and dynamics. New York, 
Harper, 1961. 439 p. $6.50. 

Johnson, Gerald White. The presidency. New York, Morrow, 1962. 
128 p. $2.95. 

Larson, Arthur. When nations disagree, a handbook on peace through 
law. Baton Rouge, Louisiana State University Press, 1961. 251 p. $3.95. 

Mitchell, Glenford E. The angry black South, edited by Glenford E. 
Mitchell and William H. Peace III. New York, Corinth Books, 1962. 
159 p. $1.50. 

Scott, Andrew MacKay. Politics, U.S.A., cases on the American demo- 
cratic process, by Andrew M. Scott and Earle Wallace. New York, 
Macmillan, 1961. 571 p. $3.50. 

Science 

Campbell, Carlos Clinton. Great Smoky Mountains wildflowers. Knox- 

ville, University of Tennessee Press, 1962. 40 p. $1.00. 
Greulach, Victor A. Plants, an introduction to modern botany, by Victor 

A. Greulach and J. Edison Adams. New York, Wiley, 1962. 557 p. $7.50. 
Merzbacher, Eugen. Quantum mechanics. New York, Wiley, 1961. 544 p. 

$12.00. 
Terres, John K. Discovery, great moments in the lives of outstanding 

naturalists. Philadelphia, Lippincott, 1961. 338 p. $6.50. 



234 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Applied Science and Useful Arts 

Futrell, Archie Wayland. Orientation to engineering. Columbus, Ohio, 

Merrill, 1961. 250 p. $3.95. 
Hicham, Robin H. S. The British rigid airship, 1908-1931. London, G. T. 

Foulis and Co., 1961. 426 p. 63/. 
McGehee, William. Training in business and industry, by William Mc- 

Gehee and Paul W. Thayer. New York, Wiley, 1961. 305 p. $6.75. 
Speas, Ethel M. History of the voluntary mental health movement in 

North Carolina. Raleigh, North Carolina Mental Health Association, 

1961. 140 p. $2.25. 
Wolfe, Frederick Adolph. Aromatic or oriental tobaccos. Durham, Duke 

University Press, 1962. 278 p. $12.50. 

Fine Arts 

Lovelace, Austin Cole. The organist and hymn playing. New York, 

Abingdon Press, 1962. 71 p. $1.25. 
Sloane, Joseph Curtis. Paul Marc Joseph Chenavard, artist of 1848. 

Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1962. 214 p. $6.00. 
Schinhan, Jan Philip, editor. The Music of the Folk Songs. Vol. V of 

The Frank C. Brown Collection of North Carolina Folklore. Durham, 

Duke University Press, 1962. 639 p. $10.00. 

Poetry 

Bartlett, Paul. And what of spring? Penobscot, Maine, Traversity 

Press, 1962. 64 p. $3.50. 
Bevington, Helen Smith. 2 When found, make a verse of. New York, 

Simon and Schuster, 1961. 314 p. $4.50. 
Earnshaw, Edith. Verses. [Raleigh, Edwards & Broughton], 1961. 69 p. 

$2.63. 
Erskine, Edith Deaderick. Time roads. London, Mitre Press, 1962. 

61 p. $2.00. 
Layton, James Sexton. The enchanted garden, a poet's quest. New 

York, Vantage Press, 1961. 64 p. $2.50. 
Shull, Lena Mearle. Red leaf carols. Dexter, Missouri, Candor Press, 

1961. 69 p. $3.00. 

Stem, Thad, Jr. Penny whistles and wild plums. Charlotte : McNally and 

Loftin, 1962. 66 p. $3.00. 
Watson, Robert. A paper horse, poems. New York, Atheneum, 1962. 

87 p. $3.50. 

Fiction 9 

Adams, Beulah. After winter comes spring. New York, Carlton Press, 

1962. 296 p. $4.00. 



2 Winner of the Roanoke-Chowan Award for poetry, 1962. 

* By a North Carolinian or with the scene laid in North Carolina. 



North Carolina Bibliography, 1961-1962 235 

Adams, Hal. Last mansion. Philadelphia, Dorrance, 1961. 225 p. $3.50. 
Bell, Thelma Harrington. The two worlds of Davy Blount. New York, 

Viking Press, 1962. 220 p. $3.00. 
Brantley, Russell. The education of Jonathan Beam. New York, Mac- 

millan, 1962. 186 p. $2.95. 
Brown, Douglas [pseud.]. Anne Bonny, pirate queen, the true saga of 

a fabulous female buccaneer. Derby, Conn., Monarch Books, 1962. 138 p. 

.35^. 
Cochran, Hamilton. The dram tree. Indianapolis, Bobbs-Merrill, 1961. 

286 p. $3.50. 
Daniels, Lucy. High on a hill. New York, McGraw-Hill, 1961. 320 p. 

$4.95. 
Dykeman, Wilma. The tall woman. New York, Holt, Rinehart and Win- 
ston, 1962. 315 p. $4.95. 
Ehle, John. Lion on the hearth. New York, Harper, 1961. 406 p. $4.95. 
Emery, Sarah Watson. Truck roadeo. New York, Pageant Press, 1961. 

[23] p. $2.00. 
Fletcher, Inglis. Wicked lady. Indianapolis, Bobbs-Merrill, 1962. 256 p. 

$4.50. 
Green, Anne M. The Valley Cup. New York, Thomas Nelson, 1962. 208 p. 

$2.95. 
Green, Margaret. Defender of the Constitution : Andrew Johnson. New 

York, J. Messner, 1962. 192 p. $2.99. 
Haas, Ben. The foragers. New York, Simon and Schuster, 1962. 317 p. 

$4.50. 
Hancock, Alice V. Pedro, a mystery of the Floridas. New York, Abelard- 

Schuman, 1962. 158 p. $3.00. 
Hardy, William M. Submarine wolf pack. New York, Dodd, Mead, 1961. 

175 p. $3.00. 

A time of killing. New York, Dodd, Mead, 1962. 186 p. $3.50, 

Harris, Bernice Kelly. The very real truth about Christmas. Garden 

City, N. Y., Doubleday, 1961. 24 p. $1.00. 
Hay, Jacob. The bomb in the attic. New York, Macmillan, 1961. 245 p. 

$3.95. 
Hood, Flora Mae. Something for the medicine man. Chicago, Melmont 

Publishers, 1962. 47 p. $2.50. 
Knowlton, Robert A. Court of crows. New York, Harper, 1961. 268 p. 

$4.00. 
Linney, Romulus. Heathen valley. New York, Atheneum, 1962. 310 p. 

$5.00. 
Lomask, Milton. Andy Johnson, the tailor who became President. New 

York, Ariel Books, 1962. 181 p. $2.95. 
Morrah, Dave. Me and the liberal arts. Garden City, N. Y., Doubleday, 

1962. 192 p. $3.50. 
Parlin, John. Andrew Jackson, pioneer and President. Champaign, 111., 

Garrard Press, 1962. 80 p. $2.25. 
Powell, Talmage. With a madman behind me. New York, Pocket Books, 

1962. 152 p. .35^. 



236 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Price, Reynolds. 4 A long and happy life. New York, Atheneum, 1962 
[c. 1961]. 195 p. $3.50. . 

Reed, Harrison. Inky puss, by Harrison Reed and Mathilda Newman 
Reed. Winston-Salem, John F. Blair, Publisher, 1962. 137 p. $2.95. 

The Talbot boys, by Harrison Reed and Mathilda Reed. Maple- 
wood, N. J., C. S. Hammond, 1961. 222 p. $2.95. 

Rounds, Glen. Whitey & the colt-killer. New York, Holiday House, 1962. 
90 p, $2.50. 

Wild orphan. New York, Holiday House, 1961. unpaged. $2.95. 

Ruark, Robert Chester. Uhuru, a novel of Africa today. New York, 
McGraw-Hill, 1962. 555 p. $5.95. 

Shaw, Bynum. The sound of small hammers, a novel of divided Ger- 
many. New York, Morrow, 1962. 317 p. $4.50. 

Slaughter, Frank Gill. Tomorrow's miracle. Garden City, N. Y., Dou- 
bleday, 1962. 306 p. $3.95. 

Stilwell, Margaret Winstead. Jill and Joy learn to swim. New York, 
Exposition Press, 1961. 30 p. $2.50. 

Tooze, Ruth. Silver from the sea. New York, Viking Press, 1962. 39 p. 
$3.00. 

Wellman, Manly Wade. Battle for King's Mountain. New York, Wash- 
burn, 1962. 170 p. $2.96. 

Island in the sky. New York, Avalon Books, 1961. 223 p. $2.95. 

Not at these hands. New York, Putnam, 1962. 320 p. $4.50. 

5 Rifles at Ramsour's Mill, a tale of the Revolutionary War. 

New York, Washburn, 1961. 178 p. $2.95. 

Wibberley, Leonard Patrick O'Connor. Treegate's raiders. New York, 
Ariel Books, 1962. 218 p. $3.25. 

Wolfe, Thomas. The Thomas Wolfe reader, edited, with an introduction 
and notes by C Hugh Holman. New York, Scribner, 1962. 690 p. $6.95. 

Literature, Other Than Poetry, Drama, or Fiction 

Boyce, Benjamin. The character-sketches in Pope's poems. Durham, 
Duke University Press, 1962. 141 p. $5.00. 

Helm, Robert M. The Gloomy Dean, the thought of William Ralph Inge. 
Winston-Salem, John F. Blair, Publisher, 1962. 310 p. $6.00. 

Jarrell, Randall. A sad heart at the super market, essays & fables. 
New York, Atheneum, 1962. 211 p. $5.00. 

Martin, Lister Allen. Around Court Square, meditations and observa- 
tions, random reflections gleaned from the lights and shadows of life. 
[Lexington? Author, 1961.] 98 p. 

Mathewson, Alice Clarke. Ali-Mat's shorties. Raleigh, Forest Hills 
Distributors, 1961. 122 p. $2.50. 

Murry, Howard. Salt O' Life. Winston-Salem, John F. Blair, Publishers, 

1961. 147 p. $3.25. 

Rehder, Jessie C. The young writer at work. New York, Odyssey Press, 

1962. 274 p. $3.75. 



* Winner of the Sir Walter Raleigh Award for fiction, 1962. 
"Winner of the A.A.U.W. Award for juvenile literature, 1962. 



North Carolina Bibliography, 1961-1962 237 

Rubin, Louis Decimus. South: modern Southern literature in its cul- 
tural setting, edited by Louis D. Rubin, Jr., and Robert D. Jacobs. 
Garden City, N. Y., Doubleday, 1961. 440 p. $1.45. 

Voitle, Robert. Samuel Johnson, the moralist, Cambridge, Harvard Uni- 
versity Press, 1961. 188 p. $4.25. 

Walser, Richard Gaither, editor. The North Carolina miscellany. 
Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1962. 275 p. $4.75. 

Genealogy 

Bell, Albert D., compiler. Bass families of the South. Rocky Mount, 

[Author?], 1961. various paging. $10.00. 
Easter, Louise E. Descendants of Michael Easter of North Carolina. 

Bladensburg, Md., Genealogical Recorders, 1961. 179 p. $6.50. 

History and Travel 

Alden, John Richard. The first South. Baton Rouge, Louisiana State 
University Press, 1961. 144 p. $3.50. 

Beers, Burton F. Vain endeavor, Robert Lansing's attempts to end the 
American-Japanese rivalry. Durham, Duke University Press, 1962. 
207 p. $6.00. 

Blackwelder, Ruth. The age of Orange, political and intellectual lead- 
ership in North Carolina, 1752-1861. Charlotte, William Loftin, 1961. 
216 p. $4.95. 

Blythe, LeGette. Hornet's nest, the story of Charlotte and Mecklenburg 
County, by LeGette Blythe and Charles Raven Brockmann. Charlotte, 
Published for Public Library of Charlotte and Mecklenburg County, 
1961. 511 p. $7.50. 

Boykin, James H. North Carolina in 1861. New York, Bookman Asso- 
ciates, 1961. 237 p. $5.00. 

Bryan, George McLeod. Whither Africa. Richmond, John Knox Press, 
1961. 157 p. $3.00. 

Daniels, Jonathan. The devil's backbone, the story of the Natchez 
Trace. New York, McGraw-Hill, 1962. 278 p. $6.50. 

Davis, Burke. The Cowpens-Guilford Courthouse campaign. Philadelphia, 
Lippincott, 1962. 208 p. $3.95. 

Durden, Robert Franklin. Reconstruction bonds & twentieth century 
politics, South Dakota v. North Carolina, 1904. Durham, Duke Univer- 
sity Press, 1962. 274 p. $6.00. 

Eaton, William Clement. The growth of Southern civilization, 1790- 
1860. New York, Harper, 1961. 357 p. $5.00. 

Hayes, Johnson J. The land of Wilkes. Wilkesboro, Wilkes County His- 
torical Society, 1962. 577 p. $6.00. 

Hickerson, Thomas Felix. Echoes of Happy Valley. Chapel Hill, Dis- 
tributed by Bull's Head Bookshop, 1962. 245 p. $6.50. 

McCall, Edith S. Cumberland Gap and trails west. Chicago, Childrens 
Press, 1961. 126 p. $2.50. 

Medford, W. Clark. The early history of Haywood County. Wavnesville, 
[Author?], 1961. 204 p. $5.00. 



238 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Meyer, Duane Gilbert. The Highland Scots of North Carolina, 1732- 
1776. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1961. 218 p. 
$6.00. 

Noble, Alice. The School of Pharmacy of the University of North Caro- 
lina, a history. Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 1961. 
237 p. $5.00. 

Pickens, Nell. Dry Ridge, some of its history, some of its people. 
Weaverville [Author?], 1962. 113 p. $5.00. 

Poe, Clarence Hamilton. True tales of the South at war, how soldiers 
fought and families lived, 1861-1865, collected and edited by Clarence 
Poe; Betsy Seymour, assistant editor. Chapel Hill, University of North 
Carolina Press, 1961. 208 p. $3.95. 

Reed, Charles Wingate. Beaufort County, two centuries of its history. 
[Raleigh, Edwards & Broughton], 1962. 244 p. $6.00. 

Sharpe, William P. 6 A new geography of North Carolina, by Bill Sharpe. 
Raleigh, Sharpe Publishing Co., 1961. Vol. III. [566 p.] $6.00. 

Smiley, David L. Lion of White Hall, the life of Cassius M. Clay. Madi- 
son, University of Wisconsin Press, 1962. 294 p. $6.00. 

Autobiography and Biography 

Bridges, Hal. Lee's maverick general, Daniel Harvey Hill. New York, 

McGraw-Hill, 1961. 323 p. $7.50. 
Davis, Burke. Marine! The life of Lt. Gen. Lewis B. (Chesty) Puller, 

USMC (ret.). Boston, Little, Brown, 1962. 403 p. $5.95. 
Golden, Harry Lewis. Carl Sandburg. Cleveland, World Publishing Co., 

1961. 287 p. $5.00. 

Graham, William Alexander. The papers of William Alexander Gra- 
ham, edited by J. G. de Roulhac Hamilton. Raleigh, State Department 
of Archives and History, 1961. Vol. IV. 701 p. $3.00. 

Higginbotham, Don. Daniel Morgan, Revolutionary rifleman. Chapel Hill, 
University of North Carolina Press, 1961. 239 p. $6.00. 

Hodges, Luther Hartwell. Messages, addresses, and public papers of 
Luther Hartwell Hodges, Governor of North Carolina, 1954-1961, edited 
by James W. Patton. Raleigh, Council of State, 1962. Vol. II. 708 p. 
Free. 

Logan, Logna B. Ladies of the White House. New York, Vantage Press, 

1962. 194 p. $3.50. 

Macmillan, Emma Woodward. A goodly heritage. Wilmington, Wilming- 
ton Printing Co., 1961. 105 p. $10.00. 

Polk, Mary. The way we were. Winston-Salem, John F. Blair, Publisher, 
1962. 242 p. $3.75. 

Ward, Charles E. Life of John Dryden. Chapel Hill, University of North 
Carolina Press, 1961. 380 p. $7.50. 



"Winner of the Mayflower Award, 1962, for outstanding literary achievement over 
a period of years. 



North Carolina Bibliography, 1961-1962 239 

New Editions and Reprints 

Bartram, John. John and William Bartram's America . . . edited with an 
introduction by Helen Gere Cruickshank. Garden City, N. Y., Double- 
day, 1961. 378 p. $1.45. 

Davidson, Wilburt Cornell. The compleat pediatrician. Durham, See- 
man Printery for Duke University Press, 1961. Unpaged. $4.50. 

Favour, Alpheus Hoyt. Old Bill Williams, mountain man. Norman, Uni- 
versity of Oklahoma Press, 1962. $4.00. 

Heard, Alexander. The costs of democracy [Abridged]. Garden City, 
N. Y., Doubleday, 1962. 466 p. $1.95. 

Harrison, Thad F. History of the Free Will Baptists of North Carolina. 
[Ayden, Free Will Baptist Press, 1961.] 2 vols, in 1. $2.25. 

Hoover, Calvin Bryce. The economy, liberty and the state. Garden City, 
N. Y., Anchor Books, 1961. 430 p. $1.45. 

James, Marquis. Andrew Jackson, portrait of a president. New York, 
Grosset & Dunlap, 1961. 627 p. $1.95. 

Lee, Henry. The campaign of 1781 in the Carolinas. Chicago, Quadrangle 
Books, Inc., 1962. 511 p. $10.00. 

Nowell, Elizabeth. Thomas Wolfe, a biography. London, Heinemann, 
1961. 456 p. 42/. 

Stevenson, Augusta. Andy Jackson, boy soldier. Indianapolis, Bobbs- 
Merrill, 1962. 200 p. $2.25. 

Thornburgh, Laura [pseud.]. The Great Smoky Mountains. Knoxville, 
University of Tennessee Press, 1962. 180 p. $3.25. 

Tourgee, Albion Winegar. A fool's errand. Cambridge, Belknap Press 
of Harvard University Press, 1961. 404 p. $5.00. 

Van Noppen, Ina Woestemeyer. Stoneman's last raid. [Raleigh, State 
College Print Shop, 1961.] 112 p. $3.25. 



BOOK REVIEWS 

The Papers of William Alexander Graham, Volume IV, 1851-1856. Edited 
by J. G. de Roulhac Hamilton. (Raleigh: The State Department of 
Archives and History. 1961 [1962]. Pp. xxii, 701. $3.00.) 

Volume IV of the Graham papers reveals comparatively little about 
Graham personally, but a great deal of the political thoughts of Whigs 
in this vital period. It should constitute a very useful source for 
scholars seeking an understanding of the 1850's. 

The volume opens when Graham is Secretary of the Navy. Most of 
his correspondents discuss the Compromise of 1850 insisting that they 
loyally support it ? but enemies call them "submissionists" and seek 
destruction of the Union. Quite a few assert that the Union will be 
saved only if northern states obey the Fugitive Slave Law. Graham in 
a few speeches urged the North to obey the Constitution which he 
clearly explained required the return of fugitive slaves. 

Most of Graham's correspondents praise President Millard Fillmore 
and demand his re-election. A Fillmore-Graham ticket is widely advo- 
cated as one that can defeat the Democrats and save the nation. 
Letters by and to Graham denounce Winfield Scott as a "Tool" of 
William H. Seward and the abolitionists. Angry letters reach Graham 
concerning the publication of a letter by Willie P. Mangum which 
praised Scott and denounced Fillmore. After the Whigs nominate 
Scott and Graham, Graham writes several letters asserting Scott's 
alleged ardent support of the compromise, and many of the same 
correspondents who denounced Scott begin to praise him. A Demo- 
cratic victory in the North Carolina gubernatorial election is blamed 
on the treachery of Thomas L. Clingman and on "free suffrage." Hopes 
get high in September and October and Graham receives letters from 
many areas predicting Whig victory. Graham lost, failing to carry even 
North Carolina, but a slight hope existed that he could be elected 
United States Senator. This failed, but Graham was nominated and 
elected to the State Senate. In an amazing speech Graham opposed 
free suffrage likening it to taxation (on land) without representation. 
In 1856 Graham ardently supported Fillmore. The letters whet one's 
appetite for wishing to learn more concerning the partial merger of 
Americans and Southern Whigs. 

Matters other than politics, of course, enter the study. There are 
interesting letters from Matthew Perry concerning Japan. Graham's 



Book Reviews 241 

complex dealing as a contractor for the North Carolina Railroad is 
the subject of several letters. Graham received dozens of letters from 
his overseer about crops and slaves. Incidentally, a medical bill for five 
years, mostly for treatment of slaves, amounted to $650.25. Graham 
wrote and received letters concerning a large bequest to Davidson 
College as he was counsel for the trustees in the case. He was an 
amateur historian and wrote and received many letters concerning 
sources of Revolutionary War history. He gave a long address before 
the New York historical society. 

Historians owe a debt of gratitude to Dr. Hamilton and to the State 
Department of Archives and History for making this valuable source 
available. One regrets that Democratic sources of State history aren't 
preserved in a comparable manner. 



William S. Hoffmann. 



Delta College, 

University Center, Michigan. 



0. Henry from Polecat Creek. By Ethel Stephens Arnett (Greensboro: 
Piedmont Press [Distributed by Straughan's Bookshop, Greensboro]. 
1962. Illustrations, bibliography, notes, and index. Pp. xxi, 240. $5.95.) 

William Sidney (later Sydney) Porter is usually thought of as a 
native of Greensboro and is so listed in many reference books. Accord- 
ing to Mrs. Arnett, author of this account of Will Porter s boyhood 
and youth, he was not born in the city, however, but on a farm a 
few miles away near Polecat Creek in Guilford County. After the 
death of Will's mother three years later (in 1865), Dr. Algernon 
Sidney Porter moved with his two young sons to the home of Dr. 
Porter's mother, Mrs. Sidney Porter, in Greensboro; and here Will 
lived until he went to Texas in 1882. In 1890 and again in 1891 he 
returned to Greensboro with his first wife Athol and his young daugh- 
ter Margaret. These appear to have been his only visits to the city 
after he left it, though in 1907 he married (after AthoFs death) a 
Greensboro widow, Sara Lindsay Coleman, who had been his first 
sweetheart twenty-six years before. After his death in 1910 he was 
buried not in Greensboro but in Asheville, where he had gone the 
preceding year in an attempt to recover from a decline in health. 

Mrs. Arnett has confined her account of Will almost exclusively to 
his Greensboro years, adding a brief postscript on his later years and 



242 The North Carolina Historical Review 

his death. Though she has used many printed sources, she has enriched 
her account with additional material gathered in numerous interviews 
with relatives, friends, and acquaintances of young Will Porter. Thus 
he is seen usually through the eyes of people who knew him long 
before he became O. Henry. For example, his brother Shell recalled 
hearing him laugh only three times. His school friend Tom Tate, in 
remembering Will's extensive reading, had "no recollection of his 
caring for poetry or historical works. His seemed to be the love of 
the story teller for the story." Another school friend remembered his 
"gentleness of manner, a delicacy of feeling, [and] a refinement in 
speech and demeanour that was as much a part of hi mas his humour." 

One valuable aspect of Mrs. Arnett's book for students of O. Henry's 
stories in her relating people or incidents in Will's early life to char- 
acters and actions in specific stories. She cites his use of plots, scenes, 
and descriptive or other details not only in the southern tales but also 
in scattered ones with Central American, Western, and New York 
locales. 

O. Henry from Polecat Creek is an important addition to O. Henry 
biography. One minor objection may be raised, however, to the por- 
trait of Will Porter in the book. Occasionally he sounds a little too 
much like one of the Rover boys or one of Horatio Alger's heroes. 

H. G. Kincheloe. 
North Carolina State College. 



The Face of North Carolina. Compiled and edited by Bruce Roberts. Text 
by Dick Gorrell. Foreword by Paul Green. (Charlotte: McNally and 
Loftin, Publishers. 1962. [Pp. vi, 176, unnumbered]. $12.50.) 

From the wind and wave swept shores of Hatteras to the cloud- 
encircled tops of the Smoky Mountains, North Carolina has many 
faces. There are the faces of great wealth and greater poverty, of 
intellectual brilliance and pathetic ignorance, and of sublime beauty 
and stark ugliness. In The Face of North Carolina the ethereal and 
naive faces of children and the seasoned resigned faces of the elderly 
contrast sharply with the expectant and rapturous faces of youth. 
Often the photographs are silhouettes— a burdened farm boy outlined 
against the westering sun or a homing shrimp boat slipping through 
silvered waters. These are pictures to make Tarheels nostalgic, proud, 
thoughtful, and determined. 



Book Reviews 243 

The collection of photographs in this ambitious book by Bruce 
Roberts shows all of the faces of North Carolina, its people, and its 
resources. Mr. Roberts has arranged his material with artistic appeal 
and a fascinating story would unfold even if there were no commen- 
tary. He is to be congratulated for his success in presenting North 
Carolina photographically. The book is a treasure house of expressions 
of joy and pathos, of despair and hope, which has been caught by the 
camera and grouped to tell the story of the growth of a great State- 
changing, yet unchanging. 

Dick Gorrell supplied the text. Following an Introduction he out- 
lines the geographical sections of the State, frequently using a few 
words to delineate an entire series of related pictures. Mr. Gorrell 
writes well, at times lyrically and poetically, and only a severe critic 
would berate him for the errors found in a few of his descriptions. 
His introduction to "Land of the Sky" is phrased: succinctly— a precis- 
nonetheless, it is an admirable piece of writing. 

This large volume, 9/2 x 12 inches, is another praiseworthy book to 
come from the presses of McNally and Loftin, the young Charlotte 
publishers. They have done a notable job of publishing North Caro- 
liniana by North Carolinians. Paul Green in the Foreword says, ". . . 
the editors of this volume have created a stunning pictorial study of 
our beloved State. The book is a work of art from start to finish and 
is crammed full of beauty and delight." It is obviously a book to give 
and to keep. It will become more valuable as the face of North Caro- 
lina changes. 

Elizabeth W. Wilborn. 
State Department of Archives and History. 



Ghosts of the Carolinas. By Nancy Roberts. With photographs by Bruce 
Roberts. Foreword by LeGette Blythe. (Charlotte: McNally and Loftin. 
1962. Pp. 64. $3.50.) 

In 1959, Nancy and Bruce Roberts brought out, with popular suc- 
cess, An Illustrated Guide to Ghosts I? Mysterious Occurrences in the 
Old North State, among whose sixteen stories were those of the hoof- 
prints at Bath, Peter Dromgoole, and the Maco Lights. By no means 
did that book exhaust phantom possibilities in the State, though this 
time Mrs. Roberts has extended her geographical field by having her 
eighteen yarns equally divided between North and South Carolina. 



244 The North Carolina Historical Review 

In fact, with a gracious invitation for other writers to enter the arena 
of ghost-story writing, she reveals that she has barely scratched the 
surface, for "there is a wealth of material in North Carolina and South 
Carolina libraries which was gathered by those who engaged in the 
federal writer's project during the 1930's," she explains. "Although 
most of it has not been published, it is available in manuscript." 

Well-told ghost stories almost never fail to make for good reading, 
and it is practically impossible for even the most literal-minded to 
resist them. From North Carolina, Mrs. Roberts dramatically narrates 
the appearance of several apparitions in the Wilmington environs, 
recounts the superstitions about Tsali's ghost and the Brown Moun- 
tains Lights, and raises the reader's hair right off his head with events 
in the House of the Opening Door. From South Carolina, there are 
the Hagley ghosts of Georgetown, the shades of Litchfield Plantation, 
the Gray Man of Pawley's Island, and others. All the stories are 
written in an easy, journalistic style. No sources are acknowledged 
for the separate stories. 

In the general preservation of our folklore, it is vastly important 
that ghost tales be constantly rewritten and continually resurrected. 
These two books by Nancy Roberts (with fascinating trick photo- 
graphs by her husband), plus John Harden's The Devil's Tramping 
Ground and Other North Carolina Mystery Stories (1947) and Tar 
Heel Ghosts (1954), give North Carolina a certain prestige in the 
field of recounting its popular legends. 

Richard Walser. 
North Carolina State College. 



The County of Moore, 1847-1947: A North Carolina Region's Second 
Hundred Years. By Manly Wade Wellman. (Southern Pines: Moore 
County Historical Association. 1962. Appendixes, illustrations, notes, 
and index. Pp. viii, 211. $7.50.) 

Moore County is unique among North Carolina counties. Situated 
in the eastern edge of the Piedmont region, the upper portion is fairly 
typical Piedmont country. It was inhabited at mid-nineteenth century, 
when Mr. Wellman's story begins, by a sturdy people, most of whom 
were farmers or fairly prosperous "planters." Many of them were 
descendants of the Scottish Highlanders who had made their way up 
the Cape Fear Valley a hundred years before; and most of them were 
devout Presbyterians. 



Book Reviews 245 

The southern part of the County was relatively undeveloped and 
had few inhabitants. It was a region of sand hills, and they were 
covered by forests of longleaf pine. The farmers had passed them by 
for more productive lands. 

Within a quarter century, however, a revolution had begun which 
was to turn this backward area into a relatively populous and pros- 
perous region. Some of "the Builders" came to Moore from other 
counties and some were "Yankees," but many were natives of Moore. 
Observing the pleasing fragrance of the pine-scented air and the rela- 
tive dryness of the rain-absorbing soil, they advertised it first as a 
haven for sufferers from respiratory diseases and even obtained testi- 
monials from reputable physicians as to the efficacy of Moore's climate. 

This approach, however, was soon discarded. After all, the climate 
was delightful and the rolling hill country was beautiful. Further- 
more, the Sandhills were only half as far from the northern city 
dwellers as Florida where many of them were already going to avoid 
the rigorous winters. So, roads were built and towns laid out and beau- 
tified by the best landscape architects of the country. Thousands of 
trees and flowering shrubs were imported and planted. Hotels, private 
homes, and schools were erected by such indefatigable promoters as 
John T. Patrick and James W. Tufts whose faith in Moore County led 
them to risk their fortunes in developing its attractions. The pros- 
perous and cultured community that the Sandhills has become justi- 
fies their faith. 

This well- written and readable book represents painstaking re- 
search. It is well documented. More studies of North Carolina's coun- 
ties such as this are needed. 

John Mitchell Justice. 
Appalachian State Teachers College. 



The Land of Wilkes. By Johnson J. Hayes. ( Wilkesboro : Wilkes County 
Historical Society. 1962. Pp. xii, 577. $6.00.) 

The Land of Wilkes traces the history of Wilkes County from its 
beginning to the present, a period of about 200 years. The chapters 
are organized into three divisions, the first ending in 1868, when the 
present North Carolina Constitution was adopted; the second in 1900; 
and the third in the present. The first division has 18 chapters, the 



246 The North Carolina Historical Review 

second 10, and the third 16, totaling 44 chapters varying in length 
from one page to 36 pages. 

In addition to the book proper the volume has 35 pages of appen- 
dixes, 17 pages of notes and references, and a full index. It is attrac- 
tively printed and copyrighted by the Wilkes County Historical 
Society. 

Judge Hayes has written an unusual county history. His first sen- 
tence surely tells much about the book when he writes, "It has been 
difficult to condense the data compiled. . . ." That he succeeded in con- 
densing his materials, numerous enough for two books, into one vol- 
ume illustrates both his task and his understanding of what a county 
history should include. 

The history is unique and excellent in its treatment of the early 
settlers and others, where they lived, whom they married, their chil- 
dren, acres of land owned and from whom purchased, boundaries of 
land, dates purchased and the page and book references to recorded 
deeds. In his emphasis upon land ownership, the author shows an 
understanding of the importance of land in local as well as in general 
history. 

After land, emphases are given to three other phases of the history 
of Wilkes County, described as "a land of change." These are legal 
or governmental acts, church annals, and educational development. 

The author studied carefully and thoroughly minutes of justices of 
the peace, county commissioners, grants and school records, wills, 
deeds, church and association records, as well as all available files of 
newspapers published in the County. He examined old county records 
at Wadesboro, Salisbury, Dobson, as well as at Wilkesboro. Incidents 
taken from the official records are often joined to make the history. 
The chapters on the churches of Wilkes are among the longest and 
most complete in the book, including pastors and Sunday School 
superintendents. In recording the history of education, Judge Hayes 
gives full endorsement to the fact that education and progress go 
hand in hand. 

The book covers many other phases of the history of the County. 
Answering a long-standing claim Judge Hayes writes, "It thus seems 
clear that Tennessee never was a part of Wilkes County notwith- 
standing the long tradition that Wilkes was called the 'State of Wilkes' 
because it extended to the Mississippi." Other phases include the 
longest land trial in the history of the State, from 1752 to 1831; the 
case which resulted in the State Supreme Court limiting the size of 
the stick used in disciplining a wife to one no larger than a husband's 



Book Reviews 247 

finger; and the first and second wives of William Berkley Lewis, close 
friend of Andrew Jackson and head of the "Kitchen Cabinet" in 
Washington, who were natives of Wilkes. There are many biographi- 
cal sketches including those of General William Lenoir who is de- 
scribed as "Wilkes' first citizen," and Montford Stokes, the only 
Governor Wilkes County has furnished the State. 

Doubtless because of the lack of space, a few subjects are treated 
briefly or omitted. These include political parties and elections before 
1910 and only brief treatment after 1910 of taxes, land valuations, 
prohibition, and modern highways. 

The reviewer likes best the author's ability to choose from much 
data those events which interestingly but accurately record the history 
of a great people, not omitting the bad but stressing the good as the 
basis for future constructive progress. Indeed, there are many pas- 
sages in the book which illustrate the author's reverence for the 
achievements of his beloved native people. 

Judge Johnson J. Hayes has set high standards in his excellent his- 
tory for future county historians. Every home in Wilkes, and every 
school and public library in North Carolina, should have this history. 

Daniel J. Whitener. 
Appalachian State Teachers College. 



North Carolina Votes. Compiled by the Staff of the Political Studies Pro- 
gram at the University of North Carolina under the Direction of 
Donald R. Matthews. (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina 
Press [c. 1962]. Pp. x, 315. $5.00.) 

This paper-back volume contains the North Carolina general 
election returns by county for President, 1868-1960; Governor, 1868- 
1960; and United States ' Senator, 1914-1960. There is also a list of 
candidates for each position, by party and year, together with the 
total United States and North Carolina returns for each election. Per- 
centages and pluralities or majorities are given in all cases. 

This in a sense is not a new work, for the statistics presented were 
already available in various publications. It will be useful, however, 
in that for the first time these figures are gathered in one handv vol- 
ume. The presidential election statistics are obtained from six different 
printed sources. The gubernatorial and senatorial tabulations come 
exclusively from different editions of the North Carolina Manual, an 
official publication of the State of North Carolina. It is stated (p. x) 



248 The North Carolina Historical Review 

that "A few clerical errors and arithmetical discrepancies were found 
in these works and were corrected/' 

The chief question regarding the value of the work involves its 
accuracy. A spot-check, made by Mrs. Frances T. Council of the State 
Department of Archives and History, indicates that there are a few 
errors in the presidential and gubernatorial returns. For example, the 
presidential vote for Alamance County, 1876, is given as Democratic, 
1,391 and Republican, 1,446, indicating a Republican victory; but the 
official manuscript volume from the Secretary of State (in the State 
Archives) gives the respective figures as 1,391 and 1,146, a Demo- 
cratic majority. The total State vote for Governor, 1876, is given as 
Democratic, 118,258 and Republican, 104,330; but the official figures 
are 123,265 and 110,256. In 1956 the total Burke County presidential 
vote is shown as Democratic, 9,679 and Republican, 9,968, a Republi- 
can majority; the official vote is Democratic, 9,968 and Republican, 
9,679, a Democratic majority. A few other discrepancies could be 
pointed out, but in most instances the presidential and gubernatorial 
votes appear to be correct. In no case that has been found does an 
error change the official state-wide party victory. It seems that the 
volume is for the most part reliable and thus a valuable research tool, 
one that will be used for many years to come. 

Practically no interpretation is given except one: a comment on the 
tendency of Republican strength to grow in recent years, with appro- 
priate questions as to the reasons. To attempt to interpret extensively 
would have been to go far beyond the intended scope and can be 
left for future graduate students and others. Making available the 
figures for each county will be useful for writers of local history. 

There is one mistake in the statement that the North Carolina Man- 
ual "was not begun until 1913 . . ." (p. vii). Actually, such a publica- 
tion (under a slightly different title) was published as early as 1874, 
and beginning in 1903 it has been issued every odd year to date. 

Christopher Crittenden. 
State Department of Archives and History. 



Josephus Daniels Says . . . An Editor's Political Odyssey From Bryan 
to Wilson and F.D.R., 1894-1913. By Joseph L. Morrison. (Chapel Hill: 
The University of North Carolina Press. 1962. Illustrations, notes, and 
index. Pp. xi, 339. $7.50.) 

Newspaper editors in the post-Civil War South were counted among 
the section's most influential leaders. And certainly Josephus Daniels 



Book Reviews 249 

of the Raleigh News and Observer would have to be numbered among 
the top two cr three southern newspapermen of his generation. For- 
tunately, Daniels wrote a good three-volume autobiographical account 
of his career. More scholarly and objective analyses of his later activi- 
ties after he became nationally prominent in the Woodrow Wilson 
and Franklin D. Roosevelt administrations have been published also. 
We have now Joseph L. Morrison's description of the Tarheel editor's 
participation in politics at the State level during his early editorial 
days before he went to Washington in 1913 to become Secretary of 
the Navy. It is appropriate that Morrison, an associate professor of 
journalism at the University of North Carolina who has had good his- 
torical training as well, should write on this period of Daniels' life 
when he was more journalist than politician. 

Students of the New South will find this volume most helpful. 
Daniels was required as editor of the State capital's daily newspaper 
to comment on the politics of the time. But his interest was more 
than journalistic for he became national committeeman of the Demo- 
cratic Party in 1896 and held that office for twenty years. He was 
thus doubly involved in North Carolina and national politics in an 
interesting and crucial period. 

The basic issue Morrison has to come to grips with is the one of 
trying to understand and reconcile the contradictions and paradoxes 
of Daniels' early career. The terms must be carefully defined but it is 
fair to say that Daniels thought of himself as a liberal and progressive 
in State and national politics. He was against "privilege" and trusts, 
including North Carolina's own tobacco trust. He campaigned for 
low tariffs, free silver, and public education, especially on the univer- 
sity and college levels. On the other hand, his editorial attacks on 
the Republican-Populist Fusion party in the 1890's bordered on irre- 
sponsibility. He condoned and preached white supremacy in the 1898 
campaign that eliminated the Negro vote in North Carolina and preci- 
pated the Wilmington race riot. He hounded John Spencer Bassett so 
viciously that he finally drove one of the foremost scholars from the 
State. And in 1912, when there was a clear choice in the senatorial 
contest between progressive Walter Clark and conservative Furnifold 
Simmons, Daniels looked the other way and remained silent while the 
progressives went down to defeat. 

To this reviewer it seems that Morrison is overly sympathetic toward 
Daniels and too ready to accept the editor's own definition of politics 
as the "art of the possible." This definition along with blind loyalty to 
the Democratic Party were the guide lines of Daniels' career. Morrison 



250 The North Carolina Historical Review 

is too quick to recognize these as positions of strength and too slow to 
recognize that they were also positions of weakness. Daniels' unwill- 
ingness on either one or both of these grounds to go out on a limb at 
crucial times to support the tenets of progressivism was in fact one 
of the signal weaknesses of that movement in North Carolina and a 
major reason why Joseph Steelman, the historian of North Carolina 
progressivism, has concluded the State's record was not "consistently 
outstanding." Nevertheless, Professor Morrison has added to our 
understanding of the man and his times. 

James A. Tinsley. 
University of Houston. 



The Priceless Gift : The Love Letters of Woodrow Wilson and Ellen Axson 
Wilson. Edited by Eleanor Wilson McAdoo (New York: McGraw-Hill, 
1962. Illustrations, footnotes, and index. Pp. xii, 324. $6.95.) 

The more than 1,450 letters exchanged between Ellen Axson and 
Woodrow Wilson constitute one of the most important sources of in- 
formation about Wilson's life. Heretofore these letters have been 
closed to Wilson scholars, but they now are available at Princeton 
University. Mrs. McAdoo, the youngest and only remaining daughter 
of Ellen Axson and Woodrow Wilson, has done a thoroughly com- 
petent job of editing these remarkable letters. She provides the con- 
necting narrative passages which place the letters in their proper 
setting. 

Perhaps no other figure in American public life wrote as many love 
letters as did Woodrow Wilson, nor has any American surpassed the 
ardent Woodrow in the ability to turn a romantic phrase. "Eileen," as 
Woodrow frequently called Ellen, confessed her inability to keep 
emotionally cool while reading her lover's fervent messages. 

The Editor has not included all of the letters that passed between 
her parents. Enough of the messages have been printed, however, so 
that no significant phase of their lives, as expressed in their corres- 
pondence, has been omitted. In the numerous communications pub- 
lished, Mrs. McAdoo has wisely chosen to delete unimportant family 
matters, mention of casual visits with friends or relatives and other 
repetitious materials of no consequence to posterity. 

Ellen Axson was a demure, quiet, young woman when she met 
Wilson. Although her formal education was somewhat limited, she 



Book Reviews 251 

was well read in English literature and talented in art. She gave Wilson 
a sense of security, a feeling of confidence in himself. She widened 
his intellectual horizon by introducing him to fields of knowledge 
which he probably would never have known without her encourage- 
ment and influence. As the years flew by, Wilson depended upon Ellen 
much more completely than most husbands ever do their wives. She 
was, he stated repeatedly, the only one who could give him an easing 
of his tensions, an assurance in the ultimate victory of his cause. 

Unfortunately for Wilson's later years, Ellen died in August, 1914. 
Certainly she would have prevented such statements as Wilson made 
to the American voters in October, 1918, and would have lessened her 
husband's bitterness against the League of Nations opposition in the 
United States Senate. Ellen's death was inopportune for Wilson and 
America in these situations, but Wilson was certainly fortunate in 
having Ellen as his bosom companion throughout most of their adult 
lives. The rare warmth of their relationship is attested by the publi- 
cation of The Priceless Gift. 

George Osborn. 
University of Florida. 



Florida Breezes : Or, Florida New and Old. By Ellen Call Long. Introduc- 
tion by Margaret Louise Chapman. (Gainesville: University of Florida 
Press [Facsimile reproduction of 1883 edition]. 1962. Floridiana Fac- 
simile and Reprint Series, Rembert W. Patrick, General Editor. Pp. 
xxxiii [vi], 401. Index. $8.50.) 

In 1883 Ellen Call Long, daughter of Unionist General Richard Keith 
Call of Florida, published a semi-fictional description of the State be- 
fore the Civil War along with an account of the degradation of southern 
civilization following disunion and defeat. The author described the 
book as "a compilation of anecdotes, facts, and histories, intended for 
reference and the entertainment of posterity." But her real purpose was 
to defend her father's career, both in the Seminole War and in the 
events of the 1860's. Almost bitterly she castigated her father's oppo- 
nents, the defenders of secession: "Thus, our generous, chivalrous, and 
brave southern people are to be dragged into the whirlpool, by selfish 
and designing politicians. . . ." Mrs. Long included a quotation from 
the New York Herald describing Florida as the "smallest tadpole in 
the dirty pool of secession," and quoted at length General Call's speech 
against disunion in Florida. 



252 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Such views made her book unpopular. Though she also referred to 
the "state to which Buncombe, bluster, ignorance, arrogance and New 
England fanaticism have brought us," the book irritated the sensibili- 
ties of a generation far enough removed from the War to see it as the 
romantic Lost Cause rather than— as General Call would have it— as 
the realism of misguided zeal and excitement. Irate Floridians burned 
many copies of the book, making collector's items of those few which 
survived. Though its prose is heavy and at times even tedious to the 
modern reader, and its long poems even more so, Mrs. Long possessed 
a sure eye for detail, including descriptions of southern "poor whites" 
and mechanics, and a finely attuned ear for the cracker accent. The 
University of Florida Press merits praise for making the volume avail- 
able in facsimile. 

David L. Smiley. 
Wake Forest College. 



Evolution of a Federalist: William Loughton Smith of Charleston (1758- 
1812). By George C. Rogers, Junior. (Columbia: University of South 
Carolina Press. 1962. Illustrations, notes, genealogical charts, bibliog- 
raphy, and index. Pp. x, 439. $8.00.) 

William Loughton Smith's family belonged to the landed and com- 
mercial aristocracy of colonial Charleston. At the age of eleven he was 
sent to Europe for an education. There he remained, absorbing learn- 
ing and worldly experience, until 1783. He returned, amid accusations 
of disloyalty, to an estate that had been depleted by war and infla- 
tion; but he was able to rise rapidly in the booming commercial 
expansion, due to his luck, hard work, astute thinking, family and 
social connections, and his rare ability as a lawyer. 

Smith represented the Charleston district in Congress, 1789-1797, 
where he became known as a stalwart Federalist, and Hamilton's 
right-hand man in the controversies over the bank and the national 
debt. He led the fight in the House against Madison's resolutions 
calling for retaliatory commercial legislation against Britain, and he 
gave his strong support to Jay's treaty. In 1797 he became America's 
Minister to Portugal. Upon his return to America in 1803 he could 
still hold his own as a lawyer and businessman, but was unable to get 
back his seat in Congress. In 1808, being convinced that the Federalist 
Party was dead and that he could no longer serve self or country under 



Book Reviews 253 

that banner, he tried unsuccessfully for the Republican nomination to 
Congress. 

The Federalists in South Carolina and throughout the nation caustic- 
ally condemned Smith's "defection and apostasy." Many of his best 
friends and most intimate life-long associates in Charleston turned 
their backs upon him scornfully. Yet the Republicans refused to wel- 
come the new adherent, and they withheld from him the coveted nomi- 
nation for Congress in 1810. Two years later death put an end to his 
painful frustrations. 

Rogers seems to have made a remarkably thorough study of the 
source materials and secondary works relating to Smith. Footnotes 
are at the foot of each page, fortunately. The story is well told, and 
it ties in the statesman neatly with the surging life of South Carolina 
and the young nation he tried so diligently to serve. 

Gilbert L. Lycan. 
Stetson University. 



By Sea and By River: The Naval History of the Civil War. By Bern 
Anderson. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf. 1962. Preface, plates, notes, 
and index. Pp. xiv, 303. $5.95.) 

This one-volume history of the naval side of the Civil War is not a 
detailed story of the many naval campaigns and battles of that historic 
struggle. Rather, it is a brief, highly-readable account of the strategic 
aims and results of the important naval operations, with special em- 
phasis on the Union naval blockade of the South as a crucial factor 
in the final outcome of the War. 

The author begins his story by reviewing briefly the history of the 
United States Navy prior to 1861. He emphasizes that the Navy was 
active and progressive in the years prior to Fort Sumter, but being 
essentially a "deep-water' navy was almost entirely unprepared at the 
beginning of the conflict for the type of warfare required of it from 
1861 to 1865. Admiral Anderson is high in his praise of the officers 
and men in the United States Navy in 1861, and considers President 
Lincoln most fortunate in his selection of such a capable Secretary 
of the Navy as Gideon Welles, the "policy maker," and of Gustavus V. 
Fox, Assistant Secretary of the Navy, the "administrator." Of course 
the author emphasizes the fact that the Confederacy had no navy 
to begin with. 



254 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Admiral Anderson considers that the main task of the Union Navy 
after Lincoln's famous proclamation of a naval blockade of the South 
was the establishment and maintenance of that blockade. On the 
other hand, the chief task of the Confederate Navy which evolved 
was to break, circumvent, or discredit the Union blockade. The author 
disagrees strongly with those historians who maintain that the Union 
blockade was only a paper blockade which could be run at relatively 
small risk throughout the War. He claims that the Union blockade 
became highly effective as the months and years passed, and that the 
blockade was the chief instrument in bringing on the economic col- 
lapse of the South, which made possible the victories of the Union 
armies over those led by Lee and other southern generals. Thus, the 
author contends that it was "sea-power" which was the major factor 
in bringing on the ultimate collapse and defeat of the South, especially 
"sea-power" as demonstrated through the Union blockade. 

Admiral Anderson says Lincoln was well aware of the Navy's con- 
tribution to the War effort, even though in the eyes of the northern 
public at the time the Navy was subordinate to the Army, and its 
activities and accomplishments not as well recognized. 

As far as the Confederate Navy was concerned, Admiral Anderson 
says its story was one of complete frustration, and, except for the 
exaggerated success story of its commercial raiders and the use of 
submerged mines, the results were largely negative. He insists that 
this was the case in spite of the ability of the Confederate Secretary 
of the Navy, Stephen B. Mallory. 

In addition to his emphasis on the blockade Admiral Anderson 
shows how the Civil War was the birth of truly effective joint action by 
American military and naval forces, paving the way for the success of 
that type of warfare in World War II. 

In By Sea and By River Admiral Anderson, who is intimately con- 
nected with naval strategy and tactics, looks at the Civil War strictly 
through the eyes of a naval officer. His conclusions are based not only 
upon the documents he studied but also upon his own intimate knowl- 
edge derived from thirty years experience. Thus he makes out a very 
strong case for the Union Navy's being a major factor in the North's 
winning of the Civil War. While there is no formal bibliography in- 
cluded in the volume, the author indicates in the preface and the 
footnotes that he has consulted the appropriate sources for this study. 

For a complete understanding of the strategy which won the Civil 
War for the Union forces, this volume is a must for all students of this 
conflict. In order not to be completely overwhelmed by the Navy's 



Book Reviews 255 

part in the winning of the War, one should remember while reading 
this volume that Admiral Anderson's viewpoints might be slightly 
biased in favor of the Navy. 

Alvin A. Fahrner. 
East Carolina College. 






Halleck: Lincoln's Chief of Staff. By Stephen E. Ambrose. (Baton Rouge: 
Louisiana State University Press. 1962. Illustrations, maps, notes, 
bibliography, and index. Pp. vi, 226. $5.00.) 

A study of Henry W. Halleck's triple service as Civil War depart- 
mental commander, General-in-Chief and Chief-of-Staff rather than 
a full-scale biography, this book's purpose is Jto examine Halleck's 
determining contribution to three movements in the Federal military 
experience which became basic to the development of the present 
"American military establishment." These movements were: first, the 
application— and ultimate rejection— of Baron Henri Jomini's military 
principles by the Union high command; second, the growth of a pro- 
fessional, national army at the expense of the State militia; third, the 
beginnings of a modern command system. Obviously, this is no easy 
undertaking and Ambrose, a 1958 master's degree-holder from Louisi- 
ana State University and teacher at its New Orleans branch, has not 
quite carried it through. There are good things in this book but more 
that are unsatisfactory due to inadequacies in treatment and argu- 
mentation. 

Thus, although Ambrose makes clear Halleck emerged a Jominian 
from West Point, six months of European study, and authorship of 
Elements of Military AH and Science, "in large measure a translation 
of Jomini's writings," he does not show why Halleck should be desig- 
nated that theorist's "high priest in America" any more than he 
explains what reasons "army officers and Washington leaders" could 
have had in 1861 for considering him the country's "foremost exponent 
of the art of war." Halleck had sat out the Mexican War, had become 
a leading California lawyer, had resigned the army in 1854, had mar- 
ried a granddaughter of Alexander Hamilton, and had accumulated an 
estate worth $500,000, but if he remained a student of war after 
publishing his Elements, Ambrose does not tell it. He does provide 
the essentials, however, of Halleck's service as departmental and then 
over-all commander in the West, from November, 1861, through his 



256 The North Carolina Historical Review 

capture of Corinth in June, 1862. Ambrose is good in showing Hal- 
leck's adherence to Jominian teachings in his Missouri and Tennessee 
campaigns, but is weak on such other matters as the slavery issue and 
its politics, the Washington end of the Western campaigns, especially 
as related to General-in-Chief McClellan's plans, and, most important, 
in substantiating his assertion of there being in 1862 anti-Jominian 
Union commanders who upheld destroying armies as more important 
than capturing strong places. 

McClellan's repulse before Richmond made Halleck General-in- 
Chief, and in six middle chapters, covering Second Bull Run through 
Gettysburg and Vicksburg, Ambrose is discerning on Halleck's rela- 
tions with McClellan and Lincoln both before and after Pope's defeat, 
at his best on the Lincoln-created problem of a McClernand Missis- 
sippi expedition, which so plagued Grant, and good on Halleck's 
minimal role— in accordance with his practice of avoiding positive in- 
structions to field commanders— in the Chancellorsville and Gettysburg 
campaigns. Hardly convincing, however, in view of his account of non- 
co-operation among western commanders, is his statement that Vicks- 
burg was "the ultimate example" of the Jominian principle of con- 
centration to take a place. 

Grant's elevation in March, 1864, terminated Jominian limited war 
and ushered in "modern, total war." So says the author, who pictures 
Halleck as going along with the transformation, indeed capping the 
"movement," by becoming its advocate. His treatment of develop- 
ments is too scanty to afford satisfactory proof of the existence of a 
"total war" mind in 1864-1865 any more than earlier. Similarly con- 
cerning the advent of an efficient, if rudimentary, Union high com- 
mand system and Halleck's "new" Chief-of-Staff role as liaison be- 
tween Lincoln and Grant: What took place during the last year of 
the war seems not to have been controlled by a "system" any more 
than before, and it is hardly consistent to speak of Halleck as effective 
and at the same time write, ". . . he could not make himself under- 
stood. Unable to give of himself he was unable to communicate." 

In 1958 the late Kenneth P. Williams virtually asserted that a proper 
account of Halleck's Civil War career could be written only by a 
soldier-historian, a "general officer" with at least staff closeness to 
high command experience, and not by an academic historian. One 
need not be taken as agreeing with Williams in suggesting that 
Ambrose's account is at best a study of merely interim usefulness. 

Eugene C. Drozdowski. 
Appalachian State Teachers College. 



Book Reviews 257 

Guide to Federal Archives Relating to the Civil War. By Kenneth W. 
Munden and Henry Putney Beers. (Washington: Superintendent of 
Documents, U. S. Government Printing Office. Published by the Na- 
tional Archives. 1961. Pp. x, 721. $3.00.) 

Kenneth W. Munden and Henry Putney Beers, of the National 
Archives staff, have accomplished a Herculean task and performed an 
outstanding service to researchers in compiling this Guide. In the 
Foreword, Wayne C. Grover, Archivist of the United States, explains 
that the Guide has been published as a part of the contribution of the 
National Archives to the Centennial Commemoration of the Civil 
War. 

In determining what should be included in the Guide, the com- 
pilers initially concluded that all extant archives of federal agencies 
which existed in the 1860's would contain information on the Civil 
War. Eventually, however, they decided thaf events and develop- 
ments occurring subsequent to the War often had a direct bearing 
upon the struggle. As a result, pertinent documentary materials of 
the postwar period, even down to the present century, have also been 
included. 

Because most of the records with which the Guide is concerned 
were created during the war years, the information about them is 
listed in sections corresponding to the government's organization in 
that period. An interesting and valuable by-product of this arrange- 
ment is the fact that the table of contents provides a blueprint of the 
organization of the Federal Government during the Civil War. 

The first section of the volume lists general records of the govern- 
ment; subsequent sections describe the records of the Congress, judici- 
ary, presidency, the executive departments, and various other offices 
and agencies of government. Each section opens with a historical 
statement of the functions and responsibilities of the government 
agency concerned. Names of the wartime heads of the agency are 
listed. Records of a general character are first described followed by 
separate descriptions of the records of the component bureaus and 
other offices. Bibliographical references and descriptions of records 
are followed by notations of finding aids, documentary publications, 
and other pertinent information. 

Records described include not only those in the National Archives 
and Federal Records Centers, but also in other custody. The last class 
includes materials still held by other Federal agencies as well as 
official or quasi-official materials on deposit or available elsewhere. 



258 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Significant accumulations of private papers are referred to under 
Records in Other Custody, found in each section. 

Many of the Federal Government records obviously relate to the 
Confederacy, but the official records of the Confederacy itself will be 
described in the forthcoming Guide to the Archives of the Government 
of the Confederate States of America. In the two Guides historians 
and Civil War buffs will have ready access to descriptions of all im- 
portant archival collections of the great struggle and its aftermath. 

The Contents itself would serve as an adequate guide to the con- 
tents of the book, but there is also included a comprehensive and 
meticulously prepared index of 123 pages which greatly facilitates 
the use of the Guide. 

In the publication of the Guide the authors and the National Ar- 
chives are to be congratulated on an accomplishment of mammoth 
proportions. It is difficult indeed to conceive of any other project in 
the publication field which could possibly contribute more than the 
Guides— Federal and Confederate— to the Centennial commemoration 
of the Civil War. 

A. M. Patterson. 
State Department of Archives and History. 



Teapot Dome: Oil and Politics in the 1920's. By Burl Noggle. (Baton 
Rouge: Louisiana State University Press. 1962. Illustrations, bibliog- 
raphical notes, and index. Pp. ix, 234. $6.00.) 

From time to time throughout America's history the public has been 
shocked because leading political and business figures have been 
guilty of scandal and conspiracy in which the public was the chief 
victim. For some reason these principal government scandals of fraud 
and corruption have followed major wars. Probably the most complex, 
although widely publicized, story of corrupt partnership by political 
and business leaders involved oil reserves during the early 192Q's. The 
Elk Hills ( California ) and the Teapot Dome ( Wyoming ) oil scandals 
exploded with such force that their effects were widely felt within 
both political parties. 

Although one cannot say that Mr. Noggle has written a definitive 
history of Teapot Dome, he has written a rather objective story and 
appraisal of the affair. His emphasis is on the oil scandals and their 
effects on politics and political leaders of the 1920's. Here the story 
begins with the nomination of Warren G. Harding and his selection 



Book Reviews 259 

of a cabinet, which certainly did not appeal to such stanch conserva- 
tionists as Gifford Pinchot and Harry Slattery, two alert watchdogs of 
conservation. These two men were greatly upset over the administra- 
tion plan to transfer the U. S. Forest Service from the Department of 
Agriculture to the Department of Interior, then under the control of 
Albert B. Fall. While gathering evidence for their fight with Secretary 
Fall, Slattery became aware of questionable handling of government 
naval oil reserves. Appreciating the significance of a possible oil scan- 
dal, the conservation forces began in earnest to attack their prime 
target, Fall, along that line. The result, of course, was the famous Tea- 
pot Dome Scandal, which shook the country from every corner. 

Mr. Noggle, in most respects, has done an excellent job of tracing 
the history of the affair from its beginning to the Hoover administra- 
tion. Seemingly, it has been the authors purpose to relate, and empha- 
size, the relationship of this affair to the politics of the 1920's and the 
effects, therefore, on the presidential elections of 1924 and 1928. 

The author is to be commended for the evidence of diligent research, 
his attempt to be objective, and the new interpretations that are sug- 
gested. A major contribution to a knowledge of the 192Q's has been 
made. One minor drawback is the excess of quotations, short and 
long, by which the readability of Mr. Noggle's scholarly work is ad- 
versely affected. 

William H. Wroten, Jr. 

State Teachers College, 
Salisbury, Maryland. 



The Farm Bureau and the New Deal : A Study of the Making of National 
Farm Policy, 1933-40. By Christiana McFadyen Campbell. (Urbana: 
University of Illinois Press. 1962. Tables, bibliography, and index. 
Pp. ix, 215. $4.75.) 

Here is a doctoral dissertation that was good enough to win the 
Agricultural History Society Award for 1961. It is everything such a 
product should be: scholarly, analytical, clear, concise, and significant. 
The author is a graduate of the Woman's College of the University of 
North Carolina, received her master's degree from Columbia Univer- 
sity, and earned her Ph.D. at the University of Chicago under the 
guidance of Professors Avery O. Craven, William T. Hutchinson, and 
Theodore W. Schultz. With her husband and three children she now 






260 The North Carolina Historical Review 

lives in Australia and is a teaching fellow in history at the University 
of Sydney. 

Mrs. Campbell first summarizes the early history of the American 
Farm Bureau Federation, describes its intimate connection with the 
Federal-State Agricultural Extension Service, explains the structure 
and functions of the A.F.B.F., and details the historic political alliance 
between midwestern and southern farmers during the McNary- 
Haugen movement of the 1920's. The main part of the book then 
focuses upon the relationship between the A.F.B.F. and the adminis- 
tration of Franklin D. Roosevelt. This relationship is seen as close and 
cordial during the early years of the New Deal, but as strained after 
1936 when the Department of Agriculture ceased to consult Farm 
Bureau leaders in the making of agricultural policy. While considering 
the role played by America's strongest farm organization in the 1930's, 
the author discusses the several sectional and commodity conflicts 
within the Farm Bureau and how they were resolved under the skilled 
leadership of President Edward A. O'Neal of Alabama. Mrs. Campbell 
has made particularly effective the use of O'Neal material in Farm 
Bureau headquarters in Chicago, and of personal interviews she had 
with farm and government leaders of the period. 

In 1936 A.F.B.F. officers launched a strong membership drive in 
the South. They regarded North Carolina as the key State in their 
plans. Several pages of this book recount the development of the 
Farm Bureau in North Carolina and offer revealing glimpses of Dean 
I. O. Schaub, Director of Extension; Dr. Clarence Poe, Editor of 
The Progressive Farmer; R. Flake Shaw, President of the State Farm 
Bureau, and others. 

Stuart Noblin. 
North Carolina State College. 



Book Reviews 261 

OTHER RECENT PUBLICATIONS 

The Setzer ScJwol Story, written by Max F. Harris, Research Asso- 
ciate, State Department of Archives and History, and published by 
the Salisbury City Schools, tells of the restoration of the nineteenth- 
century school. The restored building was dedicated on May 9, 1962. 
Located on the campus of the Knox Junior High School, the Setzer 
School will be used as a "living laboratory of educational history" in 
the community. Copies of the 20-page, illustrated pamphlet may be 
ordered from Mr. J. H. Knox, Superintendent, Salisbury City Schools; 
the price is 25^. 

Legends, Myths and Folk Tales of the Roanoke-Chowan, by F. Roy 
Johnson, was published by The Daily News Company of Ahoslde and 
Murfreesboro. No less than sixty-four tales are included in the 105 
pages. The prefatory remarks indicate that "this book is being pub- 
lished primarily to preserve the traditional stories that could easily 
become lost in a changing sense of values of the twentieth century." 
The paper-covered, illustrated book is being sold by the publisher for 
$3.00. 

Also relating to the same area of North Carolina is The Roanoke- 
Choivan Story, by F. Roy Johnson and Tom Parramore. The fifteen 
chapters, which cover the history of the area and contain information 
on outstanding men and women produced by the section, were origin- 
ally published in The Daily Roanoke-Chowan News; in fact, the pres- 
ent book was produced by binding the entire series exactly as it first 
appeared in the form of newspaper supplements during the period 
1960-1962. The result is 180 pages, complete with advertisements in- 
terspersed with the newspaper stories. Additional information may 
be obtained from the publisher. 

New Hanover County Court Minutes, Part 4, 1794-1800, abstracted, 
compiled, and edited by Alexander McDonald Walker has been pub- 
lished and is ready for distribution. Like the three preceding volumes, 
Part 4 will be of special value to students of social history and genealo- 
gists. The 121-page book has its own Index and is complete for the 
years indicated. Part I of this work may be purchased in 35 mm. 
microfilm copies only, perhaps a dozen of Part 2 and several dozen of 
Part 3 are still offered while the supply lasts. All copies, including 
Part 4, are $5.00 each and may be purchased from Mr. Walker, 4887 
Battery Lane, Apt. 21, Bethesda 14, Md. 



262 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The Branch Banking and Trust Company of Wilson has published 
Branch: A Tradition with a Future, commemorating the ninety-year 
history of that institution. The 117-page book presents the story of 
credit and private banks in North Carolina from the days of Recon- 
struction through recent years. Miss Vidette Bass, the author, has 
written the history around the personalities who built the Branch 
Bank and Trust Company into the present-day bank. A number of 
tables, lists, appendixes, a bibliography, and footnotes make the book 
more useful as social history. The Foreword is by Mr. J. E. Paschall, 
President. Attractive illustrations add to the volume, especially the 
two maps of the town of Wilson for the years 1872 and 1882. 

Bladen County, North Carolina: Abstracts of Wills, 1734-1900, was 
compiled and published by Wanda S. Campbell. The abstracts them- 
selves, 95 pages, contain names of testators, executors, beneficiaries, 
and witnesses. Where there is a relationship between the testator and 
beneficiaries, the information is noted. All Bladen County wills from 
the extracts of Grimes' Abstracts of North Carolina Wills were in- 
cluded, as were abstracts from the will books in the office of the Clerk 
of Superior Court and from a few wills recorded in miscellaneous deed 
books. A 66-page index makes the work unusually valuable. Because 
55 of the present 100 counties were at one time a part of Bladen 
County, the information contained in this paper-bound book will be 
of particular interest to genealogists throughout the State. Copies of 
the publication may be ordered from Mrs. Wanda S. Campbell, Box 
547, Elizabethtown, N. C, for $5.50 each. 

Persons interested in the history of education in North Carolina will 
like to know that a story about Dr. R. H. Lewis and his work in Kin- 
ston has been written. Entitled "The Lewis School in Kinston," the 
paper was written by Ellen Ragan. It was issued in mimeographed 
form by Mr. McDaniel Lewis of Greensboro. 

Republican Heyday, by C. A. Stern, discusses Republicanism 
through the McKinley years. The text of 45 pages is supplemented by 
notes and a lengthy bibliography, making the total booklet 97 pages 
in length. A companion booklet, Resurgent Republicanism: The 
Handiwork of Hanna, by the same author is similar in format and 
length to Republican Heyday. Copies of the publications are available 
from Mr. Stern, P. O. Box 401, Sioux City, Iowa, for $1.25 postpaid. 



263 

Joseph Nichols and the Nicholites, by Kenneth Carroll, tells the 
story of this religious group in colonial America. Though the sect 
originated in Maryland, it grew and communities of members were 
established in both Carolinas. So similar were they in belief and organ- 
ization to the Quakers that they were absorbed by the Society of 
Friends after forty years of separate existence. Nearly half of the 116 
pages will be of especial interest to genealogists. Appendixes give 
Nicholite birth records, Nicholite marriages, witnesses to Nicholite 
marriages, the names of Nicholites admitted into the Society of 
Friends, and Nicholite wills. A bibliography and an index add to the 
usefulness of the book. It is available for $3.75 from the publisher, 
The Easton Publishing Company, Easton, Maryland. 

History: Sandy Creek, 1858-1958, is an account of the Sandy Creek 
Baptist Association, its history, its leaders, its churches. Hundreds of 
names of delegates, messengers, pastors, and associational clerks will 
make the booklet useful to those interested in genealogical research. 
Sketches were written by various individuals; the 173-page, paper- 
bound book was dedicated to the late Rev. Clyde P. Stinson of Gold- 
ston, who did much of the research and collection of material needed 
for the publication of the history. Copies may be ordered from the 
author, Mr. H. A. Teague, Rt. 3, Box 281, Siler City, for $1.00, each. 

The Smithsonian Institution's Bureau of American Ethnology has 
published another in its River Basin Surveys Papers series. Number 25 
of the series is entitled Archeology of the John H. Kerr Reservoir Basin, 
Roanoke River Virginia-North Carolina, by Carl F. Miller. Persons 
interested in archeological findings in this area will find much of value 
in the book. Site descriptions, details concerning pottery and other 
artifacts, burials, and numerous other topics are included. The book 
is for sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U. S. Government 
Printing Office, Washington 25, D.C., for $4.00. 

Folklore Keeps the Past Alive, by Arthur Palmer Hudson, contains 
in published form the Eugenia Dorothy Blount Lamar Memorial Lec- 
tures, delivered at Mercer University on October 24, 25, and 26, 1961. 
Dr. Hudson, Kenan Professor of English and Folklore at the University 
of North Carolina and Editor of North Carolina Folklore, has included 
the three lectures, entitled "The Poetry of Earth: Two Old Folksongs," 
"Glimpses of History in Folksongs of the South," and "Folksongs in 
American Poetry and Fiction," in this 63-page book. Published by the 
University of Georgia Press, Athens, the book cost is $2.50. 



HISTORICAL NEWS 

DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY 

Carolina Charter Tercentenary Commission 

North Carolina's three-hundredth anniversary celebration was formally 
opened by Governor Terry Sanford at a cake-cutting held on January 4 
at the Executive Mansion in Raleigh. The Governor and Mrs. Sanford, 
attired in colonial costume, received State officials and members of the 
Charter Commission and press. 

Chairman of the Charter Commission, the Honorable Francis E. Wins- 
low, opened the ceremony, after being introduced by the Commission's 
Executive Secretary, General John D. F. Phillips. Mr. Winslow pointed 
out that with the ceremony, the Charter Commission had started on the 
execution of a plan to uncover the forgotten history of North Carolina, 
the plan being over two years in preparation. 

Announced by a trumpet fanfare, the Governor and Mrs. Sanford, lead- 
ing a procession of State officials clad in colonial costume, descended the 
stairs of the Executive Mansion into the ballroom where a cake in the 
shape of the United States, with the Carolina territory outlined, was 
displayed with 300 candles. After the Governor and Mrs. Sanford lit and 
extinguished the candles, the cake was cut and served with yaupon tea. 

Appearing in costume were: Secretary of State Thad Eure, Insurance 
Commissioner and Mrs. Edwin Lanier, Adjutant General and Mrs. Claude 
Bowers, Revenue Commissioner and Mrs. William Johnson, and Mr. and 
Mrs. Roger Jackson, Jr. Mr. Julian Oneto and Miss June Scarborough 
of Nags Head were garbed as pirates to remind guests of the era of 
Blackbeard the Pirate in the State's colonial history. Chief of the Chero- 
kee Nation, Chief Osley Saunooke, assisted in lighting the candles. Dr. 
and Mrs. Benjamin Swalin, also wearing colonial costumes, provided 
music from the period. 

A special postage stamp commemorating the three hundredth anni- 
versary will be issued by the United States Post Office on April 6 in 
Edenton, North Carolina. Governor Sanford was quoted, commenting on 
the decision, "North Carolinians will be pleased and honored to learn 
that the Post Office Department is issuing this stamp. This significant 
beginning point in the history of America is worthy of such attention 
and I am grateful to Senator B. Everett Jordan, Dr. Frank P. Graham, 
and General John D. F. Phillips and others who worked to get the De- 
partment to recognize the importance of this anniversary." 

Mr. Hunter Johnson of Benson, North Carolina composer, has been 
commissioned to write a special composition for North Carolina's tercen- 



Historical News 265 

tenary celebration. The composition will be titled, "North State, A Com- 
position Celebrating the Granting of the Carolina Charter in 1663." 

It will consist of three movements. The first — Introduction and Cele- 
bration One. The second — Three Interludes: The Colonist. (1) Westward, 
the Unknown; A Prayer. (2) Land Bright with Sun and Birds. (3) Sim- 
ple Lives, Often Lonely. The third movement will be Celebration Two: 
A Dance. 

The Charter Commission has announced the publication of the first 
volume of its new Colonial Records Series. The first of the unnumbered 
volumes is entitled North Carolina Charters and Constitutions, 1578-1698. 
It is the first publication since the ten-volume series edited by William L. 
Saunders was published, 1886-1890. Never before have these charters and 
constitutions been published in one volume. 

Mrs. Mattie E. Parker and her staff did not re-edit the Colonial Records 
by Saunders but worked from photographic reproductions of the original 
manuscripts. Many of the materials were obtained from the Public Rec- 
ord Office in England. 

Being printed by the Kingsport Press, Inc., Tennessee, the volume 
contains a foreword by Dr. Christopher Crittenden, Director of the State 
Department of Archives and History. Acknowledgment of a $10,000 
donation for continuation of the project is made to the Mary Reynolds 
Babcock Foundation. 

Modern discoveries and new editing techniques make it possible for 
the new series to shed light on North Carolina's history, telling a great 
deal more accurate and valuable story than the obsolete edition of almost 
70 years ago. 

The Chairman of the Charter Commission, the Honorable Francis E. 
Winslow of Rocky Mount, presented a personal copy to Governor Terry 
Sanford at the Capitol on January 24. 

Orders are being accepted for the book by the Charter Commission, 
Box 1881, Raleigh. The price for regular binding is $5 per copy and $10 
per copy for deluxe leather binding. Check or money orders should be 
made payable to the Carolina Charter Corporation. 

A state-wide essay contest for junior and senior high school students 
enrolled in North Carolina and United States history courses is being 
sponsored by the Charter Commission. The assigned subject is "The 
Carolina Charter of 1663: A Milestone in the Advance of Democracy." 

State-level winners will be announced on May 20 with prizes of $250, 
$100, and $50 being awarded in each division, junior and senior high. 
This contest is one of many projects being sponsored by the Charter 
Commission as a part of the State's three hundredth anniversary observ- 
ance of the Carolina Charter. Rules for the contest have been supplied 
to all county and city school superintendents who have been asked to 
forward winning entries from their administrative unit levels for final 
judging on the State level. A board of judges will be organized by the 
superintendents and winners in the units announced prior to March 24, 
the anniversary date of the granting of the Carolina Charter by King 
Charles II to the eight Lords Proprietors. The essay contest is being con- 



266 The North Carolina Historical Review 

ducted by the Charter Commission with the ctf-operation of Dr. Charles F. 
Carroll, Superintendent of Public Instruction. 

The contest is designed to contribute to the over-all objective of the 
Tercentenary — the development of knowledge and appreciation of a little- 
known period of North Carolina history, 1663-1763, or the colonial period. 
Concurrently, the Charter Commission is publishing a series of historical 
pamphlets. Written by prominent scholars, the publications include Up- 
heaval in Albemarle, 1675-1689 — The Story of Culpeper's Rebellion; The 
Lords Proprietors; The Indian Wars in North Carolina, 1668-1763; The 
Highland Scots in North Carolina; The Royal Governors of North Caro- 
lina; The Influence of Geography upon Early North Carolina; and 
Colonial Architecture. 

The above pamphlets are also available for purchase by the public for 
fifty cents each, postpaid. In addition are two pamphlets entitled, A 
Selective Music Bibliography from the Period, 1663-1763, by Dr. James 
Pruett and Dr. Lee Rigsby, and Songs of the Carolina Charter Colonists, 
1663-1763, by Dr. Arthur Palmer Hudson, also fifty cents each. A series 
of leaflets on colonial life are distributed by the Commission. The leaf- 
lets, Colonial Carolina Coins and Currency, Colonial Colonists* Costumes 
(men and women), Colonial Carolina Cookery, The Guns of Colonial 
Carolina, and Colonial Carolina Sports, are available by writing the Char- 
ter Commission, Box 1881, Raleigh. Additional leaflets will be available 
soon. 

The North Carolina Confederate Centennial Commission 

The Executive Secretary of the North Carolina Confederate Centennial 
Commission, Mr. Norman C. Larson, presented a program on the Fort 
Fisher salvage operations to members of the High Point Civil War Round 
Table on November 30. He was assisted in his presentation by Mr. 
Samuel Townsend, a member of the Hall of History staff and co-ordinator 
of the preservation aspect of the operation. 

On December 5 Mr. Larson met with the production staff of WTVD- 
Durham to discuss that station's plans to televise Betty Smith's "Durham 
Station." The one-act play, which was written especially for the North 
Carolina Confederate Commission, will be adapted for television by Mr. 
Harry Middleton, WTVD Production Manager, and will be produced in 
co-operation with the Raleigh Little Theater. 

The Executive Secretary was in Rockingham on December 12 to inspect 
the H. B. Garden collection of Civil War guns. On January 8 he met with 
the Commission's Audio-Visual Committee in High Point to complete 
plans for the production by WUNC-TV of a full-length television drama 
on James J. Pettigrew. Mr. Larson was in Wilmington on January 14 to 
attend a meeting of the New Hanover County Centennial Committee. The 
meeting was held to plan the April Confederate States Centennial Con- 
ference, which will be held in Wilmington. 

The Tenth Plenary Meeting of the North Carolina Confederate Cen- 
tennial Commission was held in Raleigh, January 17. By unanimous de- 
cision, approval was given to the purchase by the Commission of the 
H. B. Garden Gun Collection. The Collection will be placed in the Hall 



:' 



Historical News 267 

of History as a permanent memorial to the Commission and to the period 
which it commemorates. 

Following the Commission meeting, a meeting of the newly elected 
Board of Directors of the North Carolina Confederate Corporation was 
held. New Directors are Senator Hector MacLean, Mrs. Alvin Seippel, 
and Senator R. F. Van Landingham. Re-elected to a second term were 
Mrs. D. S. Coltrane, Dr. Christopher Crittenden, Colonel Hugh Dortch, 
Judge R. Hunt Parker, Mr. John R. Peacock, and Dr. Robert H. Woody. 

In a special interview over WBTV-Charlotte on January 24, Mr. Larson 
told of the Commission's part in recent operations to salvage materials 
from the "Modern Greece" and other blockade-runners off the North 
Carolina coast. The following day, January 25, he spoke on the same 
topic to members of the Charlotte Civil War Round Table. A sampling 
of artifacts from the "Modern Greece" illustrated his talk. 



Director's Office 

On November 30 Dr. Christopher Crittenden, Director; Mrs. Memory 
F. Blackwelder, Editor; and Mrs. Joye E. Jordan, Museums Administra- 
tor, of the Department of Archives and History presented a selection of 
the Department's publications for the permanent library of the Gov- 
ernor's Mansion. Governor Terry Sanford accepted the books for the 
State. Lt. Col. Thomas A. Price, Jr., newly-appointed Director of the 
Wilmington-New Hanover Museum at Wilmington, was in Raleigh on 
December 20 to confer with Dr. Crittenden and Mrs. Jordan. 

Mrs. Martha Hutaff, Chairman, and members of the Cross Creek Park 
Commission, appointed by the Mayor of Fayetteville, met in Raleigh on 
January 8 to discuss plans for the development of a proposed historic 
area in Fayetteville. The map prepared for study and discussion includes 
the Kyle House, purchased in 1962 by the city; a stretch of the Cross 
Creek bank land ; St. John's Episcopal, First Presbyterian, and St. Ann's 
Catholic churches; several old stores, and various historic buildings and 
sites; Cool Spring Inn and a number of Confederate gravesites. The 
project as suggested would also include formal gardens where the city 
parking lot is located at present. Dr. Crittenden and Mr. W. S. Tarlton, 
Historic Sites Superintendent, were present for the meeting. 

Mr. John G. Dawson of Kinston, Chairman of the Governor Richard 
Caswell Memorial Commission, and Mayor Guy Elliott of Kinston met 
with Dr. Crittenden on January 9 and later called on Governor Terry 
Sanford to request highway funds to pave an access road to and a parking 
area at the Caswell site. The Governor has since stated that the funds 
had been made available. 

The Executive Committee of the North Carolina Literary and His- 
torical Association and representatives of the various cultural societies 
which participate in Culture Week each December met on January 26 to 
make plans for the meetings to be held in December, 1963. On January 
17 and February 3 the film telling the story of the salvage operations on 
the "Modern Greece" was presented on WECT-TV and WRAL-TV, re- 
spectively. 



268 The North Carolina Historical Review 

On February 11 the Historic Bath Commission met with Chairman 
Edmund H. Harding presiding. Present were Mrs. Wilton Smith, Secre- 
tary; Mrs. Claude Venters, Treasurer; Mr. Dan Paul, Finance Officer; 
Mrs. Roy Charles, Dr. Crittenden, Mr. Grayson Harding, Mrs. Ernest L. 
Ives, Rev. A. C. D. Noe, Col. C. Wingate Reed, Hon. Wayland J. Ser- 
mons, Bath Mayor Wilton Smith, Mrs. Mary Fowle Stearns, Mrs. John A. 
Tankard, and Miss Elizabeth Thompson, all members of the Commission ; 
others attending the business meeting were Mrs. Julian Davenport, Mrs. 
Noe, Mrs. Reed, Miss Anna Riddick, and Mr. Tarlton. The Commission 
voted unanimously to prepare a suitable memorial resolution to send 
the family of Mrs. Oscar F. Smith, who had contributed so generously 
to the restoration of Historic Bath. Plans were made to begin work on 
the outbuildings and the landscaping of the grounds which is necessary 
to complete the Palmer-Marsh House restoration. Other projects dis- 
cussed included the placing of a marker and the building of a fence on 
the property once owned by John Lawson, and the erection of a 330-foot 
long pier at Harding's Landing. Col. Reed proposed that the Commission 
seek an appropriation from the 1963 General Assembly to maintain Bath 
as a State Historic Site. A number of committees were appointed and 
ways of promoting Historic Bath as a tourist attraction were discussed. 
It was decided to open the Palmer-Marsh and Bonner houses for visita- 
tion on March 24 to coincide with ceremonies planned by the Carolina 
Charter Tercentenary Commission. 

In order to consider a "Historyland Tour" through eastern North 
Carolina, a conference was held in Raleigh on February 13. Present were 
Mr. Charles B. Wade of Winston-Salem, Vice-President of R. J. Reynolds 
Tobacco Company and Chairman of the Advertising Committee of the 
Board of Conservation and Development; Mr. R. L. Stallings, Jr., Direc- 
tor, and Mr. Charles J. Parker of the Advertising Division of the De- 
partment of Conservation and Development ; Mr. Merrill Evans, Chairman 
of the State Highway Commission; Mr. T. E. Pickard, Jr., of Charlotte, 
President of the Travel Council of North Carolina ; Dr. Christopher Crit- 
tenden and Mr. W. S. Tarlton, of the Department of Archives and His- 
tory; and others. It was agreed that the possibilities of developing such 
a historyland trail, especially in connection with the tourist business, 
were worth exploring. As a result of the conference a meeting was called 
in Raleigh for March 19 of leaders from various parts of eastern North 
Carolina. 

The Executive Committee and Chairman of other committees of the 
Wake Forest College Birthplace Society met in the cafeteria of the South- 
eastern Baptist Theological Seminary in Wake Forest on February 14. 
Plans were made for a campaign to raise $15,000 additional which is 
needed for the restoration of the interior of the Calvin Jones House, 
where the College had its beginning. Work on the exterior of the house 
is virtually completed. Mr. James B. Cook, Jr., of Winston-Salem is 
chairman of the Finance Committee; Dr. Crittenden is President of the 
Society. 

A weekly Associated Press column, "In the Light of History," written 
by Dr. Crittenden, is being published in the daily afternoon newspapers 



Historical News 269 

of North Carolina. It seeks to cover historical events and developments 
that are connected with present-day conditions. 

In the recommended budget for the Department of Archives and His- 
tory for the biennium 1963-1965, the Advisory Budget Commission has 
included $589,478 for the first year and $605,274 for the second year, 
as compared with the budget of $556,063 for 1962-1963. Also $3,000,000 
has been recommended for both the Department and the State Library 
for a new building, and $50,000 for a security records vault for the 
Department. On February 21 the Department at a hearing before the 
Joint Appropriations Committee of the General Assembly requested an 
additional $15,824 for 1963-1964 and $37,960 for 1964-1965 to continue 
the Colonial Records Project (administered through December 31, 1963, 
by the Carolina Charter Tercentenary Commission), and $96,000 for 
a Fort Fisher visitor center-museum. 

Division of Archives and Manuscripts 

Mr. H. G. Jones, State Archivist, participateoV in a meeting of the 
Survey and Standards Committee of the Association of State Librarians' 
survey of library functions of the States in Chicago, December 7-8. On 
December 27-30 in the same city he attended the annual meeting of the 
American Historical Association and the Council of the Society of Ameri- 
can Archivists. At the same time he met with representatives of the 
latter Society and the American Association for State and Local History 
for the purpose of developing plans for the joint meeting of the two 
organizations in Raleigh, October 2-5, 1963. He also attended the Gov- 
ernor's Conference on Maps and Mapping in Chapel Hill on December 11. 

Compilation of a Union List of North Carolina Newspapers, 1751- 
1900, being edited by Mr. Jones and Mr. Julius H. Avant from data 
gathered by the Department and the Committee on the Conservation of 
Newspaper Resources of the North Carolina Library Association, was 
continued, and publication is expected before the end of the spring. 

In the Microfilm Services Center, 1,253 reels of microfilm consisting of 
123,440 feet were processed during the quarter ending December 31, 
1962. In addition to the negative film of State, county and church rec- 
ords processed, this quantity included 162 reels of positive copies of news- 
papers on microfilm sold to individuals and institutions. During the 
same period filming was completed for every known issue of newspapers 
published in Edenton, Elizabeth City, New Bern, and Wadesboro prior 
to 1901 and work was begun on filming of the Wilmington Messenger. 

The Laminating Shop restored 23,682 pages of deteriorating records by 
the Barrow method, including 16,961 pages of county records. In addi- 
tion, the staff members laminated 1,907 pages outside of office hours for 
individuals and institutions. 

A series of staff meetings in the Division of Archives and Manuscripts 
was inaugurated on November 14 when the State Records Section spon- 
sored a demonstration of its records management, microfilm, Records 
Center, and archival appraisal program. The Local Records Section was 
host on December 14, and the Archives on January 9. The meetings, de- 



270 The North Carolina Historical Review 

signed to co-ordinate more closely the extensive activities of the Division, 
will continue on a less frequent schedule. 

The most notable additions to the holdings in the Archives during the 
quarter ending December 31, 1962, were the official letter books of Gov- 
ernor Zebulon B. Vance, 1862-1864, and an index to miscellaneous letters 
and telegrams, 1862-1865, which were transferred from the National 
Archives. These books were captured by Union troops in 1865 and taken 
to Washington. In 1888 copies were made by the War Department and 
sent to the Governor of North Carolina. The return of the originals to 
the Archives is the culmination of many years of effort on the part of 
the Department to have these valuable records returned to their rightful 
custody. 

Other accessions during the quarter totaled 125. Included were public 
records from nine State agencies; reports of separation from the North 
Carolina Selective Service Office; and the newspaper collection of Mr. 
Joffre Bunker consisting of copies of 23 North Carolina publications, 
1868-1953, and totaling 173 items. 

The papers of the late Nell Battle Lewis, newspaperwoman and promi- 
nent Raleigh citizen, have been arranged and described, and through the 
co-operation of the State Library are now available to researchers in 
the Archives. This valuable collection covering the years 1926-1956 con- 
tains correspondence, articles, clippings, and pamphlets on a wide variety 
of subjects including politics, literature, history, labor strife, psychic 
phenomena, and segregation. 

During the quarter 540 researchers visited the Search Room and 754 
letters requesting information from the Archives were answered. Photo- 
copies numbering 716, together with 102 paper prints from microfilm and 
33 typed certified copies, were furnished to the public from records in 
the Archives. 

The accumulation of Halifax County records already in the Archives 
has been augumented by the following additional records received from 
the register of deeds: record of deeds (1819-1829), cross-indexes to deeds 
(1732-1889), record of elections (1878-1922), and a marriage register 
(1872-1895). 

The permanently valuable records of 26 counties have now been micro- 
filmed and work is in progress in Alamance, Mecklenburg, Halifax, and 
Hertford. Microfilming in the first two counties named is being done by 
county personnel, with the advice and assistance of the Department. For 
the program of microfilming by the Department, counties are selected 
according to age. 

Microfilm copies of the counties and churches listed below have recently 
been placed in the Search Room and are now available to researchers: 

Edgecombe County: Record of deeds (1759-1928), marriage registers 
(1851-1961), indexes to vital statistics (1914-1961), County Court min- 
utes (1757-1868), Superior Court minutes (1862-1924), records of estates 
and of fiduciaries of estates (1830-1861), wills (1760-1959), inheritance 
tax records (1920-1961), maiden names of divorced women (1940-1960), 
orders and decrees and special proceedings (1868-1931), records of elec- 
tion (1878-1960), military discharges (1918-1961), minutes of board 



Historical News 271 

of county commissioners (1868-1933), and of the county board of educa- 
tion (1885-1907), marriage licenses (1866-1961). 

Granville County: Record of deeds and land entries (1746-1923), mar- 
riage bonds and certificates (1758-1868), marriage registers (1867-1961), 
indexes to vital statistics (1913-1961), County Court minutes (1746- 
1868), Superior Court minutes (1807-1928), Equity minutes (1825- 
1851), miscellaneous bonds (1802-1917), records of estates and of fidu- 
ciaries of estates (1868-1961), wills (1749-1961), inheritance tax records 
(1923-1950), tax lists (1767-1935), special proceedings (1852-1925), 
record of incorporations and partnerships (1895-1961), military dis- 
charges (1921-1962), and minutes of board of county commissioners 
(1868-1925). 

Churches: Various types of records of Calvary Episcopal, Tarboro 
(1898-1961), Howard Memorial Presbyterian, Tarboro (1890-1958), 
Primitive Baptist, Tarboro (1908-1961), Baptist, Oxford (1881-1961), 
Enon Baptist, Granville County (1875-1934), New Hope Baptist, Berea 
(1886-1891), Pope's Chapel Christian, Pocomoke -(1859-1961), St. Ste- 
phen's, Oxford (1832-1949), Geneva Presbyterian, Granville County 
(1823-1912), Presbyterian, Oxford (1821-1887), First Baptist, Clayton 
(1839-1962), Primitive Baptist, Smithfield (1847-1960), Lee's Chapel 
Christian, Four Oaks (1923-1956). 

In the records restoration program, the job of repairing Rowan County 
records has been completed, a total of 8 volumes of wills and 36 volumes 
of deeds having been laminated, rebound, and returned to the county. 
Restoration work is done in conjunction with microfilming in each county 
and a large number of old records of Cumberland, Mecklenburg, and 
Halifax counties are now being laminated and rebound. 

The local records program received, on December 7, a Certificate of 
Commendation from the American Association for State and Local His- 
tory for "exemplary effectiveness in organizing and carrying out a state- 
wide program of local records management and security." It was also 
featured in the National Association of Counties' report on "Records 
Management and Preservation for National Survival" as "probably the 
most comprehensive and singularly successful state-assistance program" 
in the United States, and the President of the National Association of 
County Recorders and Clerks, writing in the December, 1962, issue of 
the County Officer, called the County Records Manual, edited by Mr. 
Jones and Admiral Patterson, "one of the most significant recording 
documents of the year." 

By the end of 1962 the records scheduling project of the State Records 
Section was virtually completed, with the records of almost all State 
agencies under disposition and retention control. Records of the Hospitals 
Board of Control and the Department of Water Resources were scheduled 
for the first time ; and revisions of the Department of Archives and His- 
tory, Alcoholic Beverage Control Board, and Department of Public Wel- 
fare schedules were approved. Schedules for the Board of Higher Educa- 
tion, State Library, and North Carolina State College are in the hands 
of the respective agencies for approval. The Department of Public In- 
struction and State Highway Commission schedules have been amended. 



272 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Other activities centered about a series of Workshops which have been 
made available to State agencies. In December Mr. A. K. Johnson, Jr., 
Chief of the Records Management Division, National Archives and Rec- 
ords Service, Atlanta, conducted the Correspondence Management and 
Plain Letters workshop for 21 persons representing eight agencies. He 
also gave the Forms Improvement workshop to 18 persons representing 
nine agencies. Both of these workshops have been purchased from the 
Federal Government and will be made available to all State agencies. 

The Records Management Handbook: Files and Filing has been issued 
and is accompanied by a workshop which has been developed by the rec- 
ords management staff. The handbook and workshop are expected to 
solve many of the less serious filing problems that constantly harass the 
State employees who are responsible for filing and finding. 

Files reorganization surveys have been conducted in the Department 
of Archives and History, office of the Board of Public Welfare's Consul- 
tant for Negro work, and the Board of Architects. The State Librarian 
has asked for a reorganization of the files of the State Library and the 
Commissioner of Public Welfare has asked for assistance in streamlining 
the Board's extensive files. 

The study of fiscal paperwork and systems throughout the State is 
approaching completion. Because of wide variations in fiscal practices, it 
now appears that it may not be feasible to issue a general schedule for 
fiscal records that will have state-wide applicability. Standards will be 
developed, however, that will be applied to fiscal records of individual 
agencies as their disposition schedules are prepared or revised. 

In the Microfilm Project 144 reels containing 672,566 images were 
filmed during the quarter ending December 31, 1962. Filming of the 
original Supreme Court cases has been resumed and the film of the 
Monthly Reports on the Budget, 1925-55 and 1955-57, has been re-indexed. 

In the State Records Center 1,403 cubic feet were accessioned and 1,360 
cubic feet disposed of, resulting in a net increase of 43 cubic feet in 
the quarter ending December 31, 1962. The total holdings of the Records 
Center were 24,612 cubic feet. January and February saw accessions of 
more than 2,000 cubic feet, thus bringing the holdings 1,000 cubic feet 
above capacity. 

On January 4, 1963, the General Services Division, Department of 
Administration, opened bids for rewiring the Records Center and replac- 
ing and relocating all light fixtures in the storage areas. All of the 
existing shelving has been moved into the location called for in the new 
lay-out, and it is hoped that additional shelving will be available for 
installation after the electrical work is completed. 

References services totaled 11,136, including 5,349 items furnished 
and 5,787 items refiled or interfiled. There were 70 visitors from 14 
State agencies, State College, U.S. Army Intelligence, and U.S. Pro- 
bation Office. 

Division of HistoHc Sites 

The Richardson Foundation of Greensboro and New York has approved 
final grants totaling $10,000 from the $50,000 Challenge Grant which the 



Historical News 273 

Foundation made to the Department two years ago to assist historic 
site and restoration projects. The $10,000 will be divided as follows: 
$7,500 to the President James K. Polk Birthplace near Charlotte ; $2,000 
to the Lenoir County Confederate Centennial Committee, Kinston, for 
the purchase of artifacts taken from the Confederate Ram "Neuse" which 
was raised from the Neuse River last year ; and $500 to the Wake Forest 
College Birthplace (Calvin Jones House) restoration at Wake Forest. 
The Wake Forest project received last year an earlier Richardson grant 
of $6,000. On December 27 Mr. Alexander Schenck of Charlotte, South- 
eastern Representative of the Foundation, and Mr. Newton P. Hoey of 
Charlotte, Treasurer, visited the Department and conferred with Dr. 
Crittenden and Mr. Tarlton concerning the Foundation's interest in the 
Department's program. 

Mr. Max F. Harris completed research and a full report on the con- 
troversial problem of Andrew Jackson's birthplace and in December 
joined the staff of the North Carolina Film Board on a temporary re- 
search assignment. He is gathering pictorial and descriptive information 
for a movie on the first century of North Carolina history after the 
Charter of 1663, which will be produced by the Film Board for the Caro- 
lina Charter Tercentenary Commission. 

At Town Creek Indian Mound State Historic Site the new visitor 
center-museum is being outfitted with interpretive exhibits. Mr. Frank 
Walsh, Historic Site Specialist in charge of exhibits for the Division, is 
handling the project in collaboration with Mr. Bennie C. Keel, Specialist 
in charge of the Town Creek Site and Dr. Joff re L. Coe, Director of the 
Laboratories of Anthropology at the University of North Carolina and 
consultant to the Department on archeology and restoration at Town 
Creek. The new visitor center-museum will be in full use by the end of 
February. A special dedicatory program is being planned for the latter 
part of April. 

Assisted by members of the staff, the Wake Forest College Birthplace 
restoration at Wake Forest is making rapid progress. Mr. N. B. Bragg is 
giving close supervision to the work of restoration and Mr. W. S. Tarlton 
is acting as restoration consultant. Mr. James H. Craig is doing research 
for the committee on furniture and other furnishings. The Wake Forest 
College Birthplace Society, Inc., of which Dr. Christopher Crittenden, 
Director of the Department, is President, is administering the project. 
Exterior restoration is almost complete and plans are being made to 
restore the interior. 

At the Zebulon B. Vance Birthplace State Historic Site near Weaver- 
ville, Buncombe County, a site is now being acquired for the visitor 
center-museum soon to be constructed. Mr. Bert King of Asheville, Archi- 
tect, has been engaged to draw plans and specifications for this building, 
which will be used as an orientation center for visitors and to house 
exhibits on the life and career of Governor Vance, North Carolina's Civil 
War Governor. It is expected that the plans will be ready for the letting 
of contracts by early summer. 

Through the co-operation of the State Highway Department, the Fed- 
eral Bureau of Public Roads has authorized the erection of two direc- 



274 The North Carolina Historical Review 

tional signs on Interstate 85 near Burlingto*n pointing the way to the 
Alamance Battleground State Historic Site. These signs, soon to be 
erected, are expected to boost visitation at the Battleground apprecia- 
tively. Heretofore there was no way of calling attention to motorists on 
1-85 that this important historic site was located nearby. Mr. N. B. Bragg, 
Historic Site Specialist in charge of the Bennett Place near Durham, site 
of the surrender of General Joseph E. Johnston's Confederate Army to 
Union General William T. Sherman, 1865, has assisted in the organization 
of a special Bennett Place Improvement Citizen's Committee, whose ob- 
jective is the general development of the Bennett Place project. The 
Committee will promote a campaign for funds to construct a visitor 
center-museum, critically needed as a means of interpreting the historic 
site. This Committee consists of Mr. Charles Pattishall, Chairman, Dr. 
Richard L. Pearse, Rev. Robert Watson, Professor Paul Bryun, Professor 
Albert Buehler, Professor I. B. Holley, Mr. Herbert Bradshaw, Mr. 
Charles Sullivan, and Mr. Ernie Greup, all of Durham. A cast aluminum 
historical marker has recently been erected on the highway at the Bennett 
Place calling the restoration to the attention of travelers. 

The Hillsborough Historical Society, upon the invitation of represen- 
tatives of the National Park Service's Historic American Buildings Sur- 
vey, Philadelphia, is undertaking a project for surveying 10 or more 
historic buildings in Hillsboro. Mr. Tarlton, Historic Site Superintendent, 
has agreed to assist. 

At the Governor Charles B. Aycock Birthplace, near Fremont, plans 
are being made to restore the Aycock stables and other features in the 
barnyard area. The project will include the construction of split rail 
and other appropriate types of fences. A flagpole is being acquired to 
be placed at the entrance. Mr. Richard W. Sawyer, Jr., Historic Site 
Specialist in charge, has written a new leaflet for distribution to visitors 
and the leaflet has been published by the Department. Mr. Sawyer re- 
ports that since the opening of the new visitor center-museum in Novem- 
ber, visitation to the project has increased steadily. Cub Scout groups 
from Goldsboro and Wilson visited the site during January. A circular 
letter addressed to all the school principals in the eastern half of the 
State has been prepared and will shortly go into the mail, inviting school 
groups to visit the site. 

At Bentonville Battleground State Historic Site plans are being per- 
fected for a visitor center-museum building which is expected to be con- 
structed during the summer. Mr. Alan Ingram of Charlotte, Architect, 
is the designer. The Smithfield Junior Chamber of Commerce is under- 
taking a fund drive to raise the $6,000 needed to finance the proposed 
$40,000 building. A total of $34,000 is already available. The Jaycees 
are sending letters to "history minded" people in North Carolina asking 
for contributions. The Johnston County Historical Society is currently 
working on furnishings for one of the bedrooms in the Harper House 
located on the battlefield. At Brunswick Town State Historic Site the 
Archeologist, Mr. Stanley A. South, is revising a number of archeological 
reports for publication. Interpretive drawings to be used as illustrations 
for the reports have been made by Mr. Don Mayhew, a member of the 



Historical News 275 

Brunswick Town staff. As weather permits, archeological digging is con- 
tinuing on one of the eighteenth-century town lots. Mr. South made a 
report on Brunswick Town at the annual meeting of the North Carolina 
Society for the Preservation of Antiquities in Raleigh, December 6. 

Mr. A. L. Honeycutt, Jr., Historic Site Specialist at Fort Fisher State 
Historic Site, reports that visitation during the winter months has re- 
mained good, especially on Sunday afternoons. Much interest has been 
aroused by the recent exhibition on Battle Acre of 12 large timbers which 
were uncovered in the surf by the storm of March, 1962. These hand- 
hewed lightwood timbers, containing iron spikes and other fittings, possi- 
bly are from the bomb proofs of the Confederate fort. A bronze plaque 
from the United States Department of the Interior, designating Fort 
Fisher as a national historic landmark, has been erected in the museum 
pavilion. Mr. Honeycutt has met with the New Hanover County Con- 
federate Centennial Committee, the Fort Fisher Restoration Committee, 
and has spoken to the Wilmington Junior Optimist Club, the Wilmington 
Lions Club, the Methodist Men's Fellowship, Winter Park Methodist 
Church, Wilmington, a woman's group of the Temple Baptist Church, 
and the Johnston Pettigrew Chapter of the United Daughters of the 
Confederacy. 

Mr. Richard W. Iobst, Specialist for the Historical Highway Marker 
Program, represented the Department at the dedication of a marker for 
Huggins' Island Fort in Swansboro on January 19. On January 20 Mr. 
W. S. Tarlton presented a marker for Pleasant Grove Camp Ground at 
Mineral Springs, Union County. 

Division of Museums 

On November 1 Mrs. Joye E. Jordan, Museums Administrator, and 
Mrs. Madlin Futrell, Photographer, visited the Charles B. Aycock Birth- 
place State Historic Site to make photographs to be used to publicize the 
opening of the Visitor Center-Museum. They were present also at the 
dedication ceremonies on November 18. Mrs. Jordan met in Winston- 
Salem on November 19 with officers of several organizations to discuss 
plans for the National Trust for Historic Preservation Seminar to be held 
later in co-ordination with the Winston-Salem group. Mrs. Futrell on 
November 26 visited the Town Creek Indian Mound State Historic Site 
to make photographs and on December 11 she returned to the Aycock 
Birthplace to photograph the new Visitor Center-Museum for a future 
brochure. 

On November 30 Mr. Samuel Townsend, Administrative Assistant, gave 
a talk and slide program on the "Preservation of Artifacts from the 
'Modern Greece' " at the Civil War Round Table meeting in High Point. 
Mrs. Jordan met with a group of interested persons in Elizabeth City on 
January 8 to make further plans for the proposed museum there, and on 
January 16 she attended the Mid-Winter Council meeting of the American 
Association of Museums in Washington, D. C. Members of the staff as- 
sisted in preparing exhibits for a small on-campus museum at the State 



276 The North Carolina Historical Review 

School for the Blind in Raleigh. Mr. Gene H. Anthony, faculty member, 
and other personnel helped co-ordinate this unusual project. 

Division of Publications 

Sales of publications increased with the opening of the school year, and 
the fourth quarter brought receipts totaling $7,320. Of this sum $4,860 
was retained by the Department and $2,460 was turned over to the North 
Carolina Literary and Historical Association. Publications distributed in- 
cluded 350 documentary volumes, 248 letter books of governors, 539 small 
books, 9,080 pamphlets, charts, and maps, 27,275 leaflets and brochures, 
and 1,214 copies of the list of available publications. The grand total was 
38,706. In addition the last sets of The North Carolina Historical Re- 
view were sold, making a total of 127 sets and receipts of $3,452 from the 
special promotion of The Review. The backlog of remaining copies was 
sold to Mr. David Stick, Kitty Hawk. Persons interested in sets are being 
referred to Mr. Stick. There were 110 new subscriptions and 574 renewals 
to the quarterly during the fourth quarter. The three-month sale of docu- 
mentary volumes resulted in receipts of $763. 

Copy for Volume IX of the Records of the Moravians was taken to the 
printer near the end of January. The biographical sketch of Governor 
Zebulon B. Vance, written by Dr. Frontis W. Johnston, was sent to the 
Department in January. The front matter for Volume I of the Vance 
Papers was also sent to the printer in January. The documentary section 
of this volume is in type, so the volume should be available for sale before 
the end of the fiscal year. Copy for a history of Lenoir County, written by 
Mr. W. S. Powell for school children, was sent to the printer in January, 
and plans were made to issue this pamphlet early in the 1963 General As- 
sembly's session. It is hoped that an appropriation will be granted to enable 
the Department to continue the series of county histories designed for 
school use. 

The twenty-ninth biennial report of the Department, entitled Selling 
Tarheel History, was issued early in January. Covering the period July 1, 
1960, through June 30, 1962, the publication summarizes the work of each 
division of the Department, the Tryon Palace Commission, and the Tercen- 
tenary and Confederate Centennial commissions. Statistical tables are in- 
cluded as well as lists of accessions in the Division of Archives and Manu- 
scripts and the Division of Museums. Over 1,800 copies were distributed 
during January. 

The pamphlet on the State Seal was reprinted early in 1963, with 5,000 
copies being delivered. Several historic sites brochures were rewritten and 
published in a simplified and inexpensive edition. Eventually pamphlets on 
each site will be available at a nominal cost; these will give more details 
and contain more illustrations than the previously-issued free leaflets. 

A new list of North Carolina historical societies, officers, and other per- 
tinent data was compiled in co-operation with the Historic Sites Division. 
Copies of this mimeographed list are available upon request to the Division 
of Publications. 



Historical News 277 

Mrs. Memory F. Blackwelder, Editor, spoke to the Entre Nous Book 
Club in Raleigh on December 11, to the Ann Hathaway Book Club on Jan- 
uary 8, and to the Rho Alpha Book Club on January 22. 

Mrs. Elizabeth W. Wilborn, Editorial Assistant, spoke in Raleigh on 
February 8 to the Bloomsbury Chapter of the Daughters of the Revolu- 
tion, and on February 12 she attended the annual Book and Author's 
Luncheon of the Historical Book Club of North Carolina which was held 
in Greensboro. 

COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES 

Dr. James Edward King, a Professor of History at the University of 
North Carolina since 1948, died on December 23, 1962. Dr. King was a 
specialist in French history, the author of several articles and a book re- 
leased in 1950, and the recipient of the Tanner Award for outstanding 
undergraduate teaching in 1959. At the time of his death Dr. King was in 
Washington, D. C, on a Guggenheim Fellowship engaged in writing a 
projected volume, Origins of the Idea of Public Welfare. Dr. James R. 
Caldwell was the winner of the 1962 Freshman Class Teaching and Service 
Award at the University. 

Dr. Ina W. Van Noppen of Appalachian State Teachers College spoke on 
"Yankee Raiders in the South" on December 13 in Fredericksburg, Vir- 
ginia. Her address was a part of the centennial observance of the Battle of 
Fredericksburg, sponsored by the Woman's Club for the people of the city. 

Funds are available for additional grants-in-aid, up to the limit of $1,000 
for each grant given by the Harry S. Truman Library Institute, Independ- 
ence, Missouri. The Institute's committee on grants-in-aid will consider 
applications for projects involving the Truman administration and the 
history of the Presidency. It has adopted a policy of favoring grants to 
promising students and young scholars rather than to those who have 
already established a reputation in the various appropriate fields of re- 
search. Application forms are available from Dr. Philip C. Brooks, Director 
of the Library, Independence, Missouri. 

STATE, COUNTY, AND LOCAL 

The Roanoke Island Historical Association held its annual business meet- 
ing and subscription luncheon on December 4 at the Hotel Sir Walter in 
Raleigh. Mrs. Fred W. Morrison of Washington, D. C, and Kill Devil Hills 
presided at the business session and announced the appointment of Mr. 
John Fox of Raleigh as Vice-Chairman and General Manager of "The Lost 
Colony," the outdoor drama sponsored by the Association. Reports were 
made by various committees and by Mr. F. Edgar Thomas of Chapel Hill, 
General Manager for the 1961-1962 season. Officers, including Mrs. Mor- 
rison, who were re-elected are Mrs. Burwell Evans of Manteo, Secretary, 
and Mr. Chauncey S. Meekins of Manteo, Treasurer. Mr. William L. Long, 
head of the Dramatic Arts Department at Winthrop College, will serve as 
Director of "The Lost Colony," and Miss Elizabeth Welch of Salem College 
will be Assistant Director. 



278 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Also on December 4 the North Carolina Federation of Music Clubs 
opened its sixth annual "Music Day" with a coffee hour followed by an 
afternoon session at which Mrs. Floyd D. Mehan of High Point presided. 
Persons appearing on the program were Miss Kay Franklin of Raleigh, 
violinist and 1962 winner of the Transylvania Music Camp Scholarship; 
Miss Yoko Nozaki of Durham, pianist; Miss Julia Ribet of Raleigh, who 
sang colonial folk songs and who is Administrative Assistant of the 
Carolina Charter Tercentenary Commission; and Mr. Arnold E. Hoffmann 
of Raleigh, who spoke on "North Carolina's Unique School Music Program." 
Following the program the Composition Awards for 1962 were presented 
to the winners of the Federation's Composition Contest. Mrs. Mehan pre- 
sided at the dinner meeting, at which Dr. Benjamin F. Swalin, Director of 
the North Carolina Symphony Society, spoke on "This Is Your Music." 
Miss Eva Wiseman directed the Burlington Rotary Choir Boys in a musical 
program after which Miss Janice Elizabeth Barron, Miss North Carolina 
of 1963, played piano selections. Others appearing on the program were 
Mr. Carroll Stegall of Wake Forest College, baritone ; Miss Beth Troy of 
Salem College, pianist; Mrs. John B. Russell of Greensboro, soprano, 
accompanied by Mr. Phillip Morgan of the Woman's College of the Univer- 
sity of North Carolina ; and Miss Emily Vinson of East Carolina College, 
pianist. 

The thirty-sixth annual meeting of the North Carolina State Art Society 
was held in Raleigh on December 5 with the morning session devoted to 
reports and the election of directors. Officers were re-elected by the direc- 
tors at an afternoon meeting of the board. They are Dr. Joseph Sloane of 
Chapel Hill, President; Mrs. George W. Paschal, Jr., Vice-President; Mr. 
Charles Lee Smith, Treasurer; and Mrs. J. C. B. Ehringhaus, Jr., Executive 
Secretary. The last three officers are all of Raleigh. Five artists received 
awards in the 1962 North Carolina Artists' Exhibition — the awards of 
$100 each being provided by the Art Society through a grant from the 
Mary Reynolds Babcock Foundation. Recipients were Mr. Russell Arnold 
of Wilson, Mr. Robert Howard of Chapel Hill, Mr. James Bumgardner of 
Richmond, Virginia, Mr. Grant Joslin and Mr. W. Herbert Jackson, Jr., 
both of Raleigh. Citations for outstanding contributions to the visual 
arts were awarded by Dr. Sloane to Mrs. Ola Maie Foushee of Chapel Hill, 
Mrs. Lois B. Tracy of Asheville, Mrs. W. T. Thorpe, Jr., of Rocky Mount, 
Miss Jeta Pace of Greensboro, Mr. Peter B. Young of Raeford, Mrs. H. P. 
Bell, Jr., of Currie, Mrs. Ruth Faison Shaw of Chapel Hill, Mrs. Louis V. 
Sutton of Raleigh, and Mrs. J. A. Kellenberger of Greensboro. A post- 
humous citation was given for the work of the late Clemens Sommer of 
Chapel Hill. An address by Dr. McNeil Lowry of New York, Director of 
the Ford Foundation Program in the Humanities and the Arts, was the 
highlight of the evening meeting which was held in the Highway Build- 
ing Auditorium. Later a reception and preview of the North Carolina 
Artists' Exhibition was held at the Museum of Art. 

The Associated Artists of North Carolina held a dinner meeting on 
December 5 at the Hotel Sir Walter in Raleigh. The Association sponsored 



Historical News 279 

an invitational members' show at the Erdahl-Cloyd Union Building at 
North Carolina State College which was open throughout Culture Week. 
Officers of the Association are Mr. William C. Fields of Fayetteville, Presi- 
dent; Mr. James E. Tucker of Greensboro, Vice-President; Mrs. Mackey 
Jeffries of Raleigh, Secretary; and Mr. Edward N. Wilson of Durham, 
Treasurer. 

The North Carolina Society for the Preservation of Antiquities held its 
thirty-second annual session in Raleigh on December 6. Mrs. J. 0. Tally, 
Jr., of Fayetteville presided at the morning business meeting at which 
restoration reports were made by Mr. Edmund Harding on Bath, Mrs. 
A. G. Engstrom on Hillsboro, Mr. Tucker Littleton on Swansboro, Mr. 
Ralph P. Hanes on Old Salem, and Dr. E. Lawrence Lee on Old Brunswick 
Town. The Society approved a project to survey the historic houses and 
buildings of North Carolina. Mrs. Tally stated that the School of Design 
at North Carolina State College would co-operate in making the study 
which will eventually be recorded by the National Trust for Historic 
Preservation. Officers re-elected at the business session are Mrs. Tally, 
President; Mr. Dan M. Paul of Raleigh, Vice-President; Mrs. Ernest A. 
Branch of Raleigh, Secretary-Treasurer; and Mrs. Charles A. Cannon of 
Concord and Mrs. Ernest L. Ives of Southern Pines, honorary presidents. 
Mr. Charles F. Peterson, Architect of Philadelphia, spoke at the luncheon 
on "An Architect Looks at Historic Preservation." The Raleigh Woman's 
Club entertained members of the Society with a historical tour followed 
by a tea. During the evening the Dramatic Arts Department of Wilmington 
College presented "The Prince of Parthia" by Thomas Godfrey, first play 
written in America. Mr. Douglas W. Swink directed the play. Cannon 
Awards were presented to Mr. J. H. Knox of Salisbury for his work in the 
Setzer School restoration project, to Mr. Donald Carrow of Bath for his 
work on the Palmer-Marsh and Bonner houses, and to Mr. Sam T. Snowdon 
of Laurinburg for his work in the restoration of the Old Temperance and 
Literary Society Hall and the John Charles McNeill Memorial Gardens 
both near Wagram in Scotland County. The Fayetteville Woman's Club 
received the award presented annually by the Society to the woman's club 
in the State which does the best work in historic preservation. A recep- 
tion for members and guests concluded the meetings of the Society. 

The sixty-second annual meeting of the North Carolina Literary and 
Historical Association was held at the Hotel Sir Walter in Raleigh on 
December 7. Mr. Henry J. MacMillan of Wilmington presided at the morn- 
ing business session at which time Mr. McDaniel Lewis of Greensboro, 
Chairman of the Executive Board of the State Department of Archives 
and History, spoke on "A History Building for North Carolina." Mr. J. A. 
Chaney of Raleigh, Book Editor of The News and Observer, reviewed 
North Carolina fiction for 1961-1962. Dr. Robert N. Elliott of North Car- 
olina State College presented the R. D. W. Connor Award given by the 
Historical Society of North Carolina to the author of the article (pub- 
lished in The North Carolina Historical Review in the four issues ending 
with that of July) in the field of North Carolina history or biography. Dr. 



280 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Otto H. Olsen, Professor of History at Old ©ominion College, Norfolk, 
Virginia, received the 1962 Connor Award for his article, "The Ku Klux 
Klan: A Study in Reconstruction Politics and Propaganda." Mr. W. S. 
Tarlton, representing the American Association for State and Local 
History, presented Awards of Merit to Mr. Jonathan Daniels for his 
book, The Devil's Backbone: The Story of the Natchez Trace; State De- 
partment of Archives and History for the preservation of local records 
(accepted by Rear Adm. A. M. Patterson, Assistant State Archivist, Local 
Records Section) ; Salisbury City Schools for the restoration of the Setzer 
School (accepted by Mr. Harold E. Isenberg, Principal of the J. H. Knox 
Junior High School, and Mr. Claude E. Pickett, history teacher) ; Historic 
Bath Commission for restorations in Bath (accepted by Mr. Edmund H. 
Harding, Chairman of the Commission) ; and the United States Navy for 
salvage work on the "Modern Greece" (accepted by Commander Victor 
M. Davis of the United States Naval Training Station in Wilmington). 
Mr. L. S. Blades, Jr., of Elizabeth City presided at the subscription lunch- 
eon when Dr. C. Hugh Holman of Chapel Hill gave a review of North Caro- 
lina nonfiction for 1961-1962. Mr. Henry W. Lewis of Chapel Hill presented 
the Roanoke-Chowan Poetry Award to Mrs. Helen Bevington of Durham 
for When Found, Make a Verse Of. The American Association of Uni- 
versity Women Juvenile Literature Award was won by Mr. Manly Wade 
Wellman of Chapel Hill for Rifles at Ramsour's Mill: A Tale of the Revo- 
lutionary War. Mrs. Cecil Gilliatt of Shelby made the presentation. Judge 
Johnson J. Hayes of Wilkesboro presided at the dinner meeting at which 
time Dr. Chalmers G. Davidson of Davidson College gave his presidential 
address. Dr. Davidson was in charge of the evening meeting at which 
the featured speaker was Dr. Clifford L. Lord, Dean of the School of 
General Studies of Columbia University. His topic was "Localized History 
in the Age of Explosions." Dr. Sturgis E. Leavitt of Chapel Hill, Governor 
of the North Carolina Colony of Mayflower Descendants, presented the 
Mayflower Society Award for nonfiction, 1961-1962, to Mr. William P. 
(Bill) Sharpe, Editor of The State magazine and the series, A New 
Geography of North Carolina. The award was made for Mr. Sharped 
contribution to the history of the State over a period of years rather than 
for a specific volume. Miss Clara Booth Byrd of Greensboro, President of 
the Historical Book Club of North Carolina, presented the Sir Walter 
Award for fiction, 1961-1962, to Mr. Reynolds Price, a member of the 
English faculty at Duke University, for A Long and Happy Life. A recep- 
tion for members, guests, and recipients of the various awards was held 
immediately following the evening meeting. 

The fifty-first annual session of the North Carolina Folklore Society was 
held on the afternoon of December 7 with President Richard Walser of 
Raleigh in charge of the meeting. Miss Jean Moser, teacher and band 
director at Brevard College, gave a slide lecture, "Norwegian Folk Musical 
Instruments" ; Dr. Arthur Palmer Hudson of Chapel Hill spoke on Songs 
of the Carolina Charter Colonists, 1663-1763, his book published recently 
by the Carolina Charter Tercentenary Commission. Dr. Dan Brock, gui- 
tarist, and Miss Guerry Matthews of the University of North Carolina 






Historical News 281 

sang ballads of the colonial period. Madison County native Obray Ramsey, 
banjoist and singer, sang songs of the French Broad River, accompanied 
by Mr. Tom Hunter, guitarist. Oil paintings, depicting "North Carolina 
Folk Heroes" by Mr. Artus M. Moser of Swannanoa, were exhibited at 
the meeting. In a brief business session the following officers were elected 
to serve during the Golden Anniversary year of the Society: Dr. E. H. 
Hartsell of Chapel Hill, President; General John D. F. Phillips of Raleigh, 
First Vice-President; Miss Ruth Jewell of Raleigh, Second Vice-President; 
and Dr. Hudson, Secretary-Treasurer. 

The Central Carolina Colony of the Society of Mayflower Descendants 
in the State of North Carolina held its annual breakfast meeting on 
December 8 in honor of Mr. William P. (Bill) Sharpe, winner of the 
1962 Mayflower Award. Dr. Sturgis Leavitt of Chapel Hill is Governor 
of the North Carolina Society ; Mrs. W. G. Allen of Raleigh, the Lieuten- 
ant-Governor, presided at the meeting. 

The North Carolina Society of County and Local Historians held their 
twenty-first annual meeting in Raleigh on December 8. Dr. Blackwell P. 
Robinson of Greensboro, who was re-elected President, presided. Mrs. 
S. R. Prince of Reidsville gave a report on the various historical tours 
held in the State during 1962. Mr. William S. Powell of Chapel Hill 
presented the Hodges High School Award to Miss Donna Graham of 
Hubert for her article on the history of Swansboro which was published 
in the Jacksonville Daily Times. Mr. F. C. Salisbury of Morehead City 
was presented the Smithwick Newspaper Award by Mr. Charles Dunn 
of Durham. Mr. Salisbury, who had previously won the Smithwick Award, 
had his article on Carteret County newspapers published in a special edi- 
tion of the Carteret News-Times on February 23. Mr. T. H. Pearce of 
Franklinton won second place in the Smithwick competition; Mr. Perry 
Young of Asheville and Mr. Howard Jones of Warrenton tied for third 
place. Dr. D. J. Whitener of Boone gave an address, "The Teaching of 
Local History — A Report." Mrs. Joye E. Jordan, Museums Administra- 
tor, and Mrs. Frances Ashford, Education Curator, both of the Depart- 
ment of Archives and History, spoke briefly on the Junior Historian pro- 
gram. Other officers re-elected at the business session were Mr. S. T. 
Peace, Henderson ; Mrs. Musella W. Wagner, Chapel Hill ; and Mr. John 
H. McPhaul, Jr., all Vice-Presidents, and Mrs. Ethel Stephens Arnett of 
Greensboro, Secretary-Treasurer. The luncheon meeting featured the 
Mockingbird Combo of Henderson, led by Mr. S. T. Peace. Miss Iris 
Beckham performed a Spanish dance accompanied by Mr. Jerry Oberton, 
guitarist. Others on the program were Miss Margaret Brown and Mrs. 
Gaither Greenway. 

On November 25 the Person County Historical Society unveiled a His- 
torical Highway Marker in honor of William Robert (Sawney) Webb, 
native of the County and a famous schoolmaster for whom the Webb 
School in Bell Buckle, Tennessee, is named. Mr. Byrd I. Satterfield, Presi- 
dent of the Society, was in charge of the program. Other participants 



282 The North Carolina Historical Review 

were the Rev. George Webb, Mrs. C. W. Stanford, Dr. William C. Friday, 
Mr. W. E. Webb, Sr., Daniel Clary Webb III, and Rev. L. P. Martin. 

The Alexander County Historical Society met on January 19 in the 
County Courthouse. 

Mrs. J. M. Ballard, President, presided at the January 19 meeting of 
the Catawba County Historical Association. Dr. Kenneth B. Lee of 
Lenoir Rhyne College was the guest speaker. 

The Gaston County Historical Bulletin, December, 1962, has an article, 
''History of Lowell Methodist Church," by Kate Hovis ; an article on the 
genealogy of the Hand family by Mrs. Lottie Hand Mussman, and some 
old cemetery records of Gaston County compiled by the late Mrs. M. B. 
Wales. The feature story on the Rev. Mr. Dubbert was continued from 
the July issue. 

The Rowan Museum News Letter for January, 1963, contains an article 
on the presentation to the Museum of the flag which flew over the Con- 
federate Prison at Salisbury during the Civil War. The flag was pre- 
sented by Mrs. Joye E. Jordan, Museums Administrator of the Depart- 
ment of Archives and History, on an indefinite loan. It was returned to 
the State last summer by the Governor of Indiana for the first time 
since it was captured by the Ninety-First Regiment, Indiana Infantry, at 
the end of the Civil War. The News Letter also contains a report on the 
Antiques Show, recent acquisitions, and several letters. Mrs. Edward T. 
Taylor, on November 15, was named Assistant to the Director, Mrs. 
Gettys Guille. 

On January 21 the Wilkes County Historical Society met with Presi- 
dent T. E. Story presiding. A report on the sales of the history of the 
County by Judge Johnson J. Hayes was made and Mrs. Gaylord Hancock 
and Mrs. Edd Gardner gave a program on the tercentenary of the grant- 
ing of the Carolina Charter of 1663. 

On January 26 the Western North Carolina Historical Association met 
in Asheville with Admiral Ligon Ard presiding. Mr. James A. Duffy read 
a paper, Miss Myra Champion presented an exhibit of North Caro- 
liniana, and plans for the November meeting of the Southern Historical 
Association to be held in Asheville were discussed. 

The Perquimans County Historical Society met on January 28 with 
President Silas Whedbee presiding. Plans were discussed for the celebra- 
tion in the County of the tercentenary of the signing of the Carolina 
Charter. Every church in the County was asked to plan commemorative 
services for March 24. Mrs. C. R. Holmes, Mrs. Mildred Whitley, and 
Mrs. S. P. Jessup were in charge of the program. Mr. David Cox ex- 
hibited a collection of Confederate money. 



Historical News 283 

Mr. Voit Gilmore of Southern Pines and Washington, D. C, spoke to 
members of the Hillsborough Historical Society on January 28. Mr. Gil- 
more is head of the federal agency formed by Secretary of Commerce 
Luther H. Hodges to promote travel abroad and in the United States. The 
Hillsborough Society has a long-range program to preserve and promote 
Hillsboro as a historic shrine. "News-Letter," No. 6, official publication 
of the Hillsborough Society, notes that the present membership of the 
group is 234. Other items in the bulletin include a report on the request 
to the General Assembly that a Historic Hillsboro Commission be ap- 
pointed ; a list of grants and gifts ; a short note on the success of charter 
member Richard McKenna's book, The Sand Pebbles ; plans for the spring 
pilgrimage and odds-and-ends sale to be held April 27-28 ; and a report on 
the House on Lot 45 recently purchased by the Society. Historic Hills- 
borough, compiled by the Society, was released in February. The publi- 
cation contains a large map to be used for a walking tour which lists 65 
points of interest as well as tourist accommodations. A history of Hills- 
boro, seat of Orange County, and excellent sketches of sites, houses, and 
gardens complete the brochure which is available from the Hillsborough. 
Historical Society, Inc., c/o Dr. Charles H. Blake, President, Box 613, 
Hillsboro. 

The Durham-Orange Historical Society met on January 31 to hear a 
progress report on the history of Durham County. Dr. Richard L. Watson, 
Jr., of Duke University, one of the authors, spoke briefly as did Mr. 
H. C. Bradshaw of Durham, who is writing the chapters on the social 
life of the County. Others collaborating in preparing the history of Dur- 
ham are Dr. W. B. Hamilton, co-editor, Dr. Richard Leach, Dr. Charles 
E. Landon, and Dr. Edgar Thompson, all of Duke University; Dr. Warner 
Wells of the University of North Carolina ; Hon. R. 0. Everett of Durham ; 
and Dr. Stuart Noblin of North Carolina State College. Mr. Wyatt T. 
Dixon, newspaperman and Secretary of the Society, received a citation 
for his outstanding contribution in stimulating interest in the history of 
Durham. The Hon. A. H. "Sandy" Graham, Vice-Chairman of the Society, 
served as master of ceremonies; the Hon. R. 0. Everett is Chairman. 

The Lincoln County Chamber of Commerce, Lincolnton, has issued 
an illustrated 18-page booklet, Many Interesting Places to See in Lincoln 
County. The Historical Highway Markers located in the county are ex- 
plained and points of interest to visit are noted. The First National Bank, 
the First Citizens Bank and Trust Company, The Lincoln Times, the 
Lincolnton Savings and Loan Association, and the Clark Corporation 
united to sponsor publication of the pamphlet. 

The Chatham County Historical Society met on January 9 for the first 
time in more than a year. Mrs. Harry Horton, Vice-President, presided, 
and Mr. Jason B. Deyton, Superintendent of Chatham County Schools, 
was guest speaker. On February 5 Mrs. Edward Holmes of Pittsboro was 
elected President of the Society. Other officers for the coming year are 



284 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Mrs. W. B. Carroll, Siler City, Vice-President*; and the following, all of 
Pittsboro: Miss Eliza Bynum, Secretary; Mr. John London, Treasurer; 
and Mr. William B. Morgan, Historian. The Society made plans to inven- 
tory family and public cemeteries ; a committee was appointed to direct 
this project for which Mr. Lemuel Johnson will prepare a map. 

The Lower Cape Fear Historical Society, Inc. Bulletin for February 
contains the message of President Randolph L. Gregory, an article, "Cape 
Fear River Boats," by Mr. Henry J. MacMillan, a notice of the recently 
issued brochure on the Wilmington Historic Area, a brief article on the 
Louis T. Moore Memorial Fund, and a report on the development of 
Fort Fisher. 

The Burke County Historical Society met on February 12 with Mr. 
Stanley Moore, President, in charge of the meeting. Dr. Edward W. 
Phifer of Morganton, former president of the Society, spoke on "Broad- 
ening Concepts of Local History" ; a panel discussion followed the talk. 

A meeting of the Pitt County Historical Society was held on February 
13 with Miss Elizabeth Copeland, President, in charge of the meeting. 
Plans for Pitt County's participation in the tercentenary celebration of 
the Carolina Charter of 1663 were revealed. Miss Copeland, Mrs. W. I. 
Wooten, Judge Dink James, Dr. Charles Price, Dr. Herbert Paschal, and 
Dr. James Butler served on the planning committee. 

The Swansboro Historical Association was recently presented two new 
collections for its museum. The first, mostly relics, was given by Mr. 
W. D. Norris of Swansboro and Mr. J. A. Norris of Washington, N. C. 
The second, more than 200 documents, was collected by Mr. Francis K. 
Williams, also of Swansboro. When space becomes available, these items 
will be displayed. 

A campaign to increase the membership of the Greensboro Historical 
Museum to 2,000 and to raise $100,000 in cash and pledges was begun on 
January 31. The first 600 new members each received a free copy of 
Ethel Stephens Arnett's history of Greensboro, which originally sold for 
$6.00. The books were donated by the Chamber of Commerce to assist 
in the fund raising-membership drive. Mrs. John K. Brewer, Chairman 
of the membership committee, was in charge of the project. When the 
campaign began there were fewer than 300 members. Mr. Carl F. Cannon, 
Jr., Director of the Museum, stated that most of the funds raised would 
be spent on exhibits to be placed in what is now the Greensboro Public 
Library after the Library moves into its new building, which is under 
construction at Greene and Gaston Streets. 

The Pasquotank County Historical Society met on February 26 at 
Christ Episcopal Church in Elizabeth City. 






The North Carolina Historical Review is printed on Permalife, a text 
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THE NORTH CAROLINA HISTORICAL REVIEW 

EDITORIAL POLICY 

The Editorial Board of The North Carolina Historical Review is 
interested in articles and documents pertaining to the history of North 
Carolina and adjacent States. Articles on the history of other sections 
may be submitted, and, if there are ties with North Carolinians or 
events significant in the history of this State, the Editorial Board will 
give them careful consideration. Articles on any aspect of North Caro- 
lina history are suitable subject matter for The Review, but materials 
that are primarily genealogical are not accepted. 

In considering articles, the Editorial Board gives careful attention 
to the sources used, the form followed in the footnotes, the style in 
which the article is written, and the originality of the material and its 
interpretation. Clarity of thought and general interest of the article 
are of importance, though these two considerations would not, of 
course, outweigh inadequate use of sources, incomplete coverage of 
the subject, and inaccurate citations. 

Persons desiring to submit articles for The North Carolina Historical 
Review should request a copy of The Editors Handbook, which may 
be obtained free of charge from the Division of Publications of the De- 
partment of Archives and History. The Handbook contains informa- 
tion on footnote citations and other pertinent facts needed by writers 
for The Review. Each author should follow the suggestions made in 
The Editors Handbook and should use back issues of The North Caro- 
lina Historical Review as a further guide to the accepted style and 
form. 

All copy should be double-spaced; footnotes should be typed on 
separate sheets at the end of the article. The author should submit an 
original and a carbon copy of the article; he should retain a second 
carbon for his own reference. Articles accepted by the Editorial Board 
become the property of The North Carolina Historical Review and 
may not have been or be published elsewhere. The author should in- 
clude his professional title in the covering letter accompanying his 
article. 

Following acceptance of an article, publication will be scheduled in 
accordance with the established policy of the Editorial Board. Since 
usually a large backlog of material is on hand, there will ordinarily be 
a fairly long period between acceptance and publication. 

The editors are also interested in receiving for review books relating 
to the history of North Carolina and the surrounding area. 

Articles and books for review should be sent to the Division of Pub- 
lications, State Department of Archives and History, Box 1881, Ra- 
leigh, North Carolina. 




Norlh Carolina State Library 
l k BaleigK S^C 



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Summ&i t*?63 



The North Carolina Historical Review 



Christopher Crittenden, Editor in Chief 
Mrs. Memory F. Blackwelder, Editor 
Mrs. Elizabeth W. Wilborn, Editorial Associate 

ADVISORY EDITORIAL BOARD 

Frontis W. Johnston Miss Sarah M. Lemmon 

John R. Jordan, Jr. William S. Powell 

Robert H. Woody 



STATE DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES AND HISTORY 
EXECUTIVE BOARD 

McDaniel Lewis, Chairman 

James W. Atkins Ralph P. Hanes 

Miss Gertrude Sprague Carraway Josh L. Horne 

Fletcher M. Green Daniel J. Whitener 

Christopher Crittenden, Director 



This review was established in January, 1924, as a medium of publication and dis- 
cussion of history in North Carolina. It is issued to other institutions by exchange, 
but to the general public by subscription only. The regular price is $3.00 per year. 
Members of the North Carolina Literary and Historical Association, Inc., for which 
the annual dues are $5.00, receive this publication without further payment. Back 
numbers still in print are available for $.75 per number. Out-of-print numbers may be 
obtained on microfilm from University Microfilms, 313 North First Street, Ann Arbor, 
Michigan. Persons desiring to quote from this publication may do so without special 
permission from the editors providing full credit is given to The North Carolina 
Historical Review. The Review is published quarterly by the State Department of 
Archives and History, Education Building, Corner of Edenton and Salisbury Streets, 
Raleigh. Second class postage paid at Raleigh, North Carolina. 



COVER — The bust of Jared Sparks, eminent nineteenth-century historian, 
was done by Hiram Powers, an American sculptor. The photograph of the 
bust is from the frontispiece of Volume II of The Life and Writings of 
Jared Sparks, by Herbert B. Adams. For an article, "Jared Sparks in 
North Carolina," see pages 285-294. 






\ 

Volume XL Published in July, 1963 Number 3 



CONTENTS 



JARED SPARKS IN NORTH CAROLINA 285 

John H. Moore 



ABOLITIONIST MISSIONARY ACTIVITIES 

IN NORTH CAROLINA 295 

Clifton H. Johnson 

ENTERTAINMENT IN RALEIGH IN 1890 321 

Sarah McCulloh Lemmon 

THE ELECTIONS OF 1872 IN NORTH CAROLINA 338 

Douglass C. Dailey 



THE FOUNDING OF NEW BERN: A FOOTNOTE 361 

Edited by Fred J. Allred and Alonzo T. Dill 



BOOK REVIEWS 375 



HISTORICAL NEWS 398 



BOOK REVIEWS 



Harrington, Search for the Cittie of Ralegh: Archeological 
Excavations at Fort Raleigh National Historic Site, 
North Carolina, by Stanley South 375 

Parker, North Carolina Charters and Constitutions, 1578-1698, 

by Wesley Frank Craven 376 

Brown, A History of the Education of Negroes in North Carolina, 

by Richard Barry Westin 377 

Tucker, Front Rank, by Charles P. Roland 378 

North Carolina Advisory Committee to the United States Commission 
on Civil Rights, Equal Protection of the Laws in North Carolina, 
by Memory F. Blackwelder 379 

Gwynn, Abstracts of the Records of Jones County, North Carolina, 

1779-1868, by Charles R. Holloman 381 

Powell, North Carolina Lives: The Tar Heel Who's Who, 

by Cyrus B. King 382 

Dabney and Dargan, William Henry Drayton and the 

American Revolution, by Hugh F. Rankin 383 

Waring, The Fighting Elder: Andrew Pickens (1739-1817), 

by Jack C. Barnes 384 

Parks, General Leonidas Polk, C.S.A.: The Fighting Bishop, 

by Avery Craven 386 

Brown, The South Carolina Regulators, by C. G. Gordon Moss 388 

Davis, William Fitzhugh and His Chesapeake World, 1676-1701, 

by Cecil Johnson 389 

McPherson, The Journal of the Earl of Egmont: Abstract of the 
Trustees Proceedings for Establishing the Colony of Georgia, 
1732-1738, by James K. Huhta 390 

McMillan, The Alabama Confederate Reader, by Buck Yearns 391 

Eaton, The Growth of Southern Civilization, 1790-1860, 

by John Edmond Gonzales 392 

Parks, Ante-Bellum Southern Literary Critics, by Louis J. Budd 393 

Gottschalk, Generalization in the Writing of History: A Report of 
the Committee on Historical Analysis of the Social Science 
Research Council, by Thornton W. Mitchell 394 

Other Recent Publications 395 



JARED SPARKS IN NORTH CAROLINA 

By John H. Moore* 



Jared Sparks— hailed today as the man who inaugurated serious 
research into the documents of American history— first came to this 
State, not as a historian, but as a zealous apostle of Unitarianism. 1 
In the fall of 1819, while en route to attend the ordination of a new 
minister in Charleston, South Carolina, Sparks (himself recently 
appointed rector of a Baltimore church) stopped in Raleigh and 
Fayetteville. Arriving in the capital on November 18, he immediately 
called upon the Reverend Anthony Forster who was convalescing at 
the home of his father-in-law, Joseph Gales. 2 Forster, a native of 



* Dr. Moore is an Assistant Professor of History, Winthrop College, Rock Hill, 
South Carolina. 

1 Allen Johnson, Dumas Majone, and Others (eds.), Dictionary of American Biog- 
raphy (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 22 volumes and index, 1928-1958), XVII, 
430-434, hereinafter cited as Dictionary of American Biography. Jared Sparks (1789- 
1866), who was a graduate of Harvard in 1815, became a leading historian in his 
day. His works include 12 volumes on the writings of George Washington, a life of 
Gouverneur Morris, 10 volumes on the works of Benjamin Franklin, the Library of 
American Biography, and 12 volumes on the diplomatic correspondence of the Ameri- 
can Revolution. In 1839 his alma mater appointed him to the first chair of non- 
ecclesiastical history in any American college or university. Sparks is saluted as the 
man who began authoritative inquiry into the documents of American history. G. P. 
Gooch, History and Historians of the 19th Century (New York: P. Smith, 1949), 402. 

2 Kemp P. Battle, The Early History of Raleigh, the Capital City of North Carolina 
(Raleigh: Privately printed, 1893), 52-53, hereinafter cited as Battle, History of 
Raleigh. Forster was married to Altona Holstein Gales (1794-1827), a daughter of 
Joseph Gales, who was born in Altona, Schleswig-Holstein, near Hamburg, Germany. 
Another child, born in Raleigh, bore the name Weston Raleigh Gales. William S. 
Powell (ed.), "The Diary of Joseph Gales, 1794-1795," The North Carolina Historical 
Review, XXVI (July, 1949), 336, 337n; Mrs. J. R. Chamberlain, "Two Wake County 
Editors Whose Work Has Influenced the World." Proceedings of the Twenty-Second 
Annual Session of the State Literary and Historical Association of North Carolina, 
Raleigh, December 7-8, 1922 (Raleigh: The North Carolina Historical Commission 
[State Department of Archives and History], Bulletin No. 30, 1923), 47; Dictionary 
of American Biography, VII, 99-100. Gales, an English journalist and reformer, had 
to flee his homeland in 1794. After staying two years on the Continent, where he was 
joined by his family, he reached Philadelphia in 1795. He eventually settled in 
Raleigh in 1799 and founded the Raleigh Register and North-Carolina Weekly Adver- 
tiser. Pro-Jefferson, he was mayor of Raleigh for 19 years and was the State printer 
until ousted by Jackson forces. In the 1830's he lived in Washington, D. C, where he 
was Secretary of the American Peace Society and Secretary-Treasurer of the 
American Colonization Society. Gales was one of three agents for The North American 
Review in this State. The others were Salmon Hall of New Bern and John McRae 
of Fayetteville. For an interesting insight into Gales' early life see W. H. G. Army- 
tage, "The Editorial Experience of Joseph Gales, 1786-1794," The North Caroliyia 
Historical Review, XXVIII (July, 1951), 332-361. 



286 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Brunswick, North Carolina, had been forced' to resign the Charleston 
pulpit because of ill health. He died a few weeks later of consumption. 
The following day, having obtained the permission of the legislature 
to use its chambers, Sparks addressed the townspeople concerning 
the glorious new faith sweeping out of New England. 

I entered the hall at early candle light, and as soon as I was seated 
in the Speaker's chair found the house full to over-flowing. There was 
an almost universal attendance of the members of the Senate and House 
and as many other persons as could get into the room. I never preached 
to a more attentive audience. I was not prepared to find so much liberality 
of feeling among a people who have known nothing of the Unitarian 
principles, except from the misrepresentations of persons who have been 
industrious to hold them up in as odious a light as possible. The notice of 
preaching was very short, and the engines of orthodoxy were imme- 
diately set to work to prevent a general attendance, and yet a crowded 
audience collected. 3 

The next day Sparks proceeded to Fayetteville where he spent the 
Sabbath, taking note of that community's success in matters both 
theological and mercantile. 

Fayetteville at present is the most flourishing place in the State, though 
by no means so pleasantly situated as Raleigh. Two handsome churches, 
one Presbyterian and the other Episcopal, have lately been erected . . . 
with spires and bells. They are well attended; and I have seldom in New 
England seen the Sabbath passed in a more orderly manner than in this 
place. Merchandise is brought up Cape Fear River to this place, but the 
river is now too low. Newbern and Wilmington, which were formerly the 
depots of merchandise, are rapidly declining, and Fayetteville is taking 
precedence of them. The merchants here purchase their goods primarily 
in New York. 4 

Some three weeks later, having visited in both Charleston and 
Savannah, Sparks was back in Raleigh. This time he stayed at the 
Gales' household; and on Sunday, December 19, preached three times 
at the Capitol. The legislative halls, he writes, were full all day. Those 
present included Governor John Branch, his family, and numerous 
lawmakers. These folk, according to Sparks, gave him "a close and 
serious attention" as he dwelt upon the necessity of free inquiry, the 
importance of thinking and acting rightly, and the simplicity of the 
Unitarian faith. 



3 Herbert Baxter Adams, The Life and Writings of Jared Sparks (Boston and New 
York: Houghton, Mifflin and Company, 2 volumes, 1893), I, 157-158, hereinafter cited 
as Adams, Jared Sparks. 

* Adams, Jared Sparks, I, 158. 



Jared Sparks in North Carolina 287 

After his return to Baltimore, Jared Sparks resumed his theological 
duties and served briefly as chaplain in the House of Representatives. 
In 1823, however, he resigned his pastorate to become Editor of The 
North American Review. In this new role he became increasingly 
aware of the need to preserve the records of America's past. In the 
early spring of 1826 Sparks began a tour which took him throughout 
the South in search of manuscripts, letters, and documents. This un- 
dertaking was perhaps inspired by Edward Everett, a close friend of 
Sparks serving his first term in the House of Representatives. In the 
latest issue of The Review, while commenting upon Richard Henry 
Lee's Memoir of his grandfather, Everett had said: 

The history of our Revolution and constitutional organization is yet 
to be written. Nothing but materials have been published on this un- 
paralleled theme. And many more materials must yet be given to the 
world, and perhaps another generation elapse, before the history can be 
written. The archives in Washington must be explored; those of the 
several states thoroughly searched ; and the treasures, which are scattered 
about in the families of the revolutionary worthies, must be given to the 
world. The latter is quite as important a preliminary as either of the 
others. The history of the Revolution is in the letters of the great men 
who shone in it. It is from them alone that characters can be graduated, 
majorities sifted, parties unraveled, opinions historically deduced under 
changing names. 5 

On May 2, 1826, after pleasant, if not always rewarding inquiries in 
Charleston, Milledgeville, Columbia, and Camden, Jared Sparks was 
on a stage bound for North Carolina. Ahead lay still more dusty 
records, treasured manuscripts, and yellowed letters. 6 

2d May, Tuesday — Ry stage to Fayetteville ;— the two last days* ride 
through an exceedingly poor country, consisting of sands & pine barrens. 
From Augusta to Fayetteville the country is extremely barren, & very 
thinly inhabited, except on the borders of rivers and creeks. 

3d May, Wednesday. — Stage to Raleigh, 60 miles. Free blacks & mulat- 
toes in North Carolina and Tennessee have the privilege of voting, the 
same as white persons. — Country improves as you advance inland. — 
Called in the evening on Mr. & Mrs. Gales, who have just returned from 
Washington. 



6 Edward Everett, "Memoir of the Life of Richard Henry Lee ... by his Grandson, 
Richard Henry Lee, of Leesburg, Virginia," The North American Review, XXII (April, 
1826), 399. 

"The following excerpts are from "Journal of a Southern Tour, 1826," Papers of 
Jared Sparks, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts. 



288 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Utlft May, Thursday. — Mr. Gales called in th£ morning, and went with 
me to the state house and the public offices — introduced me to the secre- 
tary of State & treasurer. Mr. Hill, secretary of State, very politely of- 
fered me every facility in his power in examining the public docu- 
ments. 7 — Mr. Gales introduced me to the different apartments of the 
State house. It is a beautiful structure, fitted up for the purpose of re- 
ceiving Canova's statue of Washington. 8 The arched room in which the 
statue is placed is exceedingly handsome, and shows this great specimen 
of art to advantage. The Assembly room, & the senate room, particularly 
the latter, are finished with taste and elegance. I have seen no statehouse 
in the Union which can be compared with this, especially in its interior 
arrangements & beauty. — Passed the whole day in the secretary's office 
reading the original journals of the colonial Assembly, marking such 
passages as indicated the spirit of the Revolution. — Dined with Mr. Gales. 

5th May, Friday. — Perusing the Journals all day — find much to my 
purpose, & am surprised to see at how early a period, & with how much 
resolution, the people of North Carolina manifested their disapprobation 
of the English government — complained of oppression, and talked of 
resistance. In the strong feeling of independence, which brought about 
the final crisis, this state was not behind any in the Union. If circum- 
stances called this feeling later into action, it was not the less ready to 
act. On all proper occasions it was exhibited without reserve ; and several 
of the colonial governors found the Assembly a very untractable body, 
frequently opposing their views, and calling in question the legality of 
acts of Parliament, & the justice of royal instructions. 

The old Journals of Assembly & Council are well preserved in this 
state, at least from 1750 onward, which is as far back as I have looked. 
During the revolution they are full & complete. The Journals seem to 
have been printed every year after 1776, beginning with the first pro- 
vincial congress, held at Hillsborough. 9 It is a little remarkable, that 
not a single copy of the early printed Journals is in any of the state 
offices, or the Library. I have seen only a few broken numbers, and fear 
a set cannot be obtained. 

Passed the evening at Mr. Gales's, where I met Genl Jones. 10 He has 
been among the Creek Indians, — says they have a regular form of Gov- 
ernment, with king, council, & legislature — pass laws which are printed 



'Known as "Old Sec," William Hill held this post from 1811 until his death in 
1857. See Battle, History of Raleigh, 52. 

8 Antonio Canova (1757-1822), an Italian sculptor, played an important role in the 
classic revival. Because legislators failed to act on proposals to put this statue on 
rollers, it was lost when the Capitol burned in 1831. Samuel A'Court Ashe, History 
of North Carolina (Raleigh: Edwards and Broughton, 2 volumes, 1925), II, 334-338. 

8 New Bern actually continued as the capital until 1778. Prior to the selection of 
Raleigh, the General Assembly met at numerous places — Hillsboro, Halifax, Smith- 
field, Fayetteville, New Bern, Wake Court House, and Tarboro. Hugh Talmage 
Lefler and Albert Ray Newsome, North Carolina: The History of a Southern State 
(Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1954), 243-245. 

10 Edmund Jones lived near Wilkesboro. From 1802 to 1839 he frequently repre- 
sented Wilkes County in the State legislature. Henry Thomas Shanks (ed.), The 
Papers of Willie Person Mangum (Raleigh: State Department of Archives and His- 
tory, 5 volumes, 1950-1956), I, 386%. 



Jared Sparks in North Carolina 289 

& circulated — have courts of justice & juries & several schools supported 
by themselves. 

Genl Jones told me, that Harman [sic'] Husbands wrote an account of 
the Regulators in North Carolina. 11 This must be a curious work, as 
Husbands was himself a ringleader, & shut out by name from the general 
pardon. He removed to Pennsylvania, & headed the Whiskey insurrection 
in that state. 

Judge Murphy [sfc] is now engaged in writing a history of the state 
of north [sic] Carolina. Much is expected from his undertaking. 12 It is 
supposed he will have access to the papers which Francis X. Martin has 
been for many years collecting with a view to prepare a history of the 
State. 13 The original materials in the public offices are also abundant. 
Thirty years ago Mr. Martin was publisher of the North Carolina Ga- 
zette, & has enjoyed peculiar facilities for collecting historical materials. 
Mr. Murphy has also devoted himself much to the interests & progress 
of the state. His pamphlets on the internal improvements of North Caro- 
lina, altho perhaps a little too sanguine, are nevertheless creditable to 
him as a writer & a man of liberal views & research. 

6th May, Saturday. — Employed all day in the office of the Secretary 
of State examining files of letters. I have looked through the files for the 
years 1777 and 1778. — They were written chiefly to Gov. Caswell, the 
first governor of N. C. under the new Constitution. 14 The principal 
writers are, the president of Congress, the delegates in Congress from 
N. C, governor [John] Rutledge 15 of S. C, governor [Patrick] Henry 



"Husbands (1724-1795) was condemned to death for his role in the Whiskey Re- 
bellion, but was pardoned. Dictionary of American Biography, IX, 427-428. In 1770 
Husbands presumably wrote An Impartial Relation of the First Rise and Cause of 
the Recent Differences in Publick Affairs, In the Province of North Carolina. . . . 
This work and A Fan for Fanning and A Touch-Stone to Try on (1771) are repro- 
duced in William K. Boyd (ed.), "Some North Carolina Tracts of the 18th Century: 
VIII & IX," The North Carolina Historical Review, III (April, 1926), 223-362. 

12 Archibald D. Murphey (1777-1832) had just received considerable encouragement 
from the State legislature. He had been granted complete freedom to consult all State 
records, and a lottery had been authorized to assist Murphey in his work. William 
Henry Hoyt (ed.), The Papers of Archibald D. Murphey (Raleigh: The North Caro- 
lina Historical Commission [State Department of Archives and History], 2 volumes, 
1914), I, 332-365. Murphey's history was never completed. 

13 In 1829 A. T. Penniman of New Orleans published Francis X. Martin's History 
of North Carolina, From the Earliest Period. W. B. Yearns, "Francois X. Martin and 
His History of North Carolina" The North Carolina Historical Review, XXXVI 
(January, 1959), 17-27. 

"Richard Caswell (1729-1789), born in Maryland. He was Governor of North 
Carolina from 1776 to 1780 and again from 1785 to 1787. Dictionary of American 
Biography, III, 571. 

w John Rutledge (1739-1800), American statesman, who was born in Charleston, 
South Carolina. A lawyer, Rutledge was a member of the Continental Congress (1774- 
1776), President of South Carolina (1776-1778), and Governor (1779-1782). He was 
an associate justice of the United States Supreme Court and was appointed for one 
termas Chief Justice (1795), but was not confirmed by the Senate. Webster's Biog- 
raphical Dictionary (Springfield, Massachusetts: G. and C. Merriam Company [First 
edition], 1943), 1,296, hereinafter cited as Webster's Biographical Dictionary. 



290 The North Carolina Historical Review 

of Va, General [Benjamin] Lincoln, 16 and the ©fficers of the N. C. army 
and militia; — and also copies of governor Caswell's answers. All these 
are safely preserved, though not well arranged. 

The most curious and valuable letters for these two years are those 
from Mr Thos Burke, a delegate in Congress from N. C., to Gov. Cas- 
well. 17 It was Mr. Burke's custom to take sketches of the debates in the 
Old Congress. The most important of these he sent to Gov. Caswell, and 
also wrote him very frequently and fully respecting the proceedings of 
Congress, and views of its members. These letters & sketches I have 
read with great interest, and directed copies to be taken of parts. Mr 
Burke was a spectator at the battle of Brandy wine, & one letter gives a 
very minute account of the action. He very freely censures Genl [John] 
Sullivan, 18 and considers his ill judged movements the chief cause of the 
failure. He charges him with culpable negligence in not having acquainted 
himself with the roads & ground, & thereby making irretrievable blun- 
ders in not meeting the enemy at proper points. — From Mr Burke's 
letters, it seems that the controversy about state rights and powers of 
Congress began very early, even before the Confederation. He says dis- 
tinctly, that in his opinion Congress should have no power, except, such 
as was expressly delegated by the states. His letters on this subject were 
written in 1777. 

There is a curious letter from Henry Laurens 19 to Gov. Caswell, writ- 
ten I think in 1778. Laurens was at that time president of Congress, and 
it seems the North Carolina delegates were highly displeased at some 
of his measures in that capacity. These delegates drew up a paper on 
the subject, which they proposed to send to Gov. Caswell, and which they 
first submitted to the inspection of Laurens. He was much offended with 
the language used by the delegates, and the letter in question was written 
privately to Gov. Caswell, charging the delegates with undue warmth, 
and of having been betrayed into misrepresentations. He speaks with 
much displeasure, and a little violence. — Among other things Laurens 
says, that he would tell it as a secret to Gov. Caswell, that there was a 
party in Congress determined to "hunt him down," as he expressed it, 
and evidently considers himself ill treated without a cause. I have not 
been able to find the letter of the delegates to which he refers. Burke was 



ia Benjamin Lincoln (1733-1810), American Revolutionary officer, born in Hingham, 
Massachusetts. He was in command of the Southern Department in September, 1778, 
and was captured with his army in Charleston in May, 1779. He later served as 
Lieutenant-Governor of his State and was Collector of the Port of Boston after 1789. 
Webster's Biographical Dictionary, 901. 

17 An outspoken Irishman, Burke (1747-1783) served as Governor of North Carolina 
in 1781-1782. While in office he was captured by the Tories. Dictionary of American 
Biography, III, 282-283. 

"John Sullivan (1740-1795), a New Hampshire lawyer, led the unsuccessful ex- 
pedition against the British on Staten Island (1777), participated in the seige of 
Boston, and was captured at the Battle of Long Island. He resigned his commission 
as major general in 1779 and later held many State offices in New Hampshire. 
Webster's Biographical Dictionary, 1,430. 

18 Henry Laurens (1724-1792), American Revolutionary statesman. He was born 
in Charleston, South Carolina, and was a planter and export merchant. He was 
President of the first Provincial Congress in South Carolina (1775), a member of 
the Continental Congress (1777-1779), of which he was President from November 1, 
1777, to December 9, 1778. Webster's Biographical Dictionary, 866. 



Jared Sparks in North Carolina 291 

evidently an excitable man, as may be seen from his letters, apt to form 
hasty opinions, & indulge in conjectures. 

Among the files are many letters from Gov. Rutledge, and Patrick 
Henry, then governor of Virginia. Rutledge's letters are short, and con- 
tain nothing but the simple matter at hand, appearing to be written by 
a man under a heavy pressure of business. As records of history they 
are not of much value. They relate mostly to the army, and are commonly 
written to urge on the North Carolina troops in the defense of Charles- 
ton. 

Patrick Henry's letters are also short, and contain little matter. They 
are of a very different character, however, from Rutledge's, not indicat- 
ing so much a man of incessant and oppressive occupation as of indolence 
& aversion to writing. Rutledge writes like one, who has not time to say 
more; but Henry like one, who struggles against nature to put on paper 
the little that comes from him. 

7th May, Sunday.- — In the morning, attended service at the Presby- 
terian Church, and heard Dr. M'Pheeters; in the afternoon at the Epis- 
copal Church, and heard Bishop Ravenscroft. 20 Thin congregations at 
both places. The Methodists said to be the most numerous sect here. — 

Looked over a work entitled "The Civil & Political History of the State 
of Tennessee, from the Earliest Settlement, up to the Year 1796, includ- 
ing the Boundaries of the State. By John Haywood. 21 Printed, Knoxville, 
1823." — 8 vo. pp. 504. — The details of the work are too minute to be of 
general interest, but the author seems to have thoroughly possessed 
himself of his subject. The accounts of Indian treaties, wars, the first 
sales & settlements of land, boundaries, and particulars in the history of 
North Carolina, are full. As a local history it is a work of value, but too 
diffuse on local topics for general reading. 

8th May, Monday. — The morning passed in reading the original letters 
on revolutionary matters in the office of the secretary of state. The files 
stop in the middle of the year 1780. In the Governor's office I found letters 
of 1782, and onward, but for 1781, the most interesting year of the war 
in the southern states, no letters were found in any of the offices; and 
after that date the originals are missing, the contents being registered 



20 Samuel McPheeters and John Ravenscroft were both from Virginia. McPheeters, 
a Presbyterian, came to Raleigh in 1810 to become principal of the Raleigh Academy 
and "Pastor to the City." A pioneer in education, he headed that Academy until 1833. 
Battle, History of Raleigh, 64-71. Ravenscroft, who flirted with both law and # Method- 
ism, was the first Episcopal bishop of this State. Dictionary of American Biography, 
XV, 397-398. 

21 "Judge John Haywood," not to be confused with his first cousin, "Treasurer John 
Haywood," who served from 1787 to 1827 as Treasurer of North Carolina. "Judge 
John" was born in Halifax County in 1762. He was judge of Superior Court, first 
Solicitor General (1790-1791) of the State, and was Attorney General (1791-1794). 
He moved to Tennessee about 1807-1808, settling on his plantation "Tusculum," near 
Nashville. He served on the Bench of the Tennessee Supreme Court of Errors and 
Appeals from 1816 until his death in 1827. He is best known for his Natural and 
Aboriginal History of Tennessee, which was also published in 1823. Samuel A. Ashe 
and Others (eds.), Biographical History of North Carolina: From Colonial Times to 
the Present (Greensboro: Charles L. Van Noppen, 8 volumes, 1905-1907), VI, 274-281. 



292 The North Carolina Historical Review 

in books prepared for the purpose. For the years 1782 & 1783, 1784, the 
letters from Hugh Williamson, author of the "History of North Caro- 
lina," are numerous. He was then in Congress, & made very full reports 
to the governor. Some of them I read, but they are verbose and heavy. 
Perhaps I began with no elated hopes. Twice have I tried to read his 
history ; it is dull & meagre beyond description. It would seem impossible, 
that the man who should write such a book, could write anything, that 
would interest or instruct; & yet he was called a sensible man, and a 
learned; & when Everett spoke of him in his proper character, in a 
review as a literary man, Dr. Hosack of New York took a mortal offense 
that such freedom should be used in speaking of so much dignity & 
wisdom. Again I repeat, his history is the most inane of all human com- 
positions. 22 

By the politeness of Mr. Secretary Hill I have been permitted to take 
copies of several of the letters, which have been deposited in the files, & 
the originals he has given to me. Some of them are curious, as being the 
autographs of distinguished men, such as Gov. Rutledge, Patrick Henry, 
Jefferson, Jay, 23 Henry Laurens, Gov. Caswell, Genl Lincoln, and others. 
I have the letter of introduction, which Gov. Rutledge gave to Lafayette 
& Baron de Kalb 24 for Gov. Caswell, when they first left Charleston to go 
to Philadelphia, and join the army under Washington. These original 
letters will assist in completing a collection for the purpose of a volume 
of the fac simile autographs of the revolutionary heroes & statesmen, 
which I may one day publish with suitable notices. 

Spent an hour or two in the state library. The greatest wonder there is 
"Lawson's History of Carolina," a small thin quarto volume, printed in 
London, 1718. Three or four years ago it was purchased at the sale of 
a deceased person's property, for the State Library, at the price of sixty 
dollars! There were several competitors, & by the competition it was run 
up to that price ; the most remarkable instance of the bibliomania, prob- 
ably, which has occurred in this country. 

Three versions have been made of the laws of North Carolina: first, 
"Iredell's Laws of North Carolina," in one volume folio, published in 
1790; — secondly, Francis Xavier Martin's "Laws of North Carolina," in 
one quarto volume, published in 1804, and another thin volume after- 
wards; — & thirdly, a revision with notes by Judges Taylor, Potter, and 
Mr Yancey, published by Gales in 1825, in two volumes octavo. This last 



"Delbert Harold Gilpatrick, "Contemporary Opinion of Hugh Williamson," The 
North Carolina Historical Review, XVII (January, 1940), 26-36. Sparks refers here 
to David Hosack (1769-1835), physician and professor of botany and materia medica 
at Columbia (1797-1811). Hosack was the author of the Biographical Memoirs of 
Hugh Williamson (New York, 1821). 

23 John Jay (1745-1829), American jurist and statesman, who served in numerous 
governmental positions. He was minister to Spain (1779) and assisted Benjamin 
Franklin in Paris in negotiations for peace with Great Britain (1782), which were 
finally concluded in 1783. He was also Governor of New York. Webster's Biographical 
Dictionary, 776. 

24 Marquis Marie Joseph Paul Ives Roch Gilbert du Motier Lafayette (1757-1834), and 
Johann Kalb (1721-1780), known as Baron de Kalb. Kalb was born in Huttendorf, 
Germany, commissioned a major general in the Continental Army in 1777, served in 
the Revolution, and was mortally wounded in action on August 16, 1780. Webster's 
Biographical Dictionary, 801. 



Jared Sparks in North Carolina 293 

is much the best. Iredell's is valuable in a historical point of view, as it 
gives more of the old laws. 

I have agreed with Mr Hill to copy all the papers, which I selected for 
the purpose in his office, & requested Mr Gales to send me the manu- 
scripts; and also to procure for me the old printed journals. 

Passed the evening at Mr Gales's. From this amiable family in all its 
branches I have received many tokens of kindness, & never more, than 
during my present visit to Raleigh. I leave them with reluctance. 

9 th May, Tuesday. — Set off at 3 oclock [sic'] in the morning in the stage 
coach for Richmond. This upper road is much more agreeable to the 
traveller, than the lower one, which I passed from Norfolk to the south — 
more marks of industry & comfortable living — some pleasant country 
residences and well cultivated plantations. — The scuppernong grape is 
abundant on this road. The North Carolina wine of that name, however, 
is chiefly made in the low country near Plymouth [and] Washington. It 
is much used in North Carolina, and a demand Js increasing in other 
quarters. A ready market is obtained for all that is made. I saw one 
vineyard near Warrenton, where the owner is preparing to make wine. 
The grape runs into wide spreading vines, which are supported by 
frames; so that a vineyard makes one continued canopy. The vine will 
not grow if cut short in the European mode — The bark of the vine is 
smooth, & resembles the bark of a small hickory bush; the leaf is much 
smaller than with other grapes. The branches are extremely numerous, 
and intertwine themselves very closely. 

I have not yet said anything about the edables [sic~\ of the South. One 
word on the subject. 

At this season I have found very little but ham, corn bread, rice, and 
eggs, in their various modifications and combinations. Corn is cooked 
with much more skill than at the north, and is made a palatable, as well 
as most wholesome food. 

Large hominy is prepared by taking the hull of the corn, cracking up 
the kernels, — and is cooked by boiling — sometimes mixed with beans. It 
is an excellent dish for dinner. 

Small hominy is prepared from very coarse Indian meal — with the flour 
sifted out — the hull removed — & then boiled, something like New England 
hasty pudding. It is commonly set on for breakfast, and eat [sic'] with 
butter. 

Corn bread & corn cakes, are of various kinds, but all good. A coarse 
corn bread is made, which is set on warm at every meal. In some places 
I have found it the best thing on the table, & have made a meal of this, 
and ham & eggs. There is an excellent kind of corn cakes, almost always 
seen at breakfast, made of the finest flour, & baked very thin, and of 
different dimensions, from three to six inches diameter. I was told, that 
meal, eggs, & milk composed their constituent parts. They are light and 
well flavored. It is a rare thing to see in the south country cold bread of 
any sort. — Corn bread, in fact, becomes heavy & clogging, when cold. 

Rice cakes are made in various ways in South Carolina. One way is to 
boil the rice soft, & then bake it into cakes; — another is to make these 



294 The North Carolina Historical Review 

cakes of rice flour. In this state they resemble the corn cakes. In both 
forms they are excellent. 

Buckwheat cakes in their best estate are almost peculiar to Maryland 
& Virginia. I have ate none in any other place, which were anything 
better than humble imitations of those in the above states. 

The best oysters in America are to be had in Norfolk, from the streams 
that run into the Chesapeake, particularly York River. 

Canvas Back Ducks are found in perfection only in one place, which is 
the Chesapeake Bay, at Havre de Grace, where the Susquehanna emties 
[sic] into the bay. 

So much for my knowledge of culinary matters. 

In Richmond people eat sturgeon. 

10th May, Wednesday. — Rode all night, and arrived in Richmond at 
sunset to day [sic'] . — Met Judge [John] Marshall last evening at the town 
of Munroe [sic], on the Roanoke River. He was on his way to hold his 
circuit court in Raleigh, & travelling in a sulkey. He said he much pre- 
ferred the stage for its expedition, but could not travel nights. Passed 
half an hour very agreeably with him. He spoke of Canova's statue of 
Washington at Raleigh — said he was no judge of the art, but was bound 
to suppose it chief d'oeuvres — he was glad the country had a specimen 
of art of so high an order, — but said it gave no impression of Washing- 
ton — it was not like him in any respect whatsoever. — Houdon's statue in 
the state house of Virginia, he observed, is a very exact representation 
of Washington, — particully [sic] if you view it in a position so as to 
look at the figure between the front and left side. — A case of libel is to 
come on at Raleigh, which the Judge seemed to dread exceedingly. It is a 
case between two clergymen, Mr. Whitaker, & Dr. McPheeters. A good 
deal of excitement exists on the subject, and the decision must involve 
principles, which present legal difficulties and perplexities. 25 

Petersburgh [sic] has the appearance of more thrift and business, 
than almost any town I have seen at the south. It is a market for cotton, 
tobacco, & flour. 

Talked politics with a man, who had many words, but few ideas ; much 
prejudice, but little knowledge. 



25 McPheeters' adversary was apparently Jonathan Whitaker, a Congregational 
minister. There is no published record indicating Marshall heard this case; however, 
in the fall term he heard a libel suit, Jonathan Whitaker v. Frederick Freeman, 
12 N. C. 271 (1826). Whitaker claimed Freeman defamed him by telling others he 
stole wood, beat his wife, and was a Unitarian! At the next session of the circuit court 
(May, 1827) Marshall set a lower court decision aside and handed down a verdict of 
nonsuit. 



ABOLITIONIST MISSIONARY ACTIVITIES 
IN NORTH CAROLINA 

By Clifton H. Johnson* 

As the abolition movement gained momentum in the United States 
after 1830, the slavery issue naturally became a divisive factor in the 
Protestant churches of the nation. The persistent demands of Chris- 
tian abolitionists that the churches adopt unqualified antislavery 
principles and the uncompromising attitude of the vast majority of 
southern church members, who insisted that the scriptures condoned 
the institution of slavery and that it should be defended by the 
churches, made inevitable a division of some of the churches along 
sectional lines. Those larger denominations whose memberships were 
most evenly distributed throughout the nation North and South, par- 
ticularly the Baptist, Methodist, and Presbyterian churches, were 
naturally most affected by the slavery controversy, and they divided 
into essentially northern and southern branches long before the politi- 
cal breakup of the Union. 1 These sectional schisms, however, did not 
end the slavery controversy within the churches; there followed a 
period of increasing bitterness between the northern and southern 
churches as well as factional strife and schisms within the denomina- 
tional groups of each section. 2 The strife within the ranks of both 
northern and southern Methodism was significant in producing a 
situation in North Carolina that reveals the aims and methods of the 
Christian abolitionists 3 and also the extremes to which proslaverv 

* Dr. Johnson is Professor of History, LeMoyne College, Memphis, Tennessee. 

1 William Warren Sweet, The Story of Religion in America (New York: Harper 
and Brothers [Revised], 1950), 285-311, hereinafter cited as Sweet, Story of Religion. 

2 Clifton H. Johnson, "The American Missionary Association, 1846-1861 ; A Study 
of Christian Abolitionism" (unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of North 
Carolina, 1958), 14-26, hereinafter cited as Johnson, "American Missionary Associa- 
tion." 

3 The author has made a distinction between "Christian abolitionists" and "anti- 
slavery Christians." The former were members of Protestant churches who, after 
1830, began to demand that their churches must be freed from all connection with 
slavery by excommunicating; all slaveholding members and their apologists. They 
did not stop with a general condemnation of slavery as an immoral institution, but 
insisted that the act of slaveholding, per se, was always and everywhere a sin, 
regardless of the circumstances which had brought the relationship into being and 
the conditions under which it had continued. Thus "no fellowship with slaveholders" 
became the basic principle of Christian abolitionism, and its advocates demanded that 



296 The North Carolina Historical Review 

southerners were willing to go in denying freedom of speech and 
thought in an effort to protect the institution of slavery. 

The story of the North-South schism of American Methodists is 
well known and may be briefly told. In the Methodist Episcopal 
Church of the 1830's and early 1840's, the moderates were in control, 
and they— under the leadership of the bishops, general secretaries, and 
editors of the official journals— not only prevented the church from 
adopting abolitionism but also attempted to prevent the discussion of 
the slavery issue within church councils. Beginning in 1832 one 
Methodist conference after another condemned the extreme position 
of the abolitionists and warned of disaster for the church and nation 
if abolition agitation continued. 4 Finally, discouraged with their un- 
successful efforts to reform their church, a group of radical abolition- 
ists gathered in Albany, New York, in early 1843, and decided to with- 
draw from the Methodist Episcopal Church. At a later meeting in 
May, 1843, at Utica, the secessionists organized the Wesleyan Metho- 
dist Connection of America, which grew to a membership of more 
than 15,000 by 1845. The Wesleyans adopted abolitionist principles- 
refusing to fellowship slaveholders and condemning slaveholding as 
a sin— and repudiated the aristocratic government of the Methodist 
Episcopal Church, adopting instead a modified form of congrega- 
tional government. 5 

the churches rigorously execute discipline on this principle. Not only would such 
action served to purify the churches, said the Christian abolitionists, but it was also 
the only means by which slavery might be peacefully abolished. 

The antislavery Christians were mostly moderate northern Protestants. They were 
embarrassed by the positions that many of their churches occupied on the slavery 
issue, but they strongly disagreed with the principles of Christian abolitionism. While 
they recognized that the institution of slavery was an evil, and even sinful as prac- 
ticed by some slaveholders, and that the churches had a responsibility for promoting 
emancipation, the antislavery Christians did not recognize the act of slaveholding to 
be a sin within itself. Slaveholding was regarded as a sin only when the relationship 
was sustained voluntarily, with evil purpose, or with immoral treatment of the slave. 
Most of the antislavery Christians admitted that slaveholding was a matter for church 
discipline, but they would leave the application of discipline to the individual churches, 
who should be governed by the circumstances in each case. Some of these moderates, 
however, were opposed to the excommunication of slaveholders by the churches on 
the grounds that the removal of the evils of the institution, as well as the propaga- 
tion of antislavery principles, especially among those by whom they were most 
needed, could be best accomplished with the slaveholders in the churches. The vast 
majority of northern church members were antislavery Christians after 1845, and 
they determined the policy of most northern churches, including the Methodist Episco- 
pal Church, up to the outbreak of the Civil War. See Johnson, "American Missionary 
Association 5—14 

* Sweet, Story of Religion, 301-303; Dwight W. Culver, Negro Segregation in the 
Methodist Church (New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press, Yale Studies in 
Religious Education, Number 22, 1853), 47-48, hereinafter cited as Culver, Methodist 
Segregation. 

5 Culver, Methodist Segregation, 48; Luther Lee, Wesleyan Manual: A Defense of 
the Organization of the Wesleyan Methodist Connection (Syracuse, New York: 
Samuel Lee, Publisher, 1862), 34, 157-160, hereinafter cited as Lee, Wesleyan Manual. 



Abolitionist Missionary Activities 297 

In numbers the Wesleyan secession appeared insignificant and 
was ridiculed by conservatives, but it served to awaken latent anti- 
slavery sentiments among many other northern Methodists. During 
the year following the secession, antislavery views were repeatedly 
expressed in official church journals and several Methodist conven- 
tions were held in which antislavery resolutions were adopted. The 
crisis within the parent church came in the General Conference of 
1844. After a vigorous five-day debate the delegates voted to sustain 
the action of the Baltimore Annual Conference which had suspended 
a minister for refusing to free slaves that he had acquired through 
marriage. This action was followed by a more prolonged and heated 
fight over the case of Bishop James O. Andrew of Georgia. Through 
two bequests and by marriage Bishop Andrew had acquired the 
ownership of slaves who could not be freed under the provisions of 
State law. In a discussion that lasted three weeks, all efforts of the 
moderates to effect a compromise failed, and the Conference voted to 
suspend the Bishop. The certainty of a sectional split was now evi- 
dent, and the day following the adjournment of the General Confer- 
ence, the southern delegates convened in New York and issued a 
call for a convention of the southern conferences. This convention, 
with representatives from thirteen slave States, met in Louisville, 
Kentucky, in May, 1845, and formed the Methodist Episcopal Church, 
South. 6 

The Wesleyans refused to reaffiliate with the northern branch of 
the Methodist Episcopal Church after the sectional division of 1845. 
They, along with other Christian abolitionists, maintained that the 
split had only served to confuse the public mind and divert attention 
from the real proslavery character of the northern church that con- 
tinued to exist. First, they pointed out that the southern secession 
was not brought about because of any action by the General Con- 
ference against slaveholding by church members, but only against 
slaveholding by the episcopacy. Second, they observed that the seces- 
sion had been by southerners, rather than by northerners, who had 
done all they could to prevent it, and afterwards considered it as an 
unjustifiable act, and that many prominent churchmen continued to 
strive for unity and the undoing of the act of separation. Third, it 
was alleged that the position taken by the General Conference in 
1844 was not taken on the principle of the moral issue of slavery, but 
was taken only for reasons of expediency. Fourth, they showed that 
the Methodist Episcopal Church still fellowshiped slaveholders and 

"Sweet, Story of Religion, 303-305; Culver, Methodist Segregation, 48-50. 



298 The North Carolina Historical Review 

ordained slaveholding ministers. 7 According* to one critic, there were, 
in 1853, within churches affiliated with the northern conference, "not 
less than four thousand slaveholders, and twenty seven thousand 
slaves." 8 And such testimony regarding the connection of the north- 
ern Methodist Church with slavery did not come only from Wes- 
leyans and non-Methodist critics. As late as 1858, a Methodist aboli- 
tionist said, "We now have from ten to twenty thousand slaveholders 
in our Church, among whom are hundreds of leaders, stewards, 
trustees, exhorters and local preachers, deacons, and elders, who sell 
slaves, as suits their convenience and interests, and with utter im- 
punity." 9 

While the Wesleyans condemned the position of the northern 
Methodists on slavery, there emerged a group of North Carolina 
Methodists who condemned the southern Methodists and refused to 
affiliate with that body. Immediately following the Louisville conven- 
tion in 1845, some forty or fifty Methodist residents of Guilford County 
and vicinity met at Jamestown, North Carolina, and formed them- 
selves into an independent church. They announced that they felt 
"so conscientiously scrupulous on the subject of slavery" that they 
could not hold fellowship with the Methodist Episcopal Church, 
South. Neither were they willing to affiliate with the northern Metho- 
dists, who had acquiesced, without the consent of the individual 
congregations, in a transfer of their rights in membership and prop- 
erty to the southern organization. 10 

The Jamestown congregation maintained its independence until 
1847, when, under the leadership of one of its members, Daniel 
Wilson, it was reorganized and applied for admission to the Alle- 
ghany Conference of the Wesleyan Methodist Connection of America. 
The conference accepted the application, established the Guilford 
Circuit, and appointed the Reverend Adam Crooks as missionary 
preacher for the circuit. Crooks arrived in Guilford County on Octo- 

7 Lee, Wesleyan Manual, 118-126; The American Missionary Magazine, III (Jan- 
uary, 1859), 8; William Goodell, Slavery and Anti-Slavery\ A History of the Great 
Struggle in Both Hemispheres; with a View of the Slavery Question in the United 
States (New York: Privately printed, 1853), 149-150, hereinafter cited as Goodell, 
Slavery and Anti-Slavery ; Daniel De Vinne, The Methodist Episcopal Church and 
Slavery; A Historical Survey of the Relations of the Early Methodists to Slavery 
(New York: Francis Hart, 1857), vii-viii; H. Mattison, The Impending Crisis of 1860: 
Or the Present Connection of the Methodist Episcopal Church With Slavery and Our 
Duty in Regard to It (New York: Mason Brothers, 1858), 22-86, hereinafter cited as 
Mattison, Impending Crisis of 1860. 

8 Goodell, Slavery and Anti-Slavery, 150. 

9 Mattison, Impending Crisis of 1860, 84. 

10 Lucius C. Matlack, The History of American Slavery and Methodism, from 1780 
to 1849: and History of the Wesleyan Methodist Connection of America (New York: 
n.p., 1849), 361, hereinafter cited as Matlack, American Slavery and Methodism. 



Abolitionist Missionary Activities 299 

ber 23, 1847. He found a congregation of some forty members, which 
had no meetinghouse but held worship services regularly in homes or 
under brush arbors. Crooks prosecuted the missionary work with 
vigor, and soon after his arrival the Alleghany Conference sent the 
Reverend Jarvis C. Bacon to assist him in conducting a revival. The 
revival lasted for thirteen days and resulted in the formation of new 
Wesley an congregations in Guilford and surrounding counties. By 
the close of 1848 the Guilford Circuit was composed of eight churches 
with total memberships of approximately 275. The first Wesleyan 
Methodist church building in the South was constructed between 
October, 1847, and March, 1848, at a place called Freedom's Hill, 
then in Chatham County but now in Alamance. 11 

The preaching appointments had now grown too numerous to be 
met by one man, and Crooks requested that another minister be com- 
missioned for the circuit. The Reverend Jesse McBride arrived to 
assist in the work in 1849. 12 By October 5, 1850, the two men had 
regular preaching appointments in Guilford, Randolph, Forsyth, 
Davidson, Alamance, and Chatham counties. 13 

Many North Carolina residents, including some southern Metho- 
dists and especially the Quakers, had favorably received Crooks and 
McBride on their arrival in the State. Both men were uncompromising 
and outspoken in attacking the institution of slavery, however, and 
opposition against them soon appeared and mounted as their aboli- 
tionist sentiments became widely known. The crisis came in the fall 
of 1850. A "Mr. Montgomery," presumably a minister, whom the 
Greensborough Patriot described as "occupying a position of re- 
spectability" and "possessing remarkably shrewd intelligent faculties 
of mind," attended a meeting conducted by McBride in the Friends 
meetinghouse in Jamestown in September. 14 Montgomery reported 
that before a congregation which included some "twenty or thirty 
Darkies . . . [which] heightened greatly the criminality of his dis- 
course," the missionary came out fully on the doctrine of abolition 
and "in one sentence sent the whole Southern Church to hell— de- 
claring it impossible for them to be saved." Apparently, however, 
McBride hoped for the salvation of the slaveholders; Montgomery 
also reported that he closed the service with a prayer in which the 

u Jesse McBride to George Whipple, April 16, 1852. American Missionary Associa- 
tion Archives, Fisk University Library, Nashville, Tennessee, hereinafter cited as 
American Missionary Archives; Roy S. Nicholson, Wesleyan Methodism in the South 
(Syracuse, New York: The Wesleyan Methodist Publishing House, 1933), 28-40, 
hereinafter cited as Nicholson, Wesleyan Methodism in the South. 

M Jesse McBride to George Whipple, April 16, 1852, American Missionary Archives. 

13 Greensborough Patriot, October 5, 1850. 

u Greensborough Patriot, October 5, 1850. 



300 The North Carolina Historical Review 

"wicked, sinful, and oppressive slave holde'rs were largely remem- 
bered" and he petitioned: 

Lord have mercy upon such as are oppressing their fellowmen, such as 
are separating man and wife, parent and child, brother and sister, such 
as are tearing children from their mother's [sic\ breasts, and holding 
them in iron bondage, and depriving them of their liberties. 15 

Montgomery complained that the "fanatical, misguided and incen- 
diary zealots— ignorant, coarse, fool-hardy and presumptuous" mis- 
sionaries were not only destroying the domestic peace but also 
suspected of aiding runaway slaves while the people of Guilford 
County sat with "folded hands." After warning the public that even 
if they should die for their abolitionist beliefs, Crooks and McBride 
would before long have created a band of followers, "who would 
keep the abolition ball in motion," Montgomery appealed: 

I call upon men of intelligence, upon sober-minded men, men in author- 
ity — our Judges, our Magistrates, our Lawyers, our Grand Juries — to 
exercise their vigilence, their authority. ... I ask, with such public teach- 
ing, if men can feel that they are safe from the assassin's knife, from 
the incendiaries' torch? 16 

A spirit of "common justice" required the editors of the Greens- 
borough Patriot, who had published Montgomery's report, to give 
McBride the opportunity to reply. The missionary accused Montgom- 
ery of exaggeration. He maintained that it was not his purpose to 
incite slave rebellion, and he added that he was not in favor of 
amalgamation of the races. 17 He did not, however, repudiate his 
antislavery views. Furthermore, Montgomery publicly repeated his 
charges and insisted that his report had been accurate. 18 Conse- 
quently, the public hostility against the missionaries was not quieted. 
A few days later, Crooks and McBride were arrested on the charge of 
circulating incendiary literature, specifically an antislavery pamphlet, 
The Ten Commandments. McBride was found guilty and sentenced 
to twenty lashes, the pillory for one hour, and imprisonment for one 
year. The only evidence presented against Crooks was association with 
McBride so he was acquitted. McBride appealed to the Supreme 
Court of North Carolina and secured a release on $1,000 bond. 19 



15 Greensborough Patriot, September 28, 1850. 
18 Greensborough Patriot, September 28, 1850. 

17 Greensborough Patriot, September 28, 1850. 

18 Greensborough Patriot, October 12, 1850. 

19 Greensborough Patriot, October 19, 1850. 



Abolitionist Missionary Activities 301 

The trial had further excited the public, and as the opposition 
grew, it became impossible for McBride to carry on his work. He 
therefore negotiated with the authorities for a release from the claims 
against him and his bondsmen, in return for a promise to leave the 
State. In May, 1851, he returned to Ohio. The public mind was not 
relieved, however, and the persecution continued against Crooks in 
the form of threats on his life and attacks by mobs. Finally, in 
August, 1851, he also deserted the field. 

Many Wesleyans followed their leaders into free territory, while 
some returned to their former church connections, but a few of cour- 
age and conviction continued to hold their meetings, with Daniel 
Wilson serving as their preacher. After Crooks left the State, Jesse 
McBride appealed to the American Missionary Association of New 
York City to contribute $50 annually to Wilson's support. McBride 
wrote: 

[When] ... we were expelled ... we left near 600 members with a 
sheapard [sic], with a host of sympathizing friends. These brethren 
concluded they could not do without a minister. And as Daniel Wilson 
was raised in Guilford Co. N. C. — as there was not so much prejudice vs. 
him as there would be against a Northern man, and as he was a good 
preacher, and devoted christian [sic], the afflicted flock, secured his 
services to serve them as their pastor. The persecution &c. discouraged 
a number of our members and friends, so that they sold out, and have 
come to the semi free [sic] States. One correspondent informs me that 
at least 600 families had left, 400 of whom were from Guilford Co. But 
there are a few precious souls remaining who want the pure word of 
life proclaimed, but they are not able to pay Bro. Wilson more than one 
hundred dollars per year, and as he has a large family, and is a poor 
man, he cannot possibly labor for that amount. . . . Taking everything 
into the account the field in the State of North Carolina, is still somewhat 
promising, and ought not to be abandoned — There are hundreds of ears 
still open to hear the truth and it certainly ought not to be taken from 
them. If there was any other Anti-Slavery preacher, of any other denomi- 
nation, that these dear brethren could go to hear, I should not feel so 
anxious. But there is none, no not one!! 20 

The appeal to the American Missionary Association fell on sympa- 
thetic ears. The Association had been organized at Albany, New York, 
on September 2, 1846, by a convention of evangelical abolitionists, 
who had become discouraged after long and fruitless efforts to in- 
fluence the Protestant churches and missionary societies of the United 
States to adopt abolitionist principles. With offices in New York City, 

80 Jesse McBride to George Whipple, April 16, 1852, American Missionary Archives. 



302 The North Carolina Historical Review 

and operating under a charter granted by the State in 1849, the 
A.M. A. was an independent, nonsectarian and nonecclesiastical body, 
whose membership was open to any contributor to its treasury who 
was a professing Christian of evangelical and abolitionist sentiments. 
Its leadership was supplied largely from the ranks of the American 
and Foreign Antislavery Society, and it was an ally of that organi- 
zation in the antislavery crusade. Its financial support came chiefly 
from New England, the Middle West, and New York, and largely 
from Congregationalists, Free Presbyterians, and Wesleyan Metho- 
dists, although there was some support from other regions and from 
members of other evangelical denominations. 

The A.M. A. refused to accept gifts from slaveholders or churches 
with slaveholding members and endeavored to propagate the doc- 
trines of a "pure and free" Christianity by gathering and sustaining 
mission churches in the United States and in heathen lands that ex- 
cluded the practices of caste, polygamy, slaveholding, and "all other 
public, as well as private, sins/' Prior to the Civil War, the Association 
established and sustained missions in West Africa, Jamaica, Siam, 
Hawaii, and Egypt, and among the O jib way Indians in Minnesota 
and the fugitive slaves in Canada, and supported 263 home mission- 
aries located in the Northeast, the West, Kentucky, Missouri, North 
Carolina, and the District of Columbia. Although it was aggressive 
in its efforts to promote abolitionism, the Association maintained a 
fundamental evangelical character, endeavoring to bring about the 
elimination of slavery by winning converts to a religious fellowship 
that condemned the institution as unchristian. 21 The Association's 
motives for supporting missionaries in the slave States were defined 
as follows: 

The work proposed is to give a pure Gospel, freedom, all the blessings 
of salvation, and a true civilization to nearly one half of the States of 
this Union, who are groaning under the burdens and guilt of slavery. It 
is to open the prison doors, to save the oppressed and the oppressor, and 
the vast population of non-slaveholders. It is to regenerate the people, to 
save them from untold miseries, prevent the effusion of rivers of blood — 
and unite in one brotherhood the people of the North and South. We seek 
also to bring all to repentance of the sin of upholding oppression, and of 
trampling down the entire colored population, and to save our guilty 
nation the fierceness of God's anger, by its timely repentance, and to 
make it the messenger of mercy to the world. 22 



21 See Johnson, "American Missionary Association." 

m Annual Report of the American Missionary Association, XIII (New York, 1859), 
56, hereinafter this series of documents will be cited as Annual Report with the 
appropriate volume number and date. 



Abolitionist Missionary Activities 303 

At the time McBride's request reached the A.M.A., Daniel Wilson 
was serving six churches in North Carolina with approximately 150 
members. 23 The Association's commission, which was made retro- 
active to March 1, 1852, was received with gratitude by Wilson, but 
he requested that he should be paid with paper money rather than 
by draft and that his name should not be printed in the Associations 
publications. He felt that he would be driven from the country if his 
connection with the A.M. A. became known, but added that by 
acting in a "private way" he could do much to advance the antislavery 
cause and glorify God in North Carolina. 24 He later explained that he 
could not solicit the collection for the A.M.A. that was required of all 
home mission churches without revealing his affiliation and endanger- 
ing his life. 25 

As an anonymous missionary, Wilson served under the Association's 
patronage until 1856. In 1853 he was preaching to nine different 
churches and in some places where no churches had yet been formed. 
There had been about 20 conversions during the year, and the church 
members numbered approximately 350. 26 In 1856 he reported that 
westward migrations had reduced the numbers of churches to eight, 
and their memberships to 213. 27 

Wilson was apparently very discreet in carrying on his antislavery 
missionary work. While other missionaries of the American Missionary 
Association in the South were aggressive abolition leaders, speaking 
publicly against slavery and circulating antislavery tracts, there is 
no evidence that Wilson engaged in any antislavery activities other 
than his ministerial duties. This perhaps explains why he was allowed 
to work unmolested by the proslavery interests. In his reports to New 
York, his description of conditions in the State were expressed with 
moderation and supplied the abolitionists with little additional propa- 
ganda material. On one occasion, he wrote: 

The state of society is better than might be anticipated. Most of our 
laws are excellent for the protection of the people and of property. Good 
order usually prevails at our meetings, and disorderly persons would as 
a general thing, be put down, and the laws executed. 28 



23 Jesse McBride to George Whipple, May 4, 1852, American Missionary Archives. 
84 Daniel Wilson to George Whipple, June 22, 1852, American Missionary Archives. 
25 Daniel Wilson to George Whipple, July 22, 1852, American Missionary Archives. 
28 Annual Report, VII (1853), 58. 
"Annual Report, X (1856), 50, 75. 
"Annual Report, VIII (1854), 77. 



304 The North Carolina Historical Review 

* 

Wilson, who was a poorly educated man, 29 considered the provi- 
sions for education in the State to be "tolerably good," with the free 
school system in operation for whites; and although Negroes were 
prohibited by law from "even reading the word of God," some masters 
did teach their slaves to read. 30 The greatest opposition encountered 
in the work, he found, came not from the "world" but from the pro- 
slavery churches. He was not completely without friends there, how- 
ever, as some of their members occasionally attended his meetings. 31 
Again and again, he saw antislavery sentiment gaining ground, and 
the conversions to his churches were considered as large as any of 
the proslavery bodies had. 32 He felt that his position was so securely 
established by 1854 that he could receive The American Missionary, 
a monthly paper published by the A.M.A., without danger, and he 
received his first copy of the publication on May 23 of that year. 33 

There were also discouraging factors. In 1854 Wilson found the 
"curse of intemperance" more strongly prevailing among the people 
on his circuit than ever. 34 The frequent migrations of church members 
to free territory worked against the cause, especially the large migra- 
tions to Iowa and Kansas in 1854 and 1855. 35 He could do little in the 
way of promoting Sabbath schools because of the prohibition against 
teaching Negroes to read, and the fact that there were on hand few 
books of interest to children. 36 Furthermore, the work was too heavy 
for one man, requiring travel of about 300 miles to meet the appoint- 
ments at the eight churches in 1856. 37 

The importance of the missionary work in North Carolina was 
summarized by the home secretary of the A.M. A. in 1854 as follows: 

The relations of North-Carolina to the other slave States gives it a 
singular interest. Connecting with Tennessee on the West, they, together, 
form the line of division between the northern and southern slave States, 
and with Kentucky have more elements favorable to freedom and progress 



29 



Wilson's letters clearly reveal his deficiencies in education. In recommending his 
appointment, Jesse McBride said that while he was "a man of sound mind," he was 
"not well versed in science." Jesse McBride to George Whipple, May 4, 1852, Ameri- 
can Missionary Archives. 

80 Annual Report, VIII (1854), 77. 

31 Annual Report, VIII (1854), 77. 

83 Annual Report, VIII (1854), 76; Annual Report, X (1856), 75; The American 
Missionary, IX (January, 1855), 19; Daniel Wilson to George Whipple, November 1, 

1853, American Missionary Archives. 

38 Daniel Wilson to Simeon S. Jocelyn, April 25, May 23, 1854, American Missionary 
A r ch i ves 

"Annual Report, VIII (1854), 77. 

85 Annual Report, X (1856), 75. 

"Daniel Wilson to Simeon S. Jocelyn, May 28, November 1, 1854, American Mis- 
sionary Archives. 

"Annual Report, VIII (1854), 77; Daniel Wilson to Simeon S. Jocelyn, April 25, 

1854, American Missionary Archives. 



Abolitionist Missionary Activities 305 

than the States south, and more than the larger sections of the slave 
States north of them, so devoted to the breeding system and the sale of 
their own people. 38 

In spite of this declaration, and the fact that Wilson was remark- 
ably successful in winning converts and establishing new churches, 
the A.M. A. made no apparent effort to provide reinforcements or 
enlarge the field in North Carolina before 1857. Wilson was not as 
effective as a propagandist for the abolition cause as some other 
missionaries of the Association in the South— for example, John Gregg 
Fee of Kentucky— and consequently he failed to excite tremendous 
interest in his work among the New York officers. Then, through some 
medium, the executive committee of the A.M. A. received reports that 
the North Carolina churches were dissatisfied with Wilson as circuit 
pastor. The exact nature of the complaint made by the churches is 
not known, but the available evidence indicates that he was charged 
with engaging in secular work and with failing to meet his preaching 
appointments regularly. The Association had increased its annual 
grant to Wilson from $50 to $100 in 1853, but this was hardly suffi- 
cient income for a family man who had the additional expense of 
meeting preaching appointments at eight churches over a large area. 
There were perhaps good grounds for his seeking more remunerative 
employment and consequently neglecting his missionary responsibili- 
ties. This explanation was the opinion of James Scott Davis, who was 
sent by the A.M.A. to investigate the charges in 1857. Davis believed 
that Wilson was a devout Christian and a real abolitionist, and "not a 
lazy man." 39 Soon after this report, however, additional charges, in- 
cluding that of immoral character, were brought against Wilson and he 
was summarily dismissed by the A.M.A. 40 Meanwhile, the Association 
had commissioned Daniel Worth to labor among the Wesleyan 
churches of North Carolina. 

Daniel Worth, the son of Quaker parents, was a native of Guilford 
County, where he had served as justice of the peace before migrating 
to the Middle West as a young man. Many of his relatives still lived 
in North Carolina in 1857, some of whom occupied positions of 
prominence and the family was generaly well known and respected. 
One of his cousins was Jonathan Worth, a member of the State legis- 
lature and later governor. Chief Justice Thomas Ruffin of the State 

88 Annual Report, VIII (1854), 76. 

89 James S. Davis to Simeon S. Jocelyn, September 1, 1857, American Missionary- 
Archives. 

40 Daniel Worth to Simeon S. Jocelyn, February 9, 1858; Robert McCune to Simeon 
S. Jocelyn, September 18, 1857, American Missionary Archives. 



306 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Supreme Court had been one of his boyhood friends. In Indiana 
Worth had served in the lower house of the legislature for four years 
and in the State senate for one term. Long active in antislavery work, 
he was chosen president of the Indiana Abolition Society in 1840, 
played a prominent part in the founding of the Wesleyan Methodist 
Connection in 1843, and became president of its General Conference 
in 1848. During the next five years, he devoted his time and energy 
to establishing Wesleyan churches. In 1853 he was commissioned by 
the A.M.A. as an itinerant preacher for Kentucky. John Gregg Fee, 
the leader of the Kentucky missionaries and a strong opponent of 
denominationalism, found Worth to be "straight out anti Slavery," 
but too interested in carrying the Kentucky churches over to Wesley- 
anism, and decided after one year that he would "let him stay on the 
other side of the [Ohio] River." 41 From Kentucky Worth went to 
Ripley, Ohio, as pastor of a church composed of seventy ex-slaves. 42 
Even his enemies recognized Worth as a man of talent, but, per- 
haps, "an enthusiastic monomaniac" on the slavery question. 43 There 
can be no doubt that he was endowed with great physical courage, 
and his moral character was beyond reproach. 44 When he came into 
North Carolina, he was a handsome man of sixty-two years of age, 
well over six feet and weighing about 275 pounds. He was a fluent 
speaker and possessed of a manner that won for him respect and 
friendship from many of the very men he attacked. Daniel Worth 
was not the man to follow the course of moderation laid out by his 
predecessors. 45 



"John G. Fee to George Whipple, n.d., American Missionary Archives. 

42 For biographical sketches of Daniel Worth, see Nicholson, Wesleyan Methodism 

in the South, 77-80; John Spencer Bassett, Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina 

(Baltimore, Maryland: The Johns Hopkins Press, The Johns Hopkins University 

Studies in Historical and Political Science, Series XVI, No. 6, 1898), 24-25; Robert 

McCune to Simeon S. Jocelyn, September 18, 1857, American Missionary Archives. 

^Jonathan Worth to George McNeill, March 10, 1860, J. G. de Roulhac Hamilton 
(ed.), The Correspondence of Jonathan Worth (Raleigh: The North Carolina His- 
torical Commission [State Department of Archives and History], 2 volumes, 1909), I, 
111, hereinafter cited as Hamilton, Worth Correspondence. 

** Greensborough Patriot, April 6, 1860. 

45 Worth and Daniel Wilson were antagonistic towards each other from their first 
meeting. Soon after his arrival in North Carolina, Worth wrote: "You are aware of 
a difficulty long existing in the churches here between Rev. D. Wilson and others. . . . 
My brethren of the Zaneville Con. [f erence] adjured me, cost what it might, to see 
that this difficulty was was [sic'] settled. . . . Both parties promised to submit to my 
administration of the case. ... I was convinced that Wilson's administration made a 
case of the grossest ecclesiastical tyranny I ever heard of either Pope or Bishop. . . . 
When I inquired 'by what authority he did these things' he answered evasively . . . 
denied our jurisdiction in the case . . . said he was not to be trampled upon by any 
northern men, and . . . immediately withdrew. . . . Wilson is now engaged in telling 
the people that he has dissolved all connection with the north, because they will steal 
the property (negroes) of southerners; he saw a Wesleyan preacher in Ohio feed a 
runaway slave at his own table ( ! ) , and permit him to depart for Canada on the 
underground railroad; and further, he saw colored persons in Wesleyan churches in 



Abolitionist Missionary Activities 307 

On arrival in North Carolina, Worth established residence at New 
Salem, and preached his first sermon on November 8, 1857. In the 
congregation, he found, in addition to the "ordinary classification of 
assemblies, saints and sinners," a few slaves, who acted with "as much 
reverence and decorum, as though they really supposed themselves 
human beings." 46 Also present was a slave trader, one of Worth's old 
acquaintances, from whom he accepted an invitation to visit his home 
after the service. 47 

Within a year Worth had brought ten churches in Randolph and 
surrounding counties under his care, and reported that the congrega- 
tions had grown too large for the buildings at about half the preach- 
ing points, and they had resorted to "God's first temples," the groves. 48 
Several revivals brought in many converts, and Worth maintained 
that his conversions had "doubled that of any pro-slavery denomina- 
tion" around him. 49 By March, 1859, he had made 140 conversions, 
including one man who had participated in mob action against 
Crooks and McBride. 50 Like his predecessor, he believed that anti- 
slavery sentiments were rapidly gaining ground in North Carolina, 
and that his congregations were larger than those in the proslavery 
churches of the vicinity. 51 

Worth was also discouraged by the continual migrations, report- 
ing in 1858 that almost all antislavery men who could afford it— about 
half his church members— had fled to "more congenial climes." 52 
He considered moral conditions among North Carolinians to be more 
deplorable than in any field in which he had previously labored, and 
reported that the people were 

Ohio sitting in as good seats as the whites, and that was too much like negro-equality 
to suit his taste." Daniel Worth to Simeon S. Jocelyn, April 19, 1858, American 
Missionary Archives. Wilson's opinion of Worth was no more favorable. He wrote: 
". . . owing to the unreasonable position taken here by D. Worth, the writer & some 
three or four churches have been under the necessity of organiseing [sic~\ a separate 
church from the Wesleyan connexion. . . . Worth acting from the Instruction [sic] 
of the conference or from some base motive disregarded every attempt to settle the 
matter . . . and has been ever since Ingaged to establish the most unprincipled opposi- 
tion to those of us, who would not bow to his Popery. I wish to Inform you that the 
substantial portion of the church her[e] does not, nor will not, submit to his tyrany 
[sic'] . . . worth [sic] writes as though he was a strong Antislavery Man but he has 
one Slave Holder In his church here, two who not long since sold one at public auction 
one Polligamist [sic] & almost anything else that wishes to join whether saints or 
sinners, for about one third according to his showing whom he received last year made 
no profession of Religion [sic], I had just as soon belong to an [sic] Proslavery 
church here as to his as to moral principle." Daniel Wilson to Simeon S. Jocelyn, 
November 26, 1858, American Missionary Archives. 

48 Annual Report, XII (1858), 69. 

"Annual Report, XII (1858), 69. 

48 The American Missionary Magazine, II (July, 1858), 162. 

"Annual Report, XIII (1859), 61. 

60 The American Missionary Magazine, II (December, 1858), 304. 

a The American Missionary Magazine, II (February, 1858), 40. 

ra The American Missionary Magazine, II (October, 1858), 257. 



308 The North Carolina Historical Review 

. . . much addicted to the use of strong drink' and the use of the filthy 
narcotic tobacco. Men and women seem to vie in the use of the last. They 
do not seem to think the command "Keep thyself pure," could by any 
possibility apply to the use of the weed. 53 

Some understanding of Worth's methods in fighting slavery in 
North Carolina may be gained from his own description in a letter 
he wrote to the Washington D.C. National Era in 1859. It is also indi- 
cative of the language and arguments he used in his sermons and 
discussions. He wrote: 

Never was the prospect of ultimate success in the Old North State so 
gratifying as now. Near two years elapsed since coming to the South, yet 
all is peace and quiet. I think I have fully declared the whole counsel of 
God on the great sins of war, Slavery and intemperance. Neither have I 
spared that filthy narcotic, tobacco, the sin and shame of Southern habits. 
But above all the unparalleled wickedness and stupendous blasphemy of 
man-stealing-religion — one that converts Paul into slave-catcher — that 
professes to rely on inspiration for its authority, and on the Bible for its 
slave code — that makes long prayers on Sunday, and robs cradles and 
trundle-beds on Monday — which professes to love Jesus Christ with the 
whole heart, yet sells him for a good price into the cotton-field or rice- 
swamp — the religion which sustains this "huge infernal system for the 
destruction of men, soul and body," I have denounced with whatever 
of zeal or ability, or emphasis, I have been able to bring to the encounter. 54 

One should not be surprised if the writer of this letter was later 
cited by North Carolinians for using incendiary language in his 
sermons. Moreover, Worth did not confine his crusade to the pulpit. 
He openly and widely circulated antislavery literature, particularly 
tracts published by the American Reform Tract and Book Society 
of Cincinnati and the "inflammatory" writings of another son of 
North Carolina, Hinton Rowan Helper. Worth first began the circu- 
lation of the literature secretively, but boasted that he later "did it as 
publicly as a Yankee peddler would sell a tin hair-comb." 55 The 
Semi-Weekly Standard also credited him with selling subscriptions 
to the New York Daily Tribune. 56 In 1859 Worth maintained that his 

68 Annual Report, XII (1858), 70. 

54 National Era (Washington, D. C), August 4, 1859, hereinafter cited as National 
Era. 

65 Hinton Rowan Helper, The Impending Crisis of the South: How to Meet It (New 
York: A. B. Burdick, Enlarged Edition, 1860), 397, hereinafter cited as Helper, The 
Impending Crisis. 

68 Semi-Weekly Standard (Raleigh), December 31, 1859, hereinafter cited as Semi- 
Weekly Standard. 



Abolitionist Missionary Activities 309 

abolitionist literature was "doing a work little inferior to a living 
preacher/' 57 In addition to his ministerial and colportage activities, 
he also argued the slavery issue in public and private whenever the 
opportunity occurred. In 1858 he wrote: 

I am in constant and daily intercourse with slaveholders: sometimes I 
tarry a night with one, and then I always call in the slaves and pray 
with them and their masters; and it is worthy of remark, that in many 
conversations on the slavery subject, several of which have been with 
slaveholders, not a man has seemed to take any offense; and yet I have 
maintained the principles of an ultra school, for I am an abolitionist of 
the Gerrit Smith type. 58 

Except in the presence of their masters or in church, however, 
Worth avoided direct communication with the slaves. He not only 
realized that such action would make him liable for prosecution under 
State law, but he also believed that the end he desired could be ac- 
complished only through converting the whites, not through exciting 
the Negroes to revolt. 59 It is significant in evaluating Worth's work 
that there is no evidence that he ever served in North Carolina as an 
agent of the underground railroad or ever encouraged or aided run- 
away slaves. 

The old missionary did enter into the political arena, and he ac- 
tively campaigned against John Adams Gilmer, American Party can- 
didate for the House of Representatives in 1859. After the election, 
and Gilmer's victory, he wrote Nathan Hill, a Guilford County 
Quaker, of his surprise that Hill had voted for Gilmer, after they had 
"conversed on the subject" and agreed "that slavery was an enormous 
sin" and on the impropriety of voting for slaveholders. 60 

Two reinforcements were commissioned bv the A.M. A. for North 
Carolina before the Civil War, both of whom were residents of the 
State. On the recommendation of Worth and the Wesleyan Quarterlv 
Conference of the Guilford Circuit, Alfred W. Vestal was appointed 
to serve as itinerant preacher on October 15, 1858. 61 Jesse Osborn 
was to begin work on January 1, I860, 62 but before he entered upon 

w National Era, August 4, 1859. 

68 Annual Report XII (1858), 69. 

69 New York Daily Tribune, April 12, 1860. 

"Daniel Worth to Nathan Hill, August 17, 1859, printed in the Greensborough 
Patriot, January 20, 1860. 

n Ms. Resolution of the Wesleyan Methodist Quarterly Conference of the Guilford 
Circuit, October 9, 1858; Daniel Worth to Simeon S. Jocelyn, October 15, 1858, 
American Missionary Archives; Annual Report, XIII (1859), 41. 

83 Daniel Worth to Simeon S. Jocelyn, December 21, 1859, American Missionary 
Archives. 



310 The North Carolina Historical Review 

his duties development in the State made it expedient for the Asso- 
ciation to withdraw its support. 

Both Worth and the officers of the American Missionary Association 
had expected some violent opposition when the old missionary began 
his work in North Carolina, but he was allowed to pursue his activi- 
ties for many months without harm or arrest. Worth explained the 
quiet manner in which he was received and tolerated as resulting 
from several factors. He stated that several of the men who had par- 
ticipated in mob actions against Crooks and McBride had met un- 
timely deaths, and that the opposition saw in this the "visitation of 
God." 63 Also, the fact that both he and his wife had many relatives 
in Randolph and Guilford counties, along with his age and southern 
birth, probably worked in his favor. 64 

Worth encountered occasional opposition from the beginning, how- 
ever, and as time passed, its intensity increased. His activities did not 
receive support from his relatives. 65 The first printed attack against 
him came a few weeks after his arrival in the State from George 
McNeill, editor of the North Carolina Presbyterian. In an article 
headed "An Abolition Emissary," McNeill called Worth "The Rev- 
erend Blood Sucker," sent into the State by the American Missionary 
Association, "a misnomer for an association composed of a band of 
incendiary abolitionists, leagued together to spread their infamous 
doctrines throughout the South." 66 McNeill also sent a copy of The 
American Missionary, which contained Worth's first report to the 
New York officers, to the solicitor of the fourth district, expressing 
the wish that a prosecution begin at once. At the same time, he wrote 
Worth, telling him what he had done and enclosed a copy of the 
article from the Presbyterian, hoping that he would take heed and 
leave the State. 67 Worth was not frightened, and he wrote Simeon S. 
Jocelyn, Home Secretary of the A.M.A., that McNeill's efforts had 

63 The American Missionary Magazine, II (February, 1858). 

64 Daniel Worth to Simeon S. Jocelyn, February 9, 1858, American Missionary 
Archives; Helper, The Impending Crisis, 396; Annual Report, XII (1858), 70. 

65 Jonathan Worth to George McNeill, March 10, 1860; Jonathan Worth to G. W. 
Bainum, March 31, 1860; Hamilton, Worth Correspondence, I, 110-123. 

68 Ms. copy of the article from the North Carolina Presbyterian (Fayetteville) in a 
letter from Daniel Worth to Simeon S. Jocelyn, January 21, American Missionary 
Archives. See also Neiv York Daily Tribune, May 8, 1860; The American Missionary 
Magazine, IV (June, 1860), 125; Nicholson, Wesleyan Methodism in the South, 84; 
George McNeill to Thomas Ruffin, March 12, 1860, J. G. de Roulhac Hamilton (ed.), 
The Papers of Thomas Ruffin (Raleigh: The North Carolina Historical Commission 
[State Department of Archives and History], 4 volumes, 1918-1920), III, 73, herein- 
after cited as Hamilton, Ruffin Papers. 

w Daniel Worth to Simeon S. Jocelyn, January 21, 1858, American Missionary 
Archives. 



Abolitionist Missionary Activities 311 

met no response among the people or officials of North Carolina as 
far as he could learn while other circumstances in the State were 
wonderfully encouraging. 68 

The North Carolina missionaries were extremely optimistic in 
1859. In a joint report made on July 15, Worth and Alfred Vestal 
expressed gratitude for having been allowed to lead such "quiet and 
peaceable lives," and declared: "A glorious free gospel shall yet re- 
verberate from hill top to hill top over the old North State/' 69 Later 
in the year Vestal expressed the belief that the prospects for preach- 
ing an antislavery gospel in the State were better than ever before. 70 

Encouraged by the reports from the missionaries, Jocelyn informed 
the delegates at the annual meeting of the A.M. A. on October 19, 
1859, that one of the "prominent aims" of the Association henceforth 
would be "to give the largest increase possible" to its operations in 
the slave States in a concentrated effort "to bring its principles and 
influence to bear upon slavery for its extinction." 71 The day before 
this announcement was made, John Brown was taken prisoner at 
Harpers Ferry. Neither the Association nor its missionaries endorsed 
John Brown's raid, but the missionaries were to suffer mob persecution 
and legal prosecution as results of the furor it created in the South. 72 

The storm of opposition against the A.M.A. missionaries broke first 
in Kentucky, but it was not long delayed in North Carolina. Some 
while after the John Brown raid, a North Carolina correspondent for 
the New York Daily Tribune described what the local reaction had 
been at the time. He observed that the emotions of North Carolinians 
were not easily aroused, but that after the Harpers Ferry incident 
the State's "fifty thousand square miles of stagnation" struggled into 
action, with determined efforts to exterminate the "abolition vipers" 



88 Daniel Worth to Simeon S. Jocelyn, February 9, 1858, American Missionary 
Archives. 

09 Daniel Worth and Alfred Vestal to Simeon S. Jocelyn, July 16, 1859, American 
Missionary Archives. 

70 Alfred Vestal to Simeon S. Jocelyn, October 19, 1859, American Missionary 
Archives. 

71 Annual Report, XIII (1859), 56. 

72 In commenting on John Brown's raid, the executive committee of the American 
Missionary Association reported: "We approve no act that is contrary to the prin- 
ciples of the Gospel. The Gospel has power to overthrow slavery, and properly 
applied, will do it. The sentiments adopted by the convention that met December 
1833, to form the American Anti-Slavery Society, are the sentiments of all true 
Christian abolitionists. Our principles lead us to reject the use of all carnal weapons 
for deliverance from bondage: relying solely upon those which are spiritual! . . ." The 
American Missionary Magazine, III (December, 1859), 280. For similar expressions 
from the North Carolina missionaries see The American Missionary Magazine, IV 
(February, 1860), 37; National Era, January 12, 1860. 



312 The North Carolina Historical Review 

in its midst. 73 On December 21, 1859, Worth wrote to the A.M.A. as 
follows: 

The prospect is that we shall have times of trial here before long. Since 
the unfortunate affair at Harper's [sic~\ Ferry, the county is in a tre- 
mendous ferment. Threatenings reach me from various quarters. ... I 
do not expect to leave my work except compelled by brute force. I know 
arrangements are making to meet me with a mob at my next appoint- 
ment — Sabbath the 25. I am calm, peaceful, confiding in my God. 74 

Worth was not to fill his Christmas Day appointment or any other 
engagements in North Carolina. The day after writing the above 
letter, he heard that there were warrants out for his arrest in Guilford 
County; he drove to the home of one of his relatives in Greensboro 
and sent the sheriff word that he was ready to surrender. 75 Besides 
the warrant in Guilford, Judge Romulus Mitchell Saunders of Raleigh 
had issued warrants for Worth's arrest in Alamance, Chatham, and 
Randolph counties. 76 The surrender to the Guilford County authori- 
ties, therefore, was not prompted by a desire for martyrdom, but by 
Worth's belief that he would fare better by a trial in Greensboro, 
among friends and relatives, than in Raleigh. 77 

The minister was charged with the circulation of The Impending 
Crisis of the South and speaking in such a manner as to excite Ne- 
groes to insurrection and rebellion. The first offense was in violation 
of a North Carolina law which made it a crime to bring into the State 
and circulate, or with the intention of circulating, any "pamphlet or 
paper . . . the evident tendency whereof is to cause slaves to become 
discontented with their bondage . . . and free negroes to be dissatis- 
fied with their social condition." 78 The second count violated a 
statute against speaking in such a way as to excite Negroes to "a spirit 
of insurrection, conspiracy, or rebellion." 79 Penalty on conviction in 
the first case was imprisonment for not less than one year, the pillory, 
and a whipping, at the discretion of the court. In the second case the 
penalty on conviction was thirty-nine lashes and imprisonment for 
one year. 



73 New York Daily Tribune, April 12, 1860. 

74 Annual Report, XIV (1860), 126. 

75 The American Missionary Magazine, IV (June, 1860), 126. 

76 Semi-Weekly Standard, December 28, 1859. 

77 The American Missionary Magazine, IV (June, 1860), 126. 

78 Bartholomew F. Moore and Asa Biggs (revisers), Revised Code of North Carolina, 
1854, (Boston, Massachusetts: Little, Brown and Company, 1855), c. 34, s. 16, herein- 
after cited as Revised Code of 1854. 

70 Revised Code of North Carolina, c. 34, s. 17. 



Abolitionist Missionary Activities 313 

The preliminary hearing was held on Christmas Eve in a justices' 
court in Greensboro. Three lawyers appeared for the State and Worth 
conducted his own defense. Over a dozen witnesses testified, and 
it was proved that he had been guilty of violating both statutes. One 
witness also stated that Worth had declared that he had "no respect 
for the laws of North-Carolina," which were "enacted by adulterers, 
drunkards and gamblers." 80 

The New York Herald correspondent said that Worth, in conduct- 
ing his own defense, "did not appear to be at all embarrassed or 
frightened at his position, but on the contrary expressed his ideas with 
boldness and fearlessness." 81 He did not deny the charges, but at- 
tempted to justify his actions by reading from Helper's book and 
quoting Jefferson, William Gaston, and other sons of the South. He 
maintained that his motives had not been to stir up insurrection. 
During his speech, the crowd that jammed the courtroom became 
extremely excited, and it was feared that the prisoner would be 
attacked. Finally, his speech was halted with the warning that he 
must confine his remarks to his defense against the charges and that 
the court could not hear an oration on the morality of slavery. The 
court appealed to the crowd to restrain itself and allow justice in a 
court of law to take its course. 82 

The justices bound Worth over for trial in the spring court term, 
and set his bonds at $5,000 for appearance and $5,000 for good be- 
havior. The first bond was posted by two local residents, George 
W. Bowman and David Hodgins. Bondsmen for the second were 
found, but Worth decided not to exchange the security of the jail for 
the threatening mob violence, feeling also that he could not keep 
good behavior if it called for refusing to speak out against the sin 
of slavery. 83 Furthermore, he realized that three sheriffs were waiting 
for his release so that they might arrest him. Although the time limit 
on the three warrants issued by Judge Saunders expired before they 
were served, another warrant, from Randolph County, was served on 
Worth in the Greensboro jail. He was taken into Randolph for an 
examination on January 12. The charges here were identical with 
those in Guilford County, and he was placed under another $5,000 
bond and returned to the Greensboro jail. 84 



80 Semi-Weekly Standard, December 28, 1859; New York Herald, December 30, 1859; 
The Weekly Raleigh Register, January 4, 1860. 

81 New York Herald, December 30, 1859. 

83 The American Missionary Magazine, IV (June, 1860), 126. 

83 The American Missionary Magazine, IV (June, I860), 126. 

84 Greensborough Patriot, January 20, 1860. 



314 The North Carolina Historical Review 

At the time of these hearings, Worth maintained that he had 
violated no just law, and had not consciously violated any North 
Carolina law. 85 But he was clearly conscious of the provisions of the 
laws under which he was arrested; in fact, he had long anticipated 
their application to him. 86 As early as 1858 he outlined to Hinton 
Rowan Helper the plans for the exact defense he followed at the 
preliminary hearings. 87 

Worth's arrest and the hearings served to fan the flames of the 
fiery proslavery resentment created by John Brown. The New York 
Herald correspondent reported that the people of Guilford County 
seemed determined to rid themselves of abolitionists, and the reporter 
for the New York Daily Tribune described similar conditions in 
Davidson, Randolph, and other adjoining counties. Throughout the 
region threats were made against "Hickory Quakers," as those be- 
lieved to hold abolition sentiments were called. Copies of Helper's 
book were confiscated and publicly burned. 88 Even the slaves are 
supposed to have shown their hostility to Worth. Following the 
preliminary hearing in Guilford County, the reporter for the New 
York Herald wrote: 

After Worth was convicted [sic~\ the slaves of this place gave a grand 
banquet in honor of the event, to which the court and bar and many 
of our prominent citizens were invited. It was truly a magnificant affair, 
and the table would have done credit to a Fifth avenue palace. To show 
you the feeling of the negroes, a slave belonging to Colonel E. P. Jones, a 
large tobacco manufacturer of this place, remarked that he could read 
his Bible as well as Worth, and he prayed to the Lord to let all abolition- 
ists be hung, because if it were not for them the master would not be 
half so strict with the slave ; and that he loved the Lord the best and his 
master next, and hated an abolitionist worst and the devil next. 89 

One may have reservations about accepting the banquet and the 
speech as spontaneous expressions of the slaves, but there is no doubt 
that the public was enraged. Nevertheless, the Greensborough Patriot 
reported that there had been no acts of violence and the "law abiding" 
people of Guilford County had restrained themselves with the assur- 
ance "that the majesty of the law will be asserted." At the same time, 
the editor emphasized that abolitionist sentiments were not wide- 
spread in Guilford County and denied the charge of the Winston 

85 The American Missionary Magazine, IV (June, 1860), 126. 

86 Annual Report, XII (1858), 70. 

87 Helper, The Impending Crisis, 396-397. 

88 New York Herald, January 14, 1860 ; New York Daily Tribune, April 12, 1860. 

89 New York Herald, January 14, 1860. 



Abolitionist Missionary Activities 315 

Western Sentinel that the Greensboro jail was filled with abolitionists. 90 
However, at least three other arrests of persons charged with aboli- 
tionist activities were made in the vicinity. 

George W. Vestal, a son of the A.M. A. missionary, was re- 
moved from his teaching position by the Alamance County school 
board, arrested on a warrant of Judge Saunders, and taken to 
Raleigh for a hearing. No proof was submitted that he had circulated 
The Impending Crisis or advised insurrection. In fact, it was brought 
out that he had condemned the use of violence and the course of 
John Brown. Evidence was given, however, that he had proclaimed 
himself an abolitionist, corresponded with abolitionists in the North, 
and circulated, for signatures, antislavery petitions to Congress. This 
was sufficient to hold him for trial under a $2,000 bond. 91 Jesse 
Wheeler, whose commission from the American Missionary Association 
never became active, was arrested on the charge of circulating sixty 
copies of Helper's book. 92 An elderly man named Turner had a 
preliminary hearing in Greensboro and it was proved he had circulated 
the book. He was placed under a $5,000 bond. 93 The warrant for 
another old man, Jesse Pope, an illiterate invalid, was not served after 
it became clear that he had innocently been the tool of Worth in 
receiving shipments of The Impending Crisis. Meanwhile, the last 
shipment of the book had been confiscated and publicly burned. 94 

While the radical proslavery element of the State encouraged 
additional arrests, threats of violence, and book-burnings, there was 
a tendency among the more moderate men, especially those of strong 
union sentiments, to approach Worth's case with less heat and emotion. 
Before either of the scheduled trials for Worth came up, Jonathan 
Worth wrote a letter to George McNeill of the North Carolina 
Presbyterian, suggesting that he take up with Chief Justice Thomas 
Ruffin the expediency of applying less than the full punishment to the 
missionary. While he did not sympathize with his relative's views, and 
admitted that he was a fit case for the execution of the law, he felt 
that Worth would accept the punishment with the feeling of a martyr. 
Worth's arrest, he said, had already served the desired purpose in 
that persons of like sentiments would be hesitant to violate the law 
in the future, while further punishment would only give the abolition- 
ists the opportunity to make capital out of his good moral character, 

80 Greensborough Patriot, January 6, 1860. 

91 National Era, January 5, 1860; Semi-Weekly Standard, December 31, 1859; 
The American Missionary Magazine, IV (February, 1860), 36. 
93 New York Daily Tribune, January 23, 1860. 
93 Semi-Weekly Standard, December 31, 1859. 
M Greensborough Patriot, March 15, 1860. 



316 The North Carolina Historical Review 

age, profession, and martyrdom. The missionary's cousin believed that 
it would be extremely unwise to whip the old man, and that it would 
be very desirable after conviction for the whole sentence to be 
suspended in exchange for Worth's promise to leave the State. 
Jonathan Worth believed that if McNeill could influence Judge 
Ruffin to accept his views, and if the Judge in turn would prevail 
upon other men of influence in the State to accept them, the court 
would act with leniency. 95 McNeill sent Worth's letter on to Judge 
RufBn with the comment that if the missionary was convicted, the 
North Carolina Presbyterian would "publish an appeal to the Gover- 
nor to pardon him, or remit the whipping— on condition that he leave 
the State forever." 96 McNeill had wanted Worth out of the State since 
he entered it in 1857, and he was willing to let him go without a 
beating. There is no evidence, however, that Judge RufBn tried to 
influence the courts of Guilford and Randolph counties, even though 
they did act with restraint against Worth. 

Meanwhile, Worth was confined in the Greensboro jail, which 
was reported to be filled with a "filth and stench" that caused him to 
lose fifty pounds during his confinement of more than five months. 97 
The jail was heavily guarded, especially at night. The purpose of the 
guard seems to have been to prevent him from communicating with 
his followers or managing an escape, rather than as a protection for 
him against the angry public. The editor of the Semi-Weekly 
Standard regarded Worth as a man of "sense and shrewdness . . . 
calculated to do great mischief," and believed that were the jail not 
well guarded his followers might attempt a rescue. 98 Another observer, 
a Greensboro woman and a member of one of Worth's congregations, 
viewed the heavy guard as simply a form of censorship and another 
denial of liberty by the slaveocracy. She wrote: 

His keepers observe the strictest vigilance, not allowing even his wife 
to speak a word to him without witnesses being present; nor do they 
suffer him to write a word to any person, only what passes under their 
inspection. They made an attempt yesterday [at the preliminary hearing 
in Randolph County] ... to deprive him of the means of writing at all ; 
but finally concluded to let him have two or three sheets of paper at a 
time, by his giving an account to the Sherrif what disposition he made 



85 Jonathan Worth to George McNeill, March 10, 1860, Hamilton, Worth Correspond- 
ence, I, 110-113. 

" George McNeill to Thomas Ruffin, March 12, 1860, Hamilton, Ruffin Papers, III, 73. 

97 New York Daily Tribune, May 8, 1860. 

88 Semi-Weekly Standard, December 31, 1859. 



Abolitionist Missionary Activities 317 

of it. One object seems to be to cut off all correspondence with friends, 
and indeed all friends of liberty here must suffer likewise." 

Worth himself commented that his mail was closely scrutinized and 
that "all inflammatory matter" would greatly prejudice his case. He 
therefore requested all his correspondents to "abstain from allusions 
to Slavery, and all else which can excite the South, already in a fearful 
state of excitement." 100 

The missionary was tried first in Randolph County, the trial be- 
ginning on March 26, 1860, with Judge John L. Bailey presiding. 
He was tried only on the first count in the indictment, that is for 
circulating Helper's book. Friends of Worth had employed Ralph 
Gorrell and James Turner Morehead at a fee of $500 to conduct his 
defense. 101 Over two hours were occupied in selecting the jury. More 
than fifty men were examined; the defendant challenged most of them 
for cause, many having already expressed the opinion that he was 
guilty. Of the twelve men finally selected, only four were slave- 
holders. 102 

The indictment covered about twenty pages, including long ex- 
cerpts from Helper's Book, which led the New York Daily Tribune 
reporter to remark with irony that the indictment should have been 
cited as "an incendiary document" by the court. 103 The reading of it, 
and the speeches by the prosecuting attorneys, moved the spectators 
to demonstrations against the prisoner. But once order was restored 
and the taking of evidence got under way, the trial moved rapidly. 
It was easily proved that Worth had circulated the book. Several of 
the witnesses testified to having received it from him and four of 
them produced copies for the court. The defendant did not testify, 
and his attorneys made no attempt to deny the charge. Instead they 
based their defense on legal technicalities, arguing that the book was 
not an incendiary publication, but one of statistical information, that 
there was no evidence it had been read by anyone, that to come 
within the meaning of the statute the book must have been delivered 
to a Negro, and that the statute covered only pamphlets and papers, 
not books. 104 Both Gorrell and Morehead realized they had a difficult 
case; they were arguing more for civil liberties than to prove Worth 
innocent of violating the law on the books, which they severely 



90 New York Daily Tribune, January 26, 1860. 

100 New York Daily Tribune, January 25, 1860. 

101 The American Missionary Magazine, IV (May, 1860), 109. 

™New York Daily Tribune, April 12, 1860; Greensborough Patriot, April 6, 1860. 
103 New York Daily Tribune, April 12, 1860. 

""New York Daily Tribune, April 12, 1860; Greensborough Patriot, April 6, 1860; 
Semi-Weekly Standard, April 7, 1860. 



318 The North Carolina Historical Review 

criticised as a violation of fundamental Arrferican rights. Worth and 
his friends had only praise for the way the lawyers handled the case. 105 

In his charge to the jury Judge Bailey overruled most of the argu- 
ments made by the defense. He ruled that a book was within the 
meaning, even though it did not meet the letter, of the law. He 
also ruled that it was not necessary to prove the book had been cir- 
culated among Negroes or read by anyone who received it, if the 
jury decided its tendency was such as forbidden by the statute, and 
Worth had circulated it with the desire to promote discontent among 
the slaves. 106 

The jury retired about midnight on March 30, and returned a 
verdict of guilty after four hours of deliberation. Judge Bailey 
exercised his discretionary power, omitted the pillory and flogging, 
and sentenced Worth to one year in prison. A motion for a new trial 
was denied so an appeal was made to the State Supreme Court. 107 
The minister was placed under a bond of $400, signed by Dr. C. C. 
Woolen, Worth's son-in-law, and William Osborne. There still re- 
mained the second count of speaking to incite discontent and rebellion 
for which Worth had not been tried. Five local citizens posted a 
bond of $1,000 for his appearance in court on this count. 108 

Worth was then returned to the Greensboro jail to await trial in 
Guilford County. His case, again on only one count— the circulation 
of Helper's book— was heard the last week in April. Judge Bailey 
presided over the trial, and he must have felt that he was observing 
a repeat performance. The case for the State was as easily established 
as before, and Morehead and Gorrell used a similar defense. After 
the verdict of guilty was returned, Bailey again passed the minimum 
sentence and denied the motion for a new trial, which led to an 
appeal to the Supreme Court. The bond in the case at issue was 
placed at $400, and the bond in the case not tried at $1,000. Both 
bonds were posted and Worth was released from jail. 109 

The missionary now had two appeals to the Supreme Court and 
two cases pending in local courts. Neither he nor his friends had any 
hopes that he could win any of the cases, and he later stated that the 

105 Daniel Worth to Lewis Tappan, April 3, 1860, American Missionary Archives; 
New York Daily Tribune, April 12, May 8, 1860. 
108 New York Daily Tribune, April 12, 1860. 

107 Greensborough Patriot, April 6, 1860; State v. Worth, 52 N. C. 488 (1860). 

108 After the trial, Worth wrote to the treasurer of the American Missionary As- 
sociation: "If I pass through the hands of what these men call law I shall expect to 
suffer all that humanity can endure and then sink under it and die in a southern 
dungeon. The conflict of spirit is fast breaking me. Do something for me if possible." 
Daniel Worth to Lewis Tappan, April 3, 1860, American Missionary Archives. 

109 State v. Daniel Worth, 52 N. C. 488 (1860). 



Abolitionist Missionary Activities 319 

appeals had been made, not in anticipation of a victory, but to give 
him an opportunity to leave the State. He had no intention of betray- 
ing the trust placed in him by his bondsmen, as some of his enemies 
alleged, but he was determined to raise the funds for their reimburse- 
ment. 110 

On May 7 he was in New York City and spoke in the City Assembly 
Rooms at a meeting arranged by the New York Daily Tribune. Before 
a large audience, he described his work in North Carolina, his arrest 
and treatment while in jail, and the court trials. After praising his 
defense attorneys and the fairness of Judge Bailey, he launched into 
a strong denunciation of the "fire eating Democrats" who were trying 
to make political capital of his activities and trials. A collection of 
$150, including $50 from Hinton Rowan Helper, was taken up after 
the speech. 111 A later speech in New York at George Cheever's 
Church of the Puritan brought donations totaling $120. Thence he 
went into New England, into Ohio, and into other western States. 
He announced on June 19, 1860, that the $1,000 mark had been 
passed. 112 Meanwhile, the American Missionary Association and 
Wesleyan Methodists had appealed for funds and received contribu- 
tions. 113 The necessary amount ($2,800) to reimburse the bondsmen 
was reached on August 6, almost three months after Worth began 
the fund-raising campaign. 114 

Meanwhile, the Supreme Court of North Carolina had heard 
Worth's appeal from Guilford County. Judge Matthias Evans Manly 
wrote the decision upholding the lower court. The judges ruled that 
a bound volume met the term "paper" as it was used in the North 
Carolina statute in the comprehensive sense to include all written 
matter; and that it was not necessary to prove the book was delivered 
to a Negro, as a book, which denounced slavery as worse than theft 
and proclaimed it must be abolished even at the cost of blood, cer- 
tainly had a tendency to excite slaves to insurrection. 115 

Worth paid off his bondsmen and returned to Richmond, Indiana, 
where his second wife, with a group of his North Carolina followers, 
joined him. In 1862 he was elected president of the Indiana Wesleyan 
Conference and the following year he died at the age of sixty-eight. 116 

110 New York Daily Tribune, May 8, 1860. 

111 New York Daily Tribune, May 8, 1860; The American Missionary Magazine, IV 
(June, 1860), 128. 

:a2 The American Missionary Magazine, IV (October, 1860), 226. 

113 C. Prindle to George Whipple, July 19, 1860, American Missionary Archives. 

114 Nicholson, Wesleyan Methodism in the South, 104. 
™ State v. Daniel Worth, 52 N. C. 488 (1860). 

118 The age of Worth is in dispute. See Noble J. Tolbert, "Daniel Worth : Tar Heel 
Abolitionist," The North Carolina Historical Review, XXXIX (Summer, 1962), 303, 
hereinafter cited as Tolbert, "Daniel Worth." 



320 The North Carolina Historical Review 

His had been a long life, despite the abus*e and exposure he had 
suffered in his work. A man of his talents, who had made a notable 
beginning in the field of politics, could have chosen what many would 
judge an easier and more successful career. But through abuse and 
frustrations, he exhibited the courage of a moral conviction that would 
not allow him to spare his talent, health, and energy in the abolition 
crusade. Although his methods may not always have been wise or 
expedient, he did what he believed to be right. He had hoped the end 
could be achieved without war, yet had a part in creating the aroused 
emotions that helped to bring on the War. Nonetheless, it must have 
cheered his last days to know that President Lincoln had issued the 
Emancipation Proclamation. He could, perhaps, feel that his work 
had not been in vain. 117 

One student of the Worth case has concluded that 'due process 
of law' never gave way to mob violence; rather, the people of North 
Carolina chose the law as a means of defense against Daniel 
Worth." 118 It is true that procedural due process of law was strictly 
observed in the Worth case, but substantive due process of law was 
just as clearly denied in that a fundamental liberty, freedom of speech, 
was violated. Clement Eaton in his excellent study on the subject has 
concluded that laws restricting freedom of speech were generally en- 
acted throughout the Old South, but these laws were not rigidly en- 
forced except in times of crisis. 119 The North Carolina case would 
support Eaton's thesis. For eight years, the missionaries worked almost 
unrestricted; and during the last two years Daniel Worth openly vio- 
lated State laws. It was not until after the John Brown raid that the 
laws were enforced. Then Worth was prosecuted for his secular 
activities, not his religious work. Furthermore, even in this time of 
excitement, the full penalty of the law was not applied. But this does 
not disguise the fact that there were restrictions on freedom of speech. 
If this freedom does not exist in times of crisis, when there is division 
of opinion and established institutions are challenged, it has no 
meaning! The protection of freedom of speech is not needed when 
harmony and unity of opinion prevail. 



117 This writer has made an intensive but unsuccessful search of the newspapers and 
public records of North Carolina of this period, as well as of the extensive manuscript 
materials and published reports in the American Missionary Association Archives, in 
an effort to determine the fate of Vestal and Wheeler. It is known only that they did not 
continue the missionary work in North Carolina after Worth's arrest and that the 
Wesleyan Methodists were left without a minister. Mary Short to Simeon S. Jocelyn, 
February 17, 1860, American Missionary Archives. 

m Tolbert, "Daniel Worth," 303. 

119 Clement Eaton, Freedom of Thought in the Old South (Durham: Duke Univer- 
sity Press, 1940). 



ENTERTAINMENT IN RALEIGH IN 1890 

By Sarah McCulloh Lemmon* 

In social histories of the United States, the decade of the 1890's has 
been variously described as "mauve," "gay," "the watershed," 
"the confident years"; and looked back upon with nostalgia by many. 
Whatever the adjectives may be, the reconstruction of social life in 
that decade is a fascinating task; among the many aspects which 
might be considered are church life, education, clubs, the theater, 
family life, crime, city conveniences, housekeeping practices, and 
class structure. One of the lighter aspects of social history is that of 
entertainment; and, without intending to imply that social life con- 
sists only of entertainment, it will be of interest to attempt to revive 
the flavor and savor of the leisure hours of Raleigh's residents 
in the year 1890. The variety of enjoyable activities is well in- 
dicated by this typical social note in the Daily State Chronicle 
for March 27, 1890: "There are a number of big things booked for 
next month. Among them are the Chamber of Commerce banquet, a 
brilliant ball by the Monogram Club, a grand fair and festival by 
the Governors Guard, also one by the Capital Hose Co., two or three 
grand Easter pic-nics, a couple of marriages (rumored) and several 
other interesting and entertaining features." 1 

The enjoyment of music by the citizen, both as listener and as per- 
former, was exceedingly popular in Raleigh. Every type and variety of 
musical activity was available. A Professor Baumann, at Peace Col- 
lege, gave an important recital in December for which a piano tuner 
was imported from Richmond. A certain Professor Wilhelm also gave 
a recital, this one being held in the city auditorium known as Metro- 
politan Hall. 2 Perhaps the newly organized Negro quartet might have 
come by and serenaded the family in the summer evenings as they 
sat on the porch. 3 A local orchestra called the Euterpean Society was 

* Dr. Lemmon is Professor and Chairman of the Department of History and Politi- 
cal Science at Meredith College, Raleigh. 

1 Daily State Chronicle (Raleigh), March 27, 1890, hereinafter cited as Daily State 
Chronicle. 

2 The News and Observer (Raleigh), February 19, December 5, 1890, hereinafter 
cited as The News and Observer. 

8 The New and Observer, August 8, 1890. 



322 The North Carolina Historical Review 

organized and performed in Wake Forest, at Metropolitan Hall, and 
at the Insane Asylum. There was also a Raleigh Cornet Band which 
played at the fireman's fair. 4 Undoubtedly the musical event of the 
season, however, was the concert given by the King's Daughters of 
Christ Church after Easter, at which a Miss Southgate of Durham and 
a man named Cunningham of Richmond were the featured soloists. 
The Richmond and Danville Railroad gave special rates to those who 
wished to visit Raleigh for the occasion. Miss Southgate gave a re- 
citation from Hiawatha both "thrillingly and impressively." The most 
unusual number at this concert was probably "A Merry Sleigh Ride" 
by Chevatal, which featured such instruments as the "Bigotphone," 
"Nightingale," sleigh wheels, sleigh bells, whip, popgun, and whistle. 5 
Even the Boston Symphony Orchestra and the New York Thirteenth 
Regimental Band included Raleigh on their winter tours. 6 Most of the 
public, however, probably was less familiar with Beethoven and 
Tchaikovsky than with "Throw Him Down, McCloskey," and "Slide, 
Kelly, Slide," or the heart-rending ballad, "Father Was Killed By the 
Pinkerton Man." 7 Other popular titles, stocked by the North State 
Music Company at 113 Fayetteville Street, were "Kathleen," "My 
Marguerite of Long Ago," and "Thou Art All to Me." 8 The really 
popular songs, though, were hymns, sung alone while at work, on 
parties, hayrides, or around the family piano. Among the most loved 
ones were "Bringing in the Sheaves," "Beulah Land," "The Ninety 
and Nine," and "Rescue the Perishing." 9 

Much of the entertainment centered around fund-raising activities 
for the various churches, both white and Negro. The Reverend Thomas 
Dixon, Jr., gave his famous lecture, "Playing the Fool," for the bene- 
fit of Tabernacle Baptist Church's parsonage. The King's Daughters 
gave an ice cream lawn party at the post office, serving neapolitan, 
banana, and chocolate ice cream; while the Blount Street Presbyterian 
ladies dignified a similar affair by the title of an ice cream and straw- 
berry "symposium," complete with music. At a Fete Champetre, 
Brooklyn Church served ice cream and "other delicacies." A donkey 

4 The News and Observer, February 20, 21, April 3, 1890. 

5 Daily State Chronicle, April 12, 1890; The News and Observer, March 7, 9, April 
12, 1890. 

8 Daily State Chronicle, October 25, 1890; The News and Observer, December 9, 
1890. 

7 Mark Sullivan, Our Times: The United States, 1900-1925 (New York: Charles 
Scribner's Sons, 6 volumes, 1926-1935), III, 351, hereinafter cited as Sullivan, Our 
Times; Henry Collins Brown, In the Golden Nineties (Hastings-on-Hudson, New 
York: Valentine's Manual, Inc., 1928), 176-177, hereinafter cited as Brown, In the 
Nineties. 

8 Daily State Chronicle, September 2, 1890. 
Sullivan, Our Times, III, 346w. 



Entertainment in Raleigh in 1890 



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Raleigh churches during the 1890's were not only places of worship but were 
also recreational centers. Pictured above are (1) Edenton Street Methodist Church, 
(2) Christ Episcopal Church, (3) First Baptist Church, and (4) First Presbyterian 
Church. The photographs were taken from Illustrated Raleigh, a brochure of the 
period. The ticket and the notice were photographed from originals. 



324 The North Carolina Historical Review 

party in the afternoon and a gypsy tea at night raised money for the 
King's Daughters in September, while the Bright Jewels of Edenton 
Street Methodist gave two performances of the "Missionary Ship." 
Money was raised for the Negro hospital with a performance by a 
"wonderful colored elocutionist" who did Cleopatra and Ben Hur in 
costume. The ladies of the Church of the Good Shepherd (Episcopal) 
raised money for a new organ with "an exceptionally elaborate and 
choice" organ recital, while Brooklyn, Davie Street Presbyterian, 
Edenton Street Methodist, First Baptist, and Christ churches also 
offered entertainment of assorted kinds to secure funds for their 
projects. 10 

Some curious types of parties mentioned in the newspapers of the 
time included the as yet unidentified "bonnet party," "lemon party," 
"Progressive Peanut party," "Topic Party," "guess musicale," "pro- 
gressive word party," and a "Snipping Party." n 

One of the interesting spring events was the fair given by the Inde- 
pendent Hose Reel Company, held in the armory. Plans were under 
way for two months before the fair was held. It continued for a week, 
with varied entertainment each evening. A fountain was installed, 
paper decorations hung from the ceiling, and "enchanting little 
pavilions" were erected at which refreshments were sold. One evening 
young ladies in costume performed a tableau entitled "The Waking of 
the Lily," together with a solo called "Waiting for the Loved One," 
the whole program being climaxed with the ringing of the fire bells. 
The special feature of the last afternoon was a showing of monkeys 
and parrots for the children. 12 

The Governor's Guards, the name of the local National Guard 
Company, provided pageantry and gaiety for the citizens. In uniforms 
of dark green single-breasted frock coats with buff trimmings and 
trousers of the same color, they must have been a dashing sight in the 
new shakos which arrived in February, first shown off at a drill held 
at St. Mary's School. The young ladies were "highly entertained and 
delighted." The Guards also held a monthly dress parade followed by 
a ball to which the public was invited. In April they gave a three-day 
concert, fair, and festival to raise money for new uniforms. The 
Guards had won several prizes in drill competitions and as the local 



10 North Carolina Intelligencer (Raleigh), October 8, 1890, hereinafter cited as 
North Carolina Intelligencer; Daily State Chronicle, September 11, 12, 1890; The 
News and Observer, January 8, 12, 17, May 7, June 1, 10, September 11, 12, 18, 
October 1, 2, 23, 1890. 

11 Daily State Chronicle, September 17, 1890; The News and Observer, February 7, 
March 7, 8, May 10, August 26, December 28, 1890. 

12 The News and Observer, February 20, April 8, 9, 11, 1890. 



Entertainment in Raleigh in 1890 325 



paper said, "Raleigh is much indebted to the company for the many 
honors it has reflected on the City and State." w 

Barnum and Bailey's Circus came to town in November, then as 
ever welcomed by the populace. Although some of the ushers were 
reported as rude to the ladies, using profanity in their presence, the 
parade and show were a big success. The performing horses and 
elephants were excellent, as were the forty supernatural illusions. The 
two featured spectaculars were "Nero, or The Destruction of Rome," 
and "The Siege of Vera Cruz." 14 "Nero" had been performed just the 
year before in London. According to the posters advertising it, "Nero" 
included a triumphal procession, bacchanalian orgies, gladiatorial 
contests, and even a chariot race. The performing horses, decorated 
with red pompons, reared on their hind legs, as did the ten great 
elephants all in a row with the ringmaster and assorted clowns lend- 
ing color to the spectacle. 15 London could not outdo Raleigh! "The 
Dawn of Christianity" was also performed in the North Carolina city, 
including "marriage ceremonies of the Ancient Romans, religious 
fetes, Bacchanalian Orgies, Barbarians, Spies, Embassadors," all for 
75 cents for adults and 50 cents for children under nine. 16 

The greatest fall event, even more than the circus, was the State 
Fair. In addition to the usual exhibits and prizes, there was a featured 
speaker every afternoon and evening, horse races, an entire Japanese 
village filled with 100,000 objects of interest, a balloon ascension with 
a parachutist leaping from its basket, and a spelling match. The visitor 
could reach the fair either by being one of 29,000 to take the train 
from the Hargett Street Station or by engaging a hack. One rainy 
night during which "Ladies gaily attired in silks and velvets went 
splashing through the mud," there were accusations that the hackmen 
took advantage of the weather to overcharge. 17 

The picnic season opened on Easter Sunday, when "Raleigh went 
teetotally wild." People drove to Milburnie, Falls of Neuse, the Water 
Works, the penitentiary woods, and other places. As evening approach- 
ed and families returned to town, "Every wagon was literally covered 
with blossoms of spring. It is not dangerous to say that there is not a 

18 Daily State Chronicle, April 29, 1890; The News and Observer, February 14, 
March 28, April 17, 1890. 

14 The News and Observer, October 28, November 7, 1890. 

15 Eric Larrabee, "The Old Showman's Last Triumph," American Heritage, XIII 
(December, 1961), 22-29. 

16 Daily Evening Visitor (Raleigh), October 28, 1890, hereinafter cited as Daily 
Evening Visitor. 

17 Daily Evening Visitor, October 17, 21, 1890; North Carolina Intelligencer, 
October 15, 1890; The News and Observer, August 29, October 11, 14, 16, 17, 22, 1890. 



326 



The North Carolina Historical Review 



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The scene at the top of the page is a view of the State Fairgrounds in Raleigh 
around the turn of the century. Pictured below is a lake at Pullen Park in Raleigh. 
Both pictures were taken from Illustrated Raleigh. 



Entertainment in Raleigh in 1890 327 

whole dogwood tree in five miles of town." 18 Picnics continued during 
the summer, as did carriage drives in Pullen Park where one could 
admire the fifty goldfish in the pond or watch the leaping waters of 
the fountain near the railroad. 19 Young people might be invited in 
"bevies" to spend the day— chaperoned, of course— at Major Tucker's 
farm, or possibly to attend a barbecue at William Gulley's. 20 Really 
popular during the summer, though, were the train excursions. In 
June an all-day excursion to Tarboro was so crowded that all who 
wished to go could not board the train. Upon reaching Tarboro at 
11:30 a.m. the fortunate travelers went sight-seeing, then picnicked 
in "the goodly grove," beat Tarboro at baseball, and returned home 
safely. Plenty of ice water was provided on the train for thirsty 
passengers and a special servant waited on the guests— all for a total 
cost of $1.50. Twice during 1890 a three-day excursion train puffed 
its way to Asheville, for $3.50 round trip. These trains provided 
special cars for ladies and children, and by making the trip in the 
daytime provided excellent views of the "superb Blue Ridge scenery." 
When a Negro excursion arrived once in Raleigh from Portsmouth, 
the Virginians paraded up Fayetteville Street "with a brass band at 
the head of the procession and a long and strong company of coons 
in the rear." 21 On another occasion, "the promenading of a large 
number of colored excursionists from Wilmington was a feature of the 
streets yesterday." 22 

If Raleigh became too hot, one could always go to the seashore or 
the mountains. In June, 1890, the Atlantic Hotel at Morehead had 900 
guests, who were offered seafood, western beef and mutton, fresh milk 
and butter, and it gave special rates to families. 23 Tucker's department 
store offered exactly what one needed for travel to the beach for a 
lengthy stay: trunks, valises, traveling bags, telescopes, shawls, and 
bathing suits for ladies and gentlemen, including appropriate bathing 
shoes and hats. 24 Should one prefer the mountains, one might choose 
White Sulphur Springs at Mt. Airy; Buffalo Lithia Springs and Orkney 
Springs in Virginia where the climate was salubrious and free from 
fogs, the latter springs also providing a billiard room, bowling alley, 
tennis courts, swimming pool, horses, and an orchestra. Perhaps one 
would prefer to take the Western North Carolina Railroad to Connelly 

18 Daily State Chronicle, April 8, 1890. 

19 The News and Observer, April 16, May 17, 1890. 
"The News and Observer, July 24, August 16, 1890. 

^The News and Observer, June 1, 4, August 9, 20, 28, 1890. 
22 Daily State Chronicle, September 3, 1890. 
28 The News and Observer, June 1, 25, 1890. 
84 The News and Observer, June 1, 1890. 



328 The North Carolina Historical Review 

Springs and enjoy its billiard and pool tables and tenpin alley; or 
Cleveland Springs; or the Bon Air Hotel at Littleton, the Blowing 
Rock Hotel, the Battery Park in Asheville, or the Isothermal Hotel 
at Rutherfordton where horesback and vehicle riding were special- 
ties. 25 It is interesting to note that only a few of these remain as 
contemporary summer resorts; many have vanished in the growth of 
industry, the shifting of population, and changing fashions in sum- 
mer holidays. 

Entertainment was also provided to Raleighites by the neighboring 
schools and their societies. A special train was scheduled in February 
for those wishing to attend the anniversary exercises of the two literary 
societies at Wake Forest College— round trip fare, $1.00. In the same 
month Washington's Birthday was celebrated in Phi Hall at the Uni- 
versity of North Carolina in Chapel Hill with two orators and the 
Metropolitan Band. The "young gentlemen" at the Agricultural and 
Mechanical College (now North Carolina State College) on the 
western edge of the city of Raleigh held a public debate in April and 
a number of ladies and gentlemen from the city "went out to attend 
the exercises." Also in April, Class Day at the University drew young 
ladies from Raleigh to Chapel Hill to attend its two dances and to 
observe its athletic competition. Special trains were provided in June 
for those wishing to be present for the commencement exercises at 
the University and also at Davidson College near Charlotte. 26 

And, of course, dancing was extremely popular. If one were un- 
acquainted with the terpsichorean art, he or she could attend Pro- 
fessor Balizza's dancing classes and learn the Saratoga lancers, Cen- 
tennial lancers, polka quadrilles, lawn tennis (with a ball?), Newport 
waltzes, military schottische, glide polkas, Columbia (how patriotic!), 
gavotte, rock schottische, Yorke, North Carolina polkas, and the 
German. 27 The Monogram Club entertained monthly with a German, 
and it was customary for young men to compliment visiting belles by 
giving Germans. 28 Although Raleigh had no Delmonico's, Sherry's, or 
Waldorf-Astoria 29 for its balls and cotillions, it managed very well by 
using the Yarborough House and the Capital Club. On Valentine's 
Day, for example, a Bal Poudre or costume ball was given at the 
Yarborough House. At one end of the ballroom was a solid bank of 

85 The News and Observer, June 3, 6, 12, 13, July 5, 6, 25, August 21, 1890. 

99 The News and Observer, February 12, 20, April 5, 16, June 3, 1890. 

87 The News and Observer, April 12, 1890. 

28 The News and Observer, January 1, February 20, April 6, 22, 25, May 9, 
September 18, 1890. 

"Fairfax Downey, Portrait of an Era as Drawn by C. D. Gibson (New York: 
Charles Scribner's Sons, 1936), 136. 



Entertainment in Raleigh in 1890 



329 




frill llii 



^^Mi'fe^ 




The Yarborough House was Raleigh's leading hotel from 1851 until it burned in 
1928. The artist's drawing of the remodeled and enlarged structure was taken from the 
files of the State Department of Archives and History. Notice the misspelling of the 
name of the hotel in the drawing itself. 



holly. "Lunch" was served at midnight, a choice and dainty collation, 
with hot chocolate as the beverage. The gowns of the ladies were 
fabulous: ivory satin broche entrain with rose point lace, and pearls 
for milady's jewels; black satin entrain worn with diamonds; pink 
mousseline de sole demitrain with diamonds; green brocade velvet 
entrain; pink front with Japanese golden embroidery— to cite a few. 
The men wore kneepants, and lace decorated the tips of their claw- 
hammer coats. Some unfortunate young lady lost her fan of white 
gauze painted with pink roses, its ivory handle inlaid with gold and 
silver, for which she offered a reward. 30 The next large ball of the 
season was in April following the King's Daughters concert described 
earlier. Invitations were extended to 300 persons and the event was 
at the Yarborough House. A "splendid collation" was served. Among 
those present was Mrs. Josephus Daniels, wife of the later Secretary 
of the Navy, who wore a heliotrope cashmere gown with violet 
trimming. 81 Practically every woman present was described as wear- 

80 The News and Observer, February 7, 15, 20, 1890. 
* The News and Observer, April 12, 1890. 



330 



The North Carolina Historical Review 




Second from the left is the Capital Club Building, on Martin Street in Raleigh. The 
photograph was taken by Wharton around 1900 and is from the files of the State 
Department of Archives and History. 



ing diamonds, which had undoubtedly been salvaged at the cost of 
other property from the War and Reconstruction. 

During the summer, balls were not given. There was, however, 
resumption of dancing in the fall, and on Thanksgiving night a charity 
ball was held for the benefit of St. John's Hospital. Only calico 
dresses were allowed, just for contrast. Admission was $2.00 per gentle- 
man; he might bring a lady if he wished. Profits of $174 were realized 
from this affair. 32 The Marshall's Ball during State Fair Week was 
another important and "elegant affair," climaxing the social whirl of 
that festival. 33 

Undoubtedly the outstanding social affair of the 1890-1891 season 
was the opening of the new Capital Club quarters, celebrated with a 
ball. With a membership of about one hundred, this club seems to 
have been the equivalent of a social register for the men of Raleigh 
and something like the exclusive New York City clubs. In November, 
1890, it moved from the old Haywood mansion at the corner of Fayet- 
teville and Morgan Streets into the second and third floors of the 



32 The News and Observer, November 11, 29, 1890. 

33 Daily State Chronicle, October 7, 1890. 



Entertainment in Raleigh in 1890 331 

Henry Building. These quarters were beautifully decorated with 
"costliest frescoing and painting," carpeted with Brussels carpets, 
and elegantly equipped. There was a parlor for receiving ladies, read- 
ing rooms for members, a billiard parlor, a smoking room, cafe, lava- 
tory and bath on the lower floor. Upstairs was the ballroom. The whole 
was furnished with steam heat, electric bells, water works, gas jets, 
and an elevator. The opening ball was held December 11, and was 
indeed a "brilliant scene" with crimson electric lights glowing on the 
decorative evergreens. The New Year's Eve ball for the social set was 
also held there. 34 

The Negro population as well had its social affairs. The Broad 
Street Club, composed of the waiters at the Yarborough House ( such 
employment being apparently a mark of distinction), gave a "full 
dress ball" at Briggs Hall on January 1, 1890, in celebration of Emanci- 
pation Day, the affair being described by the editor of The News and 
Observer as "brilliant." 35 

From September until spring, the theatrical season was in full swing. 
The theater used was Metropolitan Hall, which seated 500 persons 
plus other seats in the galleries. The price of admission was 10, 20, 
and 30 cents for the cheaper shows, and 25, 50, and 75 cents for the 
better. Prices of $1.00 or more were considered exhorbitant. 36 

Some Shakespearean drama was performed. The theatrical com- 
pany of McLean and Prescott had, of course, an excellent reputation. 
In January, 1890, McLean was scheduled to appear in Richard III 
but at the last minute played As You Like It instead. The preceding 
year The Merchant of Venice had been presented. In the season of 
1890-1891 a dramatization of Spartacus was the offering and Mc- 
Lean reportedly gave a wonderful performance. 37 The general public 
of the 1890's, however, preferred melodrama. "A really good villain 
could get himself hissed whenever he appeared." 3S Such a play 
appears to have been one entitled "A Legal Wrong," performed in 
November of 1890 and made memorable by a spectacular shipwreck 
scene. "The Galley Slave," "The Two Orphans," and "Satan" starring 
Rose Osborne also seem to have been melodramas. "From Sire to Son" 
was the narrative of a reformed gambler. Its locale ranged from 
Venice to a gold mine in California, and contained one scene in which 

34 North Carolina Intelligencer, December 10, 1890; Daily State Chronicle, October 1, 
1890; The News and Observer, October 5, December 7, 12, 1890, January 1, 1891. 

35 The News and Observer, January 1, 1890. 

88 The News and Observer, April 5, August 30, 1890. 

87 The News and Observer, January 1, 2, 3, 4, December 20, 24, 1890. 

38 Harvey Wish, Society and Thought in America (New York: Longmans, Green, 
and Company, Inc., 2 volumes, 1950-1952), II, 286-287, hereinafter cited as Wish, 
Society and Thought. 



332 The North Carolina Historical Review 

the hero climbed a clinging vine up a high tower to rescue his daugh- 
ter from a fate worse than death. This was evaluated locally as a very 
fine play. There was some comedy too: "Bootle's Baby," in which a 
bachelor English army officer attempted to rear a child; "The Little 
Coquette"; and a "charming little comedy" entitled "Sis." During a 
week's run in December the New York Theater Company gave an 
old favorite, 'Jack's Sweetheart," "The Pearl of Savoy" in costume, 
and "The Mountain Pink." 39 

Throughout the nation minstrel companies were declining in 
popularity. 40 Only one such company appeared in Raleigh during the 
entire year— a group known as Hi Henry's Minstrels, complete with 
"magnificent costumes" and jokes that were "chaste and good." 41 But 
vaudeville and variety shows were increasing in popularity. 42 These 
shows were scrupulously "clean" and excluded any songs of double 
entendre. Immoral relations between men and women could be men- 
tioned only with a moral, as in "She Loved Not Wisely But Too Well," 
a current hit in 1894. 48 Many road shows of this type appeared in 
Raleigh, some for a one-night stand and others for a week's repertoire 
engagement. In January the Ada Henry Folly and Burlesque Com- 
pany appeared although the word "burlesque" must have carried a 
different connotation from that of today. The Mortimer Comedy 
Company also appeared, four ladies being included in the cast; they 
rendered such numbers as "Down Went McGinty" in a show called 
"Larking." Raleigh liked this show, labeling it "a lively, sprightly, 
sparkling extravaganza." 44 

Royce and Lansing's Spectacular Extravaganza initiated February. 
The editor of The News and Observer expressed the fervent hope that 
their show would not include "that old chestnut The Last Rose of 
Summer," which he further categorized with the "frizzled antiquities," 
and much to his delight his hopes were realized. This show had "an 
air of refinement" which would "satisfy the most fastidious." Also in 
February the Boston Star Musical Combination played a return en- 
gagement in which it presented a cornetist, a humorist, a "sweet 
warbler," and a pianist. The American Hebrew Vocal Quartette sounds 

s9 Daily State Chronicle, October 12, 1890; The News and Observer, January 14, 
March 5, October 5, 9, 28, 31, November 23, December 2, 3, 4, 1890. 

40 Wish, Society and Thought, II, 288. 

41 Daily Evening Visitor, November 8, 1890; The News and Observer, November 1, 
1890. 

42 Wish, Society and Thought, II, 289. 
48 Sullivan Our Times III 341. 

44 The News and Observer,' January 5, 17, 18, 23, 26, 30, February 4, 1890. 



Entertainment in Raleigh in 1890 333 



more serious until one reads of the "great comedian" who was one of 
their number, a man billed as "The Smart Man from Germany." 45 

A little less fortunate was the experience of the Bowser Veau de 
Ville Company which appeared April 21. The members seem to have 
left Henderson without paying the hotel bill, and their luggage was 
attached by the Wake County sheriff in Raleigh. At this critical point, 
Bowser and the manager absconded with the available funds, leaving 
the hapless players to pawn their luggage and depart for Norfolk as 
best they could. 46 

The fall season of 1890 opened with a jolly, sprightly show, "Three 
Fast Men," called "thoroughly refined" by one viewer but not the 
type to be "patronized by audiences of culture and refinement" in the 
opinion of another. 47 This was followed by "Uncle's Darling," billed 
as a real-life play about Alaska interspersed with songs and dances. 
The "Tennyson and Dawson Grand gift carnival and refined Specialty 
Company" followed hard on their heels. Not trusting to the excellence 
of their clog dancing, singing of "Little Nellie," or even reducing a liv- 
ing person to ashes, they also gave away door prizes every night during 
the week's run. 48 They played to Standing Room Only. Some of the 
gifts were a chamber set, a parlor lamp, a half -barrel of flour, and 
a cooking stove, at least one prize being won by a Negro woman. 49 

It is very apparent that, even without the motion picture industry, 
Raleigh did not lack for professional entertainment. 

Another type of amusement and recreation was that provided by 
sports and sporting events. In the fall there was football— not quite as 
it is known today— but still football. The typical player's costume of 
the times consisted of thickly-padded knickerbockers, a jersey pull- 
over, canvas jacket, very heavy boots and very thick stockings. For 
protection the player wore shin guards, shoulder caps, ankle and knee 
supporters, wristbands, a rubber mouthpiece, a nose mask, padded ear 
guards, and a helmet. 50 The nucleus of the 1962 Big Four rivalry 
existed even in 1890. Wake Forest College, Trinity College (now 
Duke University but then still near High Point), and the University 
had a league. Each played the other in a triangular contest and the 
winner was declared champion. Trinity had the best team in the 1889- 

45 The News and Observer, February 9, 12, 1890. 

"Daily State Chronicle, April 23, 1890; The News and Observer, April 16, 23, 1890. 
"Daily State Chronicle, September 20, 1890; The News and Observer, September 
18, 1890. 

48 The News and Observer, September 21, 27, October 2, 1890. 

49 Daily State Chronicle, October 1, 4, 1890. 

60 James Fullarton Muirhead (Baedeker, comp.), The Land of Contrasts: A Briton's 
View of His American Kin (Boston, Massachusetts: Lamson, Wolff e, and Company, 
1898), 114, hereinafter cited as Muirhead, Land of Contrasts. 



334 The North Carolina Historical Review 

1890 season, including two stars who sometimes were able to run 
with the ball in spite of crowds which often blocked the field. The 
season lasted into the winter, Trinity and the University playing a 
"great match game" in February in Chapel Hill. There was a tremend- 
ous dispute over counting this game in the Intercollegiate Football 
Association series, however, for it was a trifle late even for their 
lengthy season. 51 The trustees of the University thereupon resolved 
that "the practice of the students of the University in engaging in 
competitive games with those of other colleges or other persons, be 
discontinued, and that the faculty are directed and instructed by the 
board of trustees to adopt such measures as shall entirely prevent its 
recurrence in the future." 52 Trinity, however, claimed the champion- 
ship and in November, 1890, traveled north to play the University of 
Pennsylvania in a game at Philadelphia and also a college at Rich- 
mond, Virginia, on the return trip. 53 

Baseball began in April and continued sporadically through August. 
There were no regular schedules and no professional teams in North 
Carolina, although "Big League" games were reported in the papers. 
The chief national teams of the time were Cleveland, Cincinnati, 
Wilmington, New Haven, Syracuse, St. Louis, New York, Philadelphia, 
Washington, Worcester, and the undesignated Athletics. 54 Even the 
fact that Tom Dunn, a Raleigh boy, was offered a position as fielder 
by the Philadelphia Baseball League merited only a sentence in the 



news. 



The National Baseball Club in Raleigh, a Negro team, was the most 
active in accepting and offering challenges to other teams and was 
popular with spectators of both races. 56 Of games played by white 
teams, Wake Forest defeated Raleigh by a score of 35 to 5; the 
Sluggers and the Starlights played a close one ending with a margin 
of 59 to 57 in favor of the former; A. and M. was defeated twice by 
Shanghai team; and the custom of Ladies' Day was already known. 57 

Lawn tennis was becoming popular and several courts were laid 
off in Raleigh in April. A tournament held in June drew entrants from 
Chapel Hill, Durham, Bingham's School, and Raleigh. The North 
Carolina Lawn Tennis Association was organized in July at a meeting 

51 The News and Observer, December 29, 1889, January 13, February 15, 1890. 

52 The News and Observer, February 21, 1890. 

58 The News and Observer, November 2, 27, 1890. 
54 The News and Observer, May 1, 1890. 
K The News and Observer, April 5, 1890. 
M The News and Observer, April 15, 1890, and following. 

57 Daily State Chronicle, September 2, 1890; The News and Observer, April 17, May 
3, 31, June 10, 22, August 9, 1890. 



Entertainment in Raleigh in 1890 335 

at the Yarborough House, indicating the rapid spread of this game 
called "one of the prettiest ... in the world and everybody should see 
it." 58 

Raleigh also proudly produced a famous trotting horse during this 
period— Pamlico, the son of Meander, owned by Plummer Batchelor. 
After setting many records and winning races at Hartford, Phila- 
delphia, and other tracks, Pamlico came home in November and was 
visited by many ardent fans at Batchelor's stock farm. 59 It might be 
added that there were 1,500 race tracks in the United States at this 
time and $3,000,000 annually was won in purses. Trotting races were 
the most popular type. 60 In Raleigh two weeks of trotting races were 
provided, from October 4 to October 17. 61 

Probably one never thinks of the Nineties without visualizing bi- 
cycles; and truly bicycles were the craze of the^century. There was a 
Raleigh Bicycle Club with twenty members who, like Will Wynne, 
were on the alert for new improved machines. 62 Prior to the Nineties 
ladies had played only some tennis and croquet and engaged in 
skating and archery. But the advent of the bicycle created an 
enormous vogue for athletics among women. 63 The lady's bicycle was 
invented in the United States and there were more "lady riders" here, 
proportionately, than in any other country. 64 Not only the St. Mary's 
student body, for instance, but even the faculty was hit by the craze, 
and the girls were much amused to see dignified faculty members 
practicing on the path between the kitchen and the infirmary. 65 It has 
even been alleged that the bicycle caused streets to be paved with 
asphalt rather than cobblestones or wooden blocks, 66 thus benefiting 
the total population. 

One of the world-wide pastimes or recreations is the consumption 
of food and drink. A Thanksgiving Day dinner menu from the Yar- 
borough House will give an idea of a holiday meal of 1890: Lynnhaven 
Bay oysters, Bisque of lobsters, Consomme of chicken Imperial, Boiled 
sheepshead with Hollandaise, potatoes a la maitre d'hotel, smoked 
beef tongue au Madere, filet of beef, pique a la Jardiniere, Salmi of 
quail au champignons, patties of chicken livers, orange fritters glace 
au rhum, roast sirloin of beef, lamb with mint sauce, stuffed turkev 



68 The News and Observer, April 16, June 29, July 2, 1890. 

59 The News and Observer, June 27, July 6, 13, August 17, November 11, 1890. 

60 Muirhead, Land of Contrasts, 121. 

61 Daily State Chronicle, September 12, 1890. 

62 The News and Observer, May 14, June 17, 1890. 

63 Brown, In the Nineties, 48. 

64 Muirhead, Land of Contrasts, 127. 

63 St. Mary's Muse (Raleigh), October, 1896, 52. 
68 Brown, In the Nineties, 54. 



336 



The North Carolina Historical Review 

# 




The auditorium of the Olivia Raney Library was the scene of many outstanding 
events in Raleigh for the years around 1900. The picture was taken from the files of 
the State Department of Archives and History. 



with cranberry sauce, fresh green peas, mashed potatoes, asparagus, 
succotash, sweet potatoes, roast canvasback duck with currant jelly, 
mayonnaise of crab, galantine of turkey, celery, Spanish olives, lettuce, 
sweet pickles, chow-chow, plum pudding with brandy sauce, mince 
and apple pies, Jelly a la Russe, nesselrode pudding, nuts, fruits, 
raisins, cheese, crackers, sweet milk, and coffee. 67 

Beverages were as elaborate, ranging from mild to dangerous. In 
the mild category one might find Russian tea, poured on crushed ice 
and served with delicate egg salad sandwiches. Van Houten's cocoa, 
Tetley tea, Co-li-ma coffee, Arbuckle's coffee, limeades at the drug 
store and Hires' root beer were also mild. 68 Stronger were the mixed 
drinks, some familiar and some strange: gin fizz, eggnog, shandygaff, 
alabazam, brain duster, catawba punch, Hannibal Hamlin, and Sitting 
Bull fizz. 69 Even more potent, so one may imagine, was Old Nick 
brand of rye and corn from Panther Creek in Yadkin County. 70 
Positively dangerous, however, was this punch served at the wedding 

67 The News and Observer, November 27, 1890. 

68 The News and Observer, May 6, 8, 13, June 14, September 5, 1890. 
60 Brown, In the Nineties, 324. 

TO The News and Observer, May 10, 1890. 



Entertainment in Raleigh in 1890 337 

of Robert Winston's daughter, for which the recipe follows: A peck 
of apples cooked thoroughly done and unpeeled. placed in a cut glass 
bowl and filled with brandy and whiskey and spices, and left to sit 
for weeks until the apples disappeared. As Mr. Winston himself said, 
it was as "deadly as Uncle Remus' deceitful jug!' 



|»71 



71 Robert W. Winston, It's a Far Cry (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1937), 
263. 



THE ELECTIONS OF 1872 IN NORTH CAROLINA 

By Douglass C. Dailey* 

When the Civil War ended in April, 1885, a provisional govern- 
ment was set up in North Carolina and was continued until December 
of the same year. At that time a civil government was organized and 
installed. The final restoration of North Carolina to the Union, how- 
ever, was still far in the future. 

Late in 1866 the legislature rejected the Fourteenth Amendment 
to the United States Constitution, and soon the State felt the wrath 
of the now powerful Radical Republicans. Military government was 
imposed on the State the following spring, and North Carolina was 
not fully restored to the Union until July of 1868. 

The new civil governor was William Woods Holden. Holden, be- 
fore becoming a Republican, was first a Whig and then a Democrat. 
As the editor of the Raleigh Standard, he had had tremendous politi- 
cal power. 1 Although Holden had endorsed the secession ordinance, 
he had opposed secession before the War. His peace policy during 
the conflict led to his appointment and short term as the provisional 
governor in 1865. Now he had again become chief executive as the 
Republicans overwhelmed the opposition in the election of 1868. 

The North Carolina Ku Klux Klan, organized in 1867, was a con- 
tinuing threat to Republican supremacy. In 1870 Holden decided to 
use force against this group, and there resulted the so-called "Kirk- 
Holden War." Under the direction of the Governor, George W. Kirk 
recruited a force of several hundred men from North Carolina, Vir- 
ginia, Tennessee, and South Carolina. 2 These troops were used to 
put down disorder, particularly in Alamance and Caswell counties. 

Meanwhile the opposition had secured control of the legislature 
and brought impeachment proceedings against Holden. He was con- 
victed and removed from office in March, 1871. Lieutenant-Governor 
Tod R. Caldwell served as governor for the remainder of Holden's 
term. 



* Mr. Dailey is Employment Counselor, North Carolina Employment Security Com- 
mission, Roanoke Rapids. 

1 Joseph G. de Roulhac Hamilton, Reconstruction in North Carolina (New York: 
Columbia University, 1914), 6, hereinafter cited as Hamilton, Reconstruction. 

8 Hamilton, Reconstruction, 504. 



The Elections of 1872 339 

As the important election year of 1872 approached, a look at the 
political picture showed that there were three parties in the State. 
The Conservative Party, which first appeared in 1866, was a combi- 
nation of Whigs and Democrats. 3 These two groups had been bitter 
political enemies before the War, but now they were willing to join 
forces in order to present a united front in opposition to the Radical 
program of reconstruction. 

Although the members of this new party generally called them- 
selves Conservatives locally, they used the term Conservative- 
Democrats with reference to the presidential election. Henceforth this 
term will be used to designate this political alignment. 

The Republican Party in the State had been organized in 1867, 
just sixteen days after Congressional Reconstruction became opera- 
tive. 4 It was fortunate in that it had the resources of the federal gov- 
ernment to sustain it; but as time went on the national administration 
became less and less inclined to interfere in the internal affairs of the 
State, and party influence diminished accordingly. 

For several years a faction in the Republican ranks had been 
threatening to move out and form still a third party. D. R. Goodloe 
said that he had set about forming a "healthy, honest, liberal, decent 
Republican Party in the State" as early as 1865. 5 Professor B. S. Hed- 
rick, Hardie Hogan Helper, and Goodloe made a determined effort 
to form such a party in 1868 but failed for want of co-operation from 
"Old Whigs" and "inflexible Democrats." 8 In 1872 the call again 
went out for county, district, and State conventions to meet and or- 
ganize a local Liberal Republican Party. 

The Negro element was naturally important in State politics. Be- 
cause the Negroes represented only a little better than 36 per cent of 
the population, 7 there was never any possibility of their controlling 
the State even though nearly all of them voted the Republican ticket. 
In sixteen eastern counties, however, Negroes constituted a majority 
and were capable of controlling indefinitely the election of local offi- 
cials. Because of Negro loyalty to the Republican Party, there was a 
strong tendency among the whites to vote the Conservative-Demo- 



8 Samuel A. Ashe and Others (eds.), Biographical History of North Carolina: 
From Colonial Times to the Present (Greensboro: Charles L. Van Noppen, 8 volumes, 
1905-1917), VIII, 338, hereinafter cited as Ashe, Biographical History. 

*R. D. W. Connor, North Carolina: Rebuilding an Ancient Commonwealth, 15 '8£- 
1925 (Chicago: The American Historical Society, Inc., 4 volumes, 1929), II, 289. 

5 Ashe, Biographical History, III, 198. 

"Undated broadside, William Alexander Graham Papers, Southern Historical 
Collection, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, hereinafter cited as Graham 
Papers. 

7 Everett Chamberlin, The Struggle of '72 (Chicago: Union Publishing Company, 
1872), 561, hereinafter cited as Chamberlin, Struggle of '72. 



340 The North Carolina Historical Review 

cratic ticket in order to secure and maintain white supremacy. As a 
result, after 1870 Democratic rule was continuous for a quarter of a 
century. 8 

Neither party had absolute control of the State government, but 
the Conservative-Democrats had a decided advantage. The governor 
was a Republican, but the Conservative-Democrats outnumbered the 
Republicans two to one in the Senate and almost as substantially in 
the House. 9 

The North Carolina congressional delegation consisted of a Repub- 
lican and a Democrat in the Senate and two Republicans, four Demo- 
crats, and one Conservative in the House. As the result of the latest 
reapportionment, North Carolina was to get an additional representa- 
tive beginning March 4, 1873. Another point in favor of the Conserva- 
tive-Democrats was the fact that the State Constitution did not 
provide the governor with a veto over legislation. 

All in all, the Conservative-Democratic Party was in a dominant 
position and had been since the election of 1870. The Republicans 
looked forward with great anticipation to the elections of 1872 and 
the chance to regain lost ground. 

The prospects of a relatively free and fair election were improved 
by the fact that both the Ku Klux Klan and federal troops were less 
active than in former years. In regard to the Klan, there were two 
factors which accounted for its limited and diminishing operations. 
The most important was recent strong federal legislation; and the 
other was the fact that the need for the Klan was on the wane. 10 

Interference by federal forces was also diminishing. Although there 
were 1,000 federal troops in South Carolina during the period 1870- 
1871, there were only 200 soldiers stationed in North Carolina at 
that time. 11 There was almost no mention of troops during the North 
Carolina campaigns of 1872; and it is presumed that, at most, their 
number was not greater than the figure for the previous year. 

This was the political situation in North Carolina at the beginning 
of the year 1872. The coming twelve months were to be especially 
important to the State because there were to be two elections, one 
for State officials and one for President. The election for governor and 



* William Alexander Mabry, "Negro Suffrage and Fusion Rule in North Carolina," 
The North Carolina Historical Review, XII (April, 1935), 81. 

9 Hamilton, Reconstruction, 534. 

10 Archibald Henderson, North Carolina, The Old North State and the New (Chicago: 
The Lewis Publishing Company, 5 volumes, 1941), II, 335. 

n Edwin C. Woolley, "Grant's Southern Policy," Studies in Southern History and 
Politics (New York: Columbia University Press, 1914), 215. 



The Elections of 1872 341 

available Congressional seats was to be held in August, and the cam- 
paign began early in the year. 

The Conservative-Democrats began to hold their county and Con- 
gressional district meetings in late February. In the fourth district 
Josiah Turner, Jr., the fiery editor of the Daily Sentinel, was unani- 
mously tendered the nomination for Congress. He declined, however, 
because he hoped to be the party nominee for the United States 
Senate. 

Although he was disappointed in this project, he still exerted a 
strong influence during the campaign with his bitter editorial attacks, 
a sample of which is here quoted. 

Gen , l Willie D. Jones, the homestead saver, Col. Wm. F. Henderson, the 
rnule saver, Col. Thos. B. Long, the money saver, and Col. Isaac Young, the 
tobacco and revenue saver, opened the campaign on-the part of the radicals 
at Pullet Station, Chicken Gunter's home, in Chatham county, on Thurs- 
day. 

The campaign was opened with whiskey and slander, and closed at 
night with a big drunk on the part of the negroes. 12 

The Republican meetings, largely controlled by federal officehold- 
ers, 13 were held in March. In the fourth district W. A. Smith, a 
Republican, furnished a good illustration of the ways of the politician. 
In a letter to Governor Caldwell he at first stated that he cared 
nothing about going to Congress. Gradually, he came around to 
repeating what his friends had been saying about his chances of 
carrying his district. Finally, he said emphatically that he was the 
only candidate who could win and that this was no boast but a simple 
fact. 14 In truth it should be added that his self-confidence was justi- 
fied by a victory at the polls. 

It was not until late in March that the Liberal Republicans, led 
by Daniel R. Goodloe and Hardie Hogan Helper, issued their call 
for county and district meetings. 15 Goodloe was a native of North 
Carolina who had early espoused the antislavery cause. Helper was 
one of the brothers of the famous Llinton Rowan Helper and had 
been editor of an anti-Holden newspaper in 1868. 16 

The press was full of reports of these meetings. The editors seemed 
to have a standard formula for their remarks, the following being an 
example of unfavorable comment. 



u Daily Sentinel (Raleigh), March 9, 1872, hereinafter cited as Sentinel 
13 J. G. de R. Hamilton, "The Elections of 1872 in North Carolina," South Atlantic 
Quarterly, XI (April, 1912), 143, hereinafter cited as Hamilton, "Elections of 1872." 
u W. A. Smith to Tod R. Caldwell, March 22, 1872, Tod R. Caldwell Papers, South- 
ern Historical Collection. 

15 Hamilton, "Elections of 1872," 143. 

16 Ashe, Biographical History, VIII, 214. 



342 The North Carolina Historical Review 

i 

We expected nothing else than a stormy session. It would have been 
entirely out of the Radical style of doing business had it resulted other- 
wise; but we must confess that we were not prepared for such scenes 
of wrangling and confusion as prevailed, and which disgusted all decent 
members of the party. 17 

The Republicans held their State convention in Raleigh on April 17. 
A Negro, James H. Harris, was made temporary chairman. Some- 
times called "J eems " by his opponents, he called for complete social 
equality "on your cars, on your steamboats, and at the tables and in 
the parlors of your hotels." 18 Samuel F. Phillips, the "most distin- 
guished of the deserters" from the ranks of the Democrats, 19 became 
the convention's permanent president. 

The leading candidates for the gubernatorial nomination were 
Governor Caldwell, Judge Thomas Settle, Oliver Dockery, and George 
W. Logan. The first two had the best chance of winning the nomi- 
nation. 

Caldwell was a native of Burke County. Originally a Whig, he 
was a Unionist during the War, and then became Holden's running 
mate in the campaign of 1868. 20 

Thomas Settle was a former associate justice of the State Supreme 
Court and had been minister to Peru from March of 1871 until the 
fall of that year. His candidacy was strengthened by the fact that he 
had the support of the Holden wing of the Party and of highly placed 
friends in Washington. 21 

When the voting began, Caldwell won on the first ballot. With 55 
votes necessary for a decision, the result was Caldwell, 58; Settle, 28; 
Dockery, 14; and Logan, 7. 22 

The nomination of Caldwell instead of Settle was thought to have 
offended the Washington administration. It was supposed to have 
been engineered by Phillips and Federal Marshal Samuel CarrowV 



23 



17 Morning Star (Wilmington), April 9, 1872, hereinafter cited as Morning Star. 

18 Claude G. Bowers, The Tragic Era: The Revolution After Lincoln (Cambridge, 
Massachusetts: The Riverside Press, 1929), 386, hereinafter cited as Bowers, Tragic 
Era. 

19 Peter Mitchel Wilson, Southern Exposure (Chapel Hill: The University of North 
Carolina Press, 1927), 83. 

20 Cyclopedia of Eminent and Representative Men of the Carolinas of the Nineteenth 
Century . . . (Madison, Wisconsin: Brant and Fuller, 2 volumes, 1892), II, 614. 

21 J. G. de R. Hamilton, North Carolina Since 1860. Volume III of History of North 
Carolina, by R. D. W. Connor, William K. Boyd, J. G. de Roulhac Hamilton, 
and Others (Chicago and New York: The Lewis Publishing Company, 6 volumes, 
1919), 179, hereinafter cited as Hamilton, North Carolina Since 1860. 

23 Tri-Weekly Carolina Era (Raleigh), April 20, 1872, hereinafter cited as Carolina 
Era. 

23 A. H. Beach to Governor Marshall Jewel, James A. Padgett (ed.), "Reconstruction 
Letters from North Carolina: Letters to William E. Chandler," The North Carolina 
Historical Review, XIX (January, 1942), 89, hereinafter cited as Padgett, "Recon- 
struction Letters." 



The Elections of 1872 343 

Curtis Hooks Brogden was nominated for lieutenant-governor. In 
view of Caldwell's western origin it is not surprising to find that 
Brogden was from Wayne County in the eastern part of the State. 

The last item on the agenda was the platform. Its main planks dealt 
with protection of civil liberties, legislation against the Ku Klux 
Klan, and the granting of a general amnesty. 24 

As might be expected, the Conservative-Democrats immediately 
attacked the Republican candidate. "Caldwell is the easiest to beat 
of any man in their party in the State. ... To the rash spirit of Holden, 
he adds the sourness of a cynic and the inflexibility of a steel bar." 25 

Greensboro, with its central location, good railroad connections, 
and excellent hotels, was chosen as the site of the Conservative- 
Democratic State convention. The first of May was set as the opening 
day. The delegates, who received special rates on the railroads, were 
met on arrival with words of praise. "Largest, most intelligent, noblest, 
earnest/' and other similar expressions were used by the press in 
describing the crowds which poured into the city. 26 

The convention was held in the Wigwam which was located in a 
"beautiful grove" near the depot. For the occasion it was decorated 
with flowers and evergreens. At twelve o'clock two thousand people 
crowded inside, and the first session began. Thomas C. Fuller was 
made temporary chairman and was succeeded by John Kerr as 
permanent president. 

When nominations began, three names were submitted. They were 
A. S. Merrimon, James M. Leach, and Daniel Moreau Barringer. 
Zebulon B. Vance, the famous war governor, would not allow his 
name to be submitted. 27 Augustus S. Merrimon had been a lawyer, 
legislator, army officer, and judge. He was a former Whig who was 
known as a "Union man." 28 

The second strongest candidate was James M. Leach. Like Merri- 
mon, he was a lawyer, a former Whig, and had served in the State 
legislature. 29 

As in the case of Caldwell, Merrimon was elected on the first 
ballot. The outcome was Merrimon, 70; Leach, 22; and Barringer, 



24 Carolina Era, June 13, 1872. 

^Morning Star, April 21, 1872. 

20 Southern Home (Charlotte), May 6, 1872, hereinafter cited as Southern Home. 

27 Hamilton, "Elections of 1872," 145. 

88 Biographical Directory of the American Congress, 17 74-19 49: The Continental 
Congress, September 5, 177b, to October 21, 1788, and the Congress of the United 
States from the First to the Eightieth, March 4, 1789, to January 3, 1949, Inclusive 
(Washington, D. C. : United States Government Printing Office, Eighty-First Congress, 
Second Session, House Document No. 607, 1950), 1,557, hereinafter cited as Bio- 
graphical Directory of Congress. 

89 Biographical Directory of Congress, 1,445. 



344 The North Carolina Historical Review 

f 
12. 30 Major John Hughes received the nomination for lieutenant- 
governor. 

At first Merrimon had not been interested in the nomination, but 
party leaders promised him that if he lost the campaign he would be 
elected to the United States Senate. 31 This was a safe guarantee be- 
cause of the Conservative-Democratic majority in the State legisla- 
ture. 

After the results of the first ballot were announced, Merrimon made 
his acceptance speech. Then, as its final act, the convention adopted 
a platform. According to these resolutions, the Conservative-Demo- 
crats agreed with the Republicans on the tax and education issues. 
On the other hand, they condemned Republican violations of the 
Constitution and called for civil service reform. 32 

With the ending of the Conservative-Democratic convention, the 
State campaign had ended its first phase— the leaders for the coming 
struggle had been chosen. 

On the national scene a threat to continued Republican rule was 
shaping up in Missouri. A quarrel over the removal of the disabilities 
of "Copperheads" split the Republican Party in the State. 33 

With Carl Schurz at their head this so-called Liberal Republican 
faction made an alliance with the Democrats and came to power in 
1869. 

In January, 1872, this newly formed Party held a mass convention 
at Jefferson City, Missouri. At this meeting an invitation to a national 
convention was extended to all those opposed to Grant. This conven- 
tion was to be held at Cincinnati on May 1. 

North Carolinians were well aware of this development. Schurz 
had been seeking southern support for some time. As early as Sep- 
tember, 1871, he had sent out an appeal to the young men of the 
South to join in the liberal movement. 34 

The newspapers of the State carried the announcement of the 
Missouri Convention, and there were many comments upon it. One 
Conservative-Democratic editor hopefully wrote: 

We think we see in this meeting ... a cloud, which, with its gathered 
strength in the meantime, will break in a storm over the head of the 



80 Sentinel, May 3, 1872. 

31 Hamilton, Reconstruction, 586. 

82 Greensboro Patriot, May 2, 1872. 

83 Bowers, Tragic Era, 376. 

84 F. P. Graham, "Carl Schurz in the Liberal Republican Movement of 1872" (un- 
published master's thesis, Columbia University, 1916), 20-21. 



The Elections of 1872 345 

unstateman-like [sic] dolt at Washington, and sweep him from the 
White House. 35 

In North Carolina continued interest was shown in the candidacy 
of Judge David Davis. In a letter to William A. Graham, James 
Grant said that the strongest candidates for the nomination at Cin- 
cinnati were Judge Davis, Gratz Brown, Lyman Trumbull, and 
Charles Francis Adams. In his opinion Davis was the strongest, 
especially since he had no "vulnerable record." In addition, Grant 
said that Davis had the most support in the Democratic Party. Several 
weeks later Grant again wrote to Graham and urged him to go to 
Cincinnati and work for the Davis nomination. 36 

H. H. Helper was hard at work making preparations for North 
Carolina's participation in the convention. In the press he issued a 
plea for help. "Arise! fellow countrymen and aid us in the gracious 
work of overthrowing the Grant-Radical thieving and mercenary 
party." 37 He continued with a call for public meetings to choose 
delegates to the Cincinnati Convention. 

As May 1 approached, the city of Cincinnati became the center of 
interest. The Liberal Republicans rented Exposition Hall with its 
huge capacity and spent $5,000 for decorations. 38 At the opening 
session Schurz made a brief address, and then the convention ad- 
journed until the following day. 

At the second session, Schurz, making the main address, called 
for Party unity and rejected the "anybody to beat Grant" idea. With 
high idealism he predicted that the victory would be theirs if they 
truly deserved it. 39 

After adopting the platform the convention proceeded to the selec- 
tion of a presidential candidate. The names of Adams, Davis, Trum- 
bull, Brown, and Greeley were placed in nomination, and the ballot- 
ing began. Adams and Greeley were the chief contestants, and the 
old editor won in a stampede on the sixth ballot. 40 Gratz Brown, Gov- 
ernor of Missouri, was nominated for the second place on the ticket. 

How had the North Carolina delegation fared? The Neio York 
Times said that North Carolina was one of several States represented 



35 Sentinel, February 12, 1872. 

38 James Grant to William Alexander Graham, April 17, 1872, Graham Papers. 

37 Carolina Watchman (Salisbury), March 8, 1872, hereinafter cited as Carolina 
Watchman. 

38 "The Liberal Republican Convention," Dawson Pamphlets, VIII (1865-1872), 
No. 15, 3. This collection, with the binder's title Dawson Pamphlets, is at the Univer- 
sity of North Carolina Library. The reference will hereinafter be cited as Dawson 
Pamphlets with the appropriate information. 

38 Dawson Pamphlets, VIII (1865-1872), No. 15, 12. 

"Dawson Pamphlets, VIII (1865-1872), No. 15, 29. 



346 The North Carolina Historical Review 

wholly by Democrats or by residents of other States who happened 
to be at the convention. 41 The records show, however, that North 
Carolina Liberal Republicans were there and participated fully in 
the proceedings. In fact, D. R. Goodloe was elected secretary of the 
national executive committee. 42 

The delegation came to the convention with a strong leaning 
toward Davis. However, they cast their ballots, at various times, 
for four out of five of the candidates. A partial record of their vote 
is shown below. 

Davis Greeley Trumbull Adams 43 

First ballot 12i/ 2 5 — — 

Second ballot 3 8 9 — 

Fifth ballot 3 5 7 5 

Sixth ballot — ■ 17 — 3 

In North Carolina Conservative-Democrats received the Greelev 
nomination with approval, but it was of a very lukewarm and quali- 
fied nature. The following selections from the anti-Grant press show 
that the Conservative-Democrats were trying to make the best of 
what they obviously thought was a bad bargain. 

As far as men are concerned, we don't think that the Democratic Party 
would be one whit better off had Trumbull, Adams, or Davis been nomi- 
nated. If we have to take a Republican, Greeley is as good as any, and a 
deal better than the most of them. 44 

About the best we can do at present, therefore, is to settle down on 
Greeley and rise when we can do better. 45 

One editor wrote that he was surprised if not disappointed. He 
decided that the Conservative-Democrats had their hands full elect- 
ing Merrimon and had better forget Greeley until after August. 46 
Another writer advanced the idea that sympathy for Greeley would 
drive "all to Grant" and cautioned, "Our strength is to sit still." 4T 

At this time the regular Republicans were preparing for their 
national convention. In North Carolina the Party had trouble com- 
pleting the selection of its delegation, but the group which was finally 
chosen left for the convention solidly committed to Grant and Henry 
Wilson. Their instructions read: 



41 The New York Times, May 6, 1872. 

42 Chamberlin, Struggle of '72, 401. 

43 Chamberlin, Struggle of '72, 386-394. 

44 Greensboro Patriot, May 16, 1872. 
46 Carolina Watchman, May 10, 1872. 

46 Daily Journal (Wilmington), May 5, 1872. 
"Southern Home, May 6, 1872. 



The Elections of 1872 347 

Resolved, That the Administration of President Grant meets with our 
hearty and unqualified approval, and our delegates to the National Con- 
vention, to assemble at Philadelphia on the 5th day of June next, are 
instructed to vote for his renomination to the Presidency of the United 
States. 48 

On a rainy Wednesday, June 5, Grant's supporters assembled at 
the Academy of Music in Philadelphia. At 11:50 a.m. the band began 
to play and then at noon yielded to former Governor William Claflin 
of Massachusetts and the call to order. The suggestion had been made 
in the press that the presidency of the convention should be given to 
the South, and thus it was. Thomas Settle was quickly chosen and 
became the first southern Republican to hold that position. 49 Another 
honor fell to North Carolina when, soon afterward, James H. Harris 
was asked to speak. 

When it came time for the nominations, Grant, "our second Wash- 
ington," was chosen by acclamation as was expected. When the 
enthusiasm abated, the convention began to ballot for a vice-presi- 
dential candidate. Henry Wilson, "the Natick cobbler," was success- 
ful on the first ballot, aided by twenty North Carolina votes. 50 

It was no surprise to anyone that Grant had received the nomi- 
nation. Although the Civil War hero had made a poor President, his 
name was magic at the ballot box, and the Party naturally chose 
him to head the ticket a second time. Shortly after the two-day con- 
vention, Thomas Settle wrote that he thought they had presented the 
strongest possible ticket and that he did not doubt of its success. 51 

The Democratic Convention was to be held July 9 at Baltimore. In 
North Carolina both the Conservative-Democrats and the regular 
Republicans predicted that the convention would endorse the Cin- 
cinnati ticket and platform. However, the Republicans added that 
Republicans who would vote for Greeley would be balanced by 
Democrats voting for Grant. 52 The selection of the State delegation 
was completed, and it left for the convention. 

July 9 was a hot day. The gaslights used to illuminate Ford's 
Opera House added their heat to the air until the thermometer stood 
at one hundred degrees. 53 

48 The New York Times, May 29, 1872. 

49 Hamilton, "Elections of 1872," 147. 

60 The New York Times, June 7, 1872. 

61 Thomas Settle to Richmond M. Pearson, June 9, 1872, Richmond M. Pearson 
Papers, Southern Historical Collection. 

62 Carolina Era, April 18, 1872. 

""The Baltimore Convention," The Nation, XV (July 18, 1872), 39. 



348 The North Carolina Historical Review 

« 

When the convention got under way, Thomas Jefferson Randolph, 
the grandson of Thomas Jefferson, was made temporary chairman. 
He was followed in the chair by former Senator James R. Doolittle 
of Wisconsin, who later campaigned in North Carolina for Merrimon. 
The convention accomplished little on the first day and adjourned 
until the following morning. 

Next day the convention wasted no time in choosing Greeley on 
the first ballot with 686 votes out of a possible 732. Gratz Brown did a 
little better with a total of 713. 54 At 1:39 p.m. it was all over. Greeley 
accepted the nomination by letter on July 18. 

That the Democrats should nominate Horace Greeley was, on the 
face of it, one of the strangest events in American political history. 
The general amazement is reflected in a letter from William T. Sher- 
man to his brother. 

Of course I have watched the progress of political events from this 
standpoint, [from abroad] and feel amazed to see the turn things have 
taken. Grant, who never was a Republican, is your candidate; and 
Greeley, who never was a Democrat, but quite the reverse, is the Demo- 
cratic candidate. 55 

In the South Robert Toombs saw no choice in the coming election. 
"I would support the devil in preference to either of them [Greeley 
or Grant], because when you support the devil you support a very 
respectable antagonist." 56 

An earlier remark by former Governor Vance best characterizes the 
feelings of North Carolina Conservative-Democrats at this time. He 
boldly stated that, "If the Baltimore convention puts Greeley in our 
hymn book, we will sing him through, if it kills us." He explained 
that the southern people were "trying to get out of hell fire." They 
would co-operate with anyone who promised help. 57 

The Republican newspapers in the State made light of the situa- 
tion. One pretended to be very pleased over Greeley's success and 
spoke familiarly of "Old Whitey" and "Carl Shirts." 58 A Conservative- 
Democratic paper, in a different vein, said, "Of cource Isic] this 
paper 'accepts the situation,' and will go for the Cincinnati-Baltimore 

64 J. G. Blaine, Twenty Years of Congress: From Lincoln to Garfield (Norwich, 
Connecticut: Henry Bill Publishing Company, 2 volumes, 1884), II, 529-530. 

65 E. Benjamin Andrews, The History of the Last Quarter-Century in the United 
States, 1870-1895 (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 2 volumes, 1896), I, 70-71. 

56 E. Merton Coulter, The South During Reconstruction, 1865-1877 (Baton Rouge: 
Louisiana State University Press, 1947), 346. 

67 Ellis Paxon Oberholtzer, A History of the United States Since the Civil War 
(New York: The Macmillan Company, 5 volumes, 1917-1937), III, 48. 

68 Economist (Elizabeth City), July 9, 1872. 



The Elections of 1872 349 

nominees. . . . The 'jig's up'— the child's born, and his name is 
Greeley." 59 

The Liberal Republicans in the State had nearly all accepted 
Greeley. Now after the Democratic convention, they joined the Con- 
servatives although some were "restless under the burden." The 
Liberal Republicans, the Conservatives, and the Democrats were all 
for Greeley, but there was no enthusiasm in the ranks. 60 

Thus ended, for North Carolina, the convention phase of the im- 
portant election year of 1872. 

The election of August 1, 1872, in North Carolina had unusual 
significance. Because it was the first State election after the Presi- 
dential candidates had been chosen, it was supposed to give an indi- 
cation of the result in November. "As North Carolina goes, so goes 
the nation" was the slogan that year. The New York Times was 
claiming that this contest would be the first absolutely free election 
in the State since the War. 61 

As the day drew near, Greeley's New York Tribune began to 
hedge a little and say that the election would not be a true test 
because some Republicans would vote Republican in August but for 
Greeley in November. "On the other hand, if the Renominationists 
are beaten now nothing can save them in November, and they know 
it, and are working accordingly. 62 Henry Wilson made an admission 
that seemed to bear out the last statement. 

I say in all frankness to gentlemen supporting the Democratic ticket 
that if they can carry North Carolina at this election, they will impose 
upon the Republican Party a difficult task to maintain control of the 
Government of the United States. 63 

Naturally each political group predicted victory for its own ticket. 
The Conservative-Democrats saw themselves winning by 3,500 votes, 
and the Republicans claimed success by a 7,500 margin. 64 The most 
prophetic prediction appeared in the pro-Grant New York Times. 
"There is a prospect of a good, lively old-fashioned and intensely 
interesting canvass up to the day of the State election, but after that 
it will be very flat, as the Democrats will make hardly any effort to 
win in November/' 65 



69 Carolina Watchman, July 12, 1872. 

* Hamilton, "Elections of 1872," 148. 
81 The New York Times, July 19, 1872. 
62 New York Tribune, July 15, 1872. 

* The New York Times, July 26, 1872. 
"* The New York Times, July 20, 1872. 

* The New York Times, June 15, 1872. 



350 The North Carolina Historical Review 

* 
As so often happens in an election, each side accused the other of 

trying to "buy" victory at the polls. It was said that John Pool had 
$100,000 which had been sent by northern radicals for use against 
Merrimon. 66 The Republican campaign chest was not quite as bulg- 
ing, however, as the opposition claimed it to be. On June 12 Governor 
Caldwell wrote Henry Wilson that the Republican Party in the State 
was in "woful Isic] condition." 

Cannot you have something done in the way of material aid for us? 
If ten or twelve thousand dollars can be furnished Hon Sam 1 F Phillips, 
the chm n of our State Executive Committee, for distribution in the sev- 
eral Congressional Districts, it will do great good — We need some active 
canvassers to arouse the colored voters, and no one can do this more 
efficiently than colored speakers & we have none who can bear the ex- 
pense — I hope you will consider of this matter [sic'] and induce the 
Northern Republicans to assist us if you can — 67 

The Republicans countered the stories about the "Pool Fund" with 
charges of their own. They claimed that two "notorious characters" 
had been sent into the State by the Liberal Republican National 
Committee and had $9,500 to spend on Merrimon's election. 68 

The campaign on the stump was said to be of unprecedented in- 
terest and bitterness. Sometimes a series of debates would be arranged 
between rival candidates. One such affair, complete with two 
speeches by each candidate, lasted for three hours and forty-five 
minutes. 69 

In the political speeches of that day humor was an important fac- 
tor. Josiah Turner, Jr., is a good example of one who used humor and 
ridicule with deadly effect. The following is one of the many stories 
used on the stump which often were successful where logical argu- 
ment made no impression. 

Speaking of the idea of the colored people voting for Greeley, because 
he was an Abolitionist, he [T. L. Hargrove] was reminded of the favorite 
cosset Billy, that an older brother put in the midst of a scaly lot of sheep, 
when the paternal flock was to be divided. He thought the younger 
brother would choose that lot because of Billy. But the younger brother 
on viewing the lot remarked, "Billy, I've loved you long, and I love you 
now, but what a crowd you are in !" 70 



66 Greensboro Patriot, July 18, 1872. 

67 Tod R. Caldwell to Henry Wilson, June 12, 1872, Padgett, "Reconstruction 
Letters " 70-71. 

The New York Times, July 24, 1872. 
Greensboro Patriot, May 30, 1872. 
The New York Times, May 27, 1872. 



68 



TO 



The Elections of 1872 351 

Because of the importance of the campaign, the national organiza- 
tions of both the Greeley and Grant forces sent dozens of speakers 
to North Carolina. One of the high lights of this influx was the visit 
of Carl Schurz. D. R. Goodloe and other prominent citizens met him 
at Reidsville and escorted him to Greensboro. 71 The next day he 
journeyed to Charlotte to attend a large Liberal Republican mass 
meeting. The meeting was held beneath the "noble oaks" which 
surrounded the Presbyterian church. As Schurz was speaking, a fire 
broke out in a new house two blocks away. Part of the crowd went to 
watch the fire, and the Conservative-Democrats charged that a Grant 
Negro had applied the torch for this very purpose. 72 

Newspapers played an important part in the campaign. The politi- 
cal editorial was both a frequent and potent weapon. One common 
practice was for an editor to print a long extract from an opposition 
newspaper and then answer it point by point. Another tactic was to 
print certain inflammatory quotations day after day for weeks at a 
time. 73 The battle of words was further extended through the use of 
great quantities of campaign literature and documents. 

The Grant administration was accused of making use of the power 
of the federal government to influence the campaign. The Army, the 
Internal Revenue Department, and the Justice Department were all 
said to be involved. 

The charge of interference by armed force may be quickly dis- 
missed for lack of evidence. A newspaper report, however, appears 
to support the attacks on the Department of Internal Revenue. In 
the mountain fruit districts the revenue agents were supposed to have 
promised the people that if the Radicals won, they would be able to 
"still to their heart's content" without any tax. 74 It must be remem- 
bered that the above information was printed in a strong Conserva- 
tive newspaper. 

The third anti-Grant charge of interference concerned "intimida- 
tion" by the Justice Department. On April 20, 1871, Congress had 
passed the so-called "Ku Klux Act." This act made it a federal offense 
to employ disguises and methods to prevent any person from exer- 
cising his constitutional rights. In North Carolina many were indicted 
under this law, and Samuel Phillips directed the prosecution of these 
cases. By February there had been 1,208 such proceedings, 75 and 

71 The New York Times, July 29, 1872. 
73 The New York Times, July 30, 1872. 
78 Carolina Era, July 8, 1872. 
7 * Greensboro Patriot, August 14, 1872. 
"Hamilton, "Elections of 1872," 148. 



352 The North Carolina Historical Review 

just before election time estimates of their number ran as high as 
4000. 76 

Many of those charged with night riding were prominent citizens. 
James M. Leach was one of these, but the Conservative-Democrats 
said the testimony against him was false. Sometimes circumstances 
surrounding these arrests were spectacular. The officers of the law 
came for D. S. Ramsour, a student of Wake Forest College, while 
he was attending a meeting and dragged him off forcibly. 77 

Taken at face value, this mass of indictments would seem to indi- 
cate that the State was the scene of widespread violence at this time. 
However, several factors indicate that such was not the case and 
that there was some justification for the Conservative-Democratic 
cry of "intimidation." 

If lawlessness had actually gotten the upper hand in North Caro- 
lina, President Grant would have declared the State in insurrection. 
This was not done. Also, the timing of the indictments was suspici- 
ous. Their volume was highest just before the election. Probably the 
best indication of the political nature of these proceedings was 
the fact that after the election was over the arrests stopped and most 
of the cases were dropped. 78 

Warnings and charges of fraud were made by both political groups. 
For this election new registration books were ordered, and the Repub- 
licans said that Conservative-Democratic registrars were transcribing 
automatically the names of all Conservative-Democrats but were only 
entering the names of Republicans on demand. 79 Conservative-Demo- 
crats retaliated with a charge that the Radicals were going to trans- 
port "a thousand negroes . . . from the second to the first district and 
a like number from the same district to the third and fourth. . . ." 80 

One of the most clever frauds was one supposedly contrived by 
the Conservative-Democrats. They were alleged to have printed a 
special ballot which enabled them to defraud their opponents. 

These posters are the Democratic State, Congressional and Legislative 
tickets, printed in sheets, the backs of which are covered with an adhesive 
substance, such as is used on postage stamps, and holes are drilled around 
the names of each candidate, so that it can be quickly detached from 
the others. 81 



76 Greensboro Patriot, July 31, 1872. 
"Hamilton, North Carolina Since I860, 178. 

78 A. M. Arnett, with the collaboration of Walter Clinton Jackson, The Story of 
North Carolina (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1933), 368. 

79 Carolina Era, July 18, 1872. 

80 Carolina Watchman, June 28, 1872. 

61 The New York Times, August 1, 1872. 



The Elections of 1872 353 

When the opportunity presented itself, a Republican vote could 
be quickly changed into one for a Conservative or a Democrat. 

And so the campaign came to a close with charges and counter- 
charges filling the air and a great deal depending on the result. 

Election day was quiet and orderly in the capital city of Raleigh. 
The rest of the State was also quiet despite predictions of violence. 
The earliest returns were favorable to the Conservative-Democrats. 
One newspaper boldly predicted the election of Merrimon by 20,000 
votes. Another bore the headline, "The State Redeemed From Radi- 
calism Rejoice, Oh, Ye, Nations! Rejoice!" 82 By August 2, how- 
ever, Merrimon's predicted majority was down to between 5,000 and 
10,000; and two days later it had sunk to 2,000. 83 

As the days went by, the tide continued to run against Merrimon, 
and on August 8 the Daily Sentinel conceded the election to 
Caldwell. 84 However, when the final ballot was tallied, it was found 
that he had won by a majority of less than 2,000 in a total vote of 
nearly 200,000 ( 98,132 to 96,234 ) . 85 

The Conservative-Democrats had failed to capture the governor- 
ship, but the results of the other contests were more favorable. They 
had secured a majority of fourteen in the Senate and twelve in the 
House. In the Congressional races the Party had carried five out of 
the eight districts. 80 An agreeable thought was the fact that Caldwell 
could not block Conservative-Democratic legislation because he pos- 
sessed no veto. The jubilation of the Merrimon forces suddenly 
changed to dismay, but the completed picture was one of limited 
victory rather than defeat. 

With the vote in the gubernatorial election being so close, it was 
not surprising that Merrimon's supporters called for a contest. The 
Republican press reacted violently to this idea. 

We care not what action the Legislature may take in the matter, the 
Republicans will resist any attempt to seat Judge Merrimon. . . . We are 
satisfied that Caldwell received a majority of the legal votes cast, and we 
hope he will maintain his rights in the premises, by moderate means at 
first — AT the point of the bayonet — if necessary. — Republicans will 
not submit to be Ku Kluxed out of their victory. 87 



62 Daily News (Raleigh), August 3, 1872. 

83 New York Tribune, August 5, 1872. 

84 Sentinel, August 8, 1872. 

85 R. D. W. Connor (comp. and ed.), A Manual of North Carolina . . . 1913 (Raleigh: 
The North Carolina Historical Commission [State Department of Archives and 
History], 1913), 1,002, hereinafter cited as Connor, Manual, 1913. 

88 Greensboro Patriot, August 7, 1872. 

87 Greensboro Patriot, September 4, 1872, quoting the Carolina Era. 



354 The North Carolina Historical Review 

The continuing clamor finally resulted* in the calling of a joint 
meeting of the executive committees of the Conservative-Democratic 
and Liberal Republican parties on October 20. At this gathering it 
was decided that there would be no contest. All the factors which 
went into the decision are, of course, not known. However, the Con- 
servative-Democrats probably concluded that any other course would 
only end in violence with much more loss than gain. 

Although the Merrimon forces did not contest the election, their 
cries of "fraud" were numerous and prolonged. One of the gravest 
charges was the assertion that the Republicans had brought large 
numbers of Negroes into the State to swell the vote for Caldwell. The 
Conservative-Democrats said that five to seven hundred Negroes had 
been sent from "Washington City" to Norfolk and from there dis- 
tributed throughout the State. The Liberal Republican National Com- 
mittee in Washington announced that it had affidavits of over fifty 
such Negroes who had voted in the election. 88 

The most important Conservative-Democratic contention was to 
the effect that in several counties there were more votes cast than 
there were eligible voters to cast them. 89 This particular assertion can 
be verified. The census of 1870 lists by county the number of male 
citizens twenty-one years old and over. 90 Under the existing voting 
requirements, these totals would be almost the same as the totals of 
eligible voters. 91 By comparing the census figures with the total votes 
cast in each countv 92 it can be shown that there was an excess of 
votes over eligible voters in fourteen counties. These fourteen were 
the counties of Bladen, Cumberland, Franklin, Greene, Halifax, Hert- 
ford, Hyde, Jones, Lenoir, Nash, Northampton, Robeson, Sampson, 
and Wilson. The above facts, however, must be interpreted very 
carefully. 

First of all, there had been a lapse of two years between the census 
and the election. Some natural changes in the size of the voting 
population could be expected during that period. In most cases, 
nevertheless, the extra vote seems too large to be explained in this 
way. 

If fraud is admitted, the blame does not necessarily fall upon the 
Republicans. It can be shown only that the total number of votes cast 

88 Greensboro Patriot, September 11, 1872. 

89 Carolina Watchman, August 15, 1872. 

80 Ninth Census of the United States, 1870 (Washington, D. C: United States 
Bureau of the Census, 3 volumes [and Statistical Atlas, and Compendium'], 1872), I, 
633, hereinafter cited as Ninth Census: 1870. 

91 Address of the Executive Committee of the Third Congressional District, North 
Carolina Collection, University of North Carolina. 

83 Connor, Manual, 1913, 1,001-1,002. 



The Elections of 1872 355 

was greater than the number of eligible voters. However, it is natural 
to assume that if the members of a political party wanted to commit 
fraud, they would find their best opportunity in an area where their 
party had its greatest strength. 

An examination of the returns for the State elections of 1868, 1870, 
and 1871 shows that seven of these fourteen counties had gone 
Republican in every case and only two were three times captured by 
the opposition. 93 The other five counties had not been won consist- 
ently by either party. Therefore, half of the counties in question could 
be called Republican strongholds, but only two were strongly Con- 
servative-Democratic. 

That these counties were largely dominated by the Republicans 
may be shown in another way. The local Republican Party was com- 
posed of approximately 20,000 whites and nearly all of the 78,019 
Negro voters in the State. 94 Where the proportion of Negroes to 
whites was very high, it could be presumed that the Republicans 
were relatively strong. Census figures show that in every one of these 
fourteen counties except one, the proportion of Negroes exceeded 
the State average of approximately 36 per cent. 95 In seven of these 
counties the proportion was greater than half. It is then interesting 
to note that six of these seven "black" counties are among those listed 
above as Republican strongholds. With the racial composition of 
these counties in mind, it is not surprising to find that they were all 
in the eastern part of the State, the area of greatest Negro concentra- 
tion. It has not been proved that the Republicans committed the 
major portion of the frauds, but the foregoing facts tempt speculation 
in that direction. 

Naturally, the Republicans had several complaints of their own. 
They said that Virginians crossed into North Carolina and voted for 
Merrimon. 96 They also claimed that over two hundred Negroes who 
had been working on the railroad in Virginia were refused ballots. 97 

These charges are interesting but unsupported. However, the state- 
ment that the Conservative-Democrats had been guilty of gerryman- 
dering may be investigated. 98 As a result of the federal census of 1870, 
North Carolina had received an additional congressman; and the Con- 



w Connor, Manual, 1913, 1.001-1,002, 1,016-1,018. 

M Ninth Census: 1870, I, 619. 

85 A Compendium of the Ninth Census . . . (Washington, D. C: United States Gov- 
ernment Printing Office, 1872), 78-80. 

"The New York Times, August 7, 1872. 

w The New York Times, August 7, 1872. 

w Governor's Message, Executive and Legislative Documents of the North Carolina 
General Assembly, Session 1872-1873, 25, hereinafter cited as Governor's Message, 
1872-1873. 



356 The North Carolina Historical Review 

servative-Democratic majority in the legislature had redrawn the 
congressional districts. The Republicans said that the opposition had 
disfranchised many voters by the unfair manner in which they had 
made this rearrangement. In particular they objected to the makeup 
of the Second Congressional District which they said had too large 
a population and was unnatural in shape. 

Their statements seem justified. The eight districts were supposed 
to be as nearly equal in population as it was possible to make them. 
The standard aimed at was approximately 133,000 people per district. 
The Second Congressional District contained over 150,000 people, an 
excess of around 17,000." Also, it was strangely shaped, extending 
from Warren County on the Virginia line to Jones County in the 
southeastern part of the State. 

The real objection was to the fact that the Conservative-Democrats 
had put so many Republican voters in one district. The counties in- 
volved were all strongly Republican, and this meant that many Re- 
publican votes that could have been very useful elsewhere ended up 
as part of a large but useless majority in this controversial district. 

The Conservative-Democrats had also changed the election laws. 
Governor Caldwell said these changes gave them other unfair ad- 
vantages. According to the Republican law of 1870, registration was 
to be conducted during the thirty days prior to the election. A voter 
could also register on election day. During the registration period, 
unlimited challenging was permitted, but on election day, challenges 
could be directed only at those who registered at that time. 100 

The Conservative-Democrats had virtually done away with the last 
minute registration and had also removed all limitations on election 
day challenging. 101 The Republicans said that the opposition intended 
to challenge on frivolous grounds to use up voting hours. This practice 
would be used where there were large numbers of Negroes. 102 

A brief study of the Republican election law of 1870 and the 
Conservative-Democratic revision of it shows that both parties were 
guilty of practices which were not strictly ethical. The 1870 law was 
favorable to the Republicans, and the revision of it was favorable to 
the Conservative-Democrats. It would be surprising to find it other- 
wise. 



"Governor's Message, 1872-1873, 26. 

100 J. B. McLeod, "The Development of North Carolina Election Laws, 1865-1894" 
(unpublished master's thesis, University of North Carolina, 1947), 53, hereinafter 
cited as McLeod, "Election Laws." 

101 McLeod, "Election Laws," 55. 

102 McLeod, "Election Laws," 57. 



The Elections of 1872 357 

Gradually the interest in the election died, and its results were 
accepted. The Conservative-Democrats had hoped for a more clear- 
cut victory, but the outcome had been in no sense a disaster. The 
victory of Caldwell, however, was a serious blow to the hopes of 
Horace Greeley and his followers. Many felt that the result of the 
August election foretold certain defeat for the Democrats and Libera] 
Republicans in November. One experienced politician later said that 
the tide turned with the North Carolina election and after that was 
never checked. 103 

Senator Roscoe Conkling of New York launched the Republican 
national campaign in New York City on July 23. In North Carolina 
the campaign did not start until the first week in October. The 
Republicans then began their canvass and were soon followed by the 
Conservative-Democrats. 

From the beginning of the State campaign it was apparent that 
there was much less public interest in this contest than there had been 
in the one just completed. The Conservative-Democrats were parti- 
cularly apathetic. The Party had done its utmost in August, and there 
did not seem to be much chance of victory in November. 

In August and September Greeley embarked on a speaking tour, 
and his supporters in North Carolina were able to learn more about 
his current views and objectives. The reform candidate said that the 
two great issues of the campaign were reconciliation and purifica- 
tion. 104 In his reconciliation policy there were three steps. Greeley 
wanted to drive out the carpetbaggers, grant universal amnesty, and 
restore to southerners all the rights of citizenship. 105 

While Greeley was touring the country, his lukewarm support in 
North Carolina was fading away. Toward their candidate Conserva- 
tive-Democrats and Liberal Republicans showed either obvious 
apathy or open dislike. Those Democrats who were violently opposed 
to Greeley comforted themselves by attending the "Straight-Out" or 
"Taproot" Democratic convention held in Louisville, Kentucky, on 
September 3. 

As the second campaign began in North Carolina, the war of words, 
though subdued, was resumed. Horace Greeley made a perfect target 
for the shafts of the Republicans. He was ridiculed as a protectionist, 



103 G. W. Julian, Political Recollections (Chicago: Jansen, McClurg and Company, 
1884), 342. 

104 Paul H. Buck, The Road to Reunion (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1937), 
93, hereinafter cited as Buck, Road to Reunion. 



105 



Buck, Road to Reunion, 93. 



358 The North Carolina Historical Review 



106 



leading tariff reformers, and a Republican leading the Democrats. 
In North Carolina the Republicans said that the Greeley forces had 
a fund of $60,000 with which to purchase Negro votes and Ku Klux 
equipment. 107 

Meanwhile the anti-Grant coalition was being equally critical of the 
Republicans. Throughout the South the cry went up against "bloody 
shirt" tactics, 108 and in North Carolina there were complaints of illegal 
activities by the Union League, 109 the United States marshals, 110 and 
the federal election supervisors. 111 

Although this second campaign was milder, it still had some of the 
color which was typical of contemporary politics. There were parades 
and big rallies where torches, flaming barrels of rosin, skyrockets, and 
band music enlivened the atmosphere. 

The most spectacular incident during the campaign was the ex- 
plosion at the plant of Josiah Turner's Daily Sentinel on October 10. 
Evidence indicated that some person or persons set off a charge of 
gunpowder under the Hoe steam press. 

Turner's friends loyally came to his support with sympathy and 
money. One wrote: "We have just heard of the diabolical treatment 
you recently received from some malicious, unprincipled gang of 
devils incarnate. . . . We are ever ready to give you aid in any way you 
may desire." 112 Using other facilities, Turner quickly resumed publi- 
cation on October 12. 113 

In the 1872 contests political clubs of many varieties were much in 
evidence. In Greensboro there was a Conservative club of 190 mem- 
bers which met every Monday night in the basement of the Benbow. 114 
In August, to keep up with the changing political situation, it became 
the Greeley and Brown Club. 115 

The constitution of one such group is interesting and revealing. 
Among numerous duties required of members was the obligation of 
noting the names of all registered persons "who are dead." On 

106 John Spencer Bassett, A Short History of the United States (New York: The 
Macmillan Company, Third edition, 1939), 649. 

107 The New York Times, July 30, 1872. 

108 Buck, Road to Reunion, 94. 

109 Greensboro Patriot, October 23, 1872. 

110 Speech of Alfred M. Waddell Before the United States House of Representatives, 
April 13, 1872. 

1VL Greensboro Patriot, October 23, 1872, quoting the New York Herald. 

112 Eugene T. Jones to Josiah Turner, October 21, 1872, Josiah Turner Papers, 
Southern Historical Collection. 

n * Sentinel, October 12, 1872. 

114 Greensboro Patriot, October 16, 1872. 

115 Greensboro Patriot, August 21, 1872. 



The Elections of 1872 359 

election day members were also to send conveyances for the "sick, 
disabled, and hike-warm." 118 

With meetings, speeches, parades, and some violence, the cam- 
paign drew to a close. Conservative-Democratic anger over the 
election that was, and fears of apathy toward the election that was 
to be, were clearly evident in two election eve headlines, "Look At 
The Registry Lists And See That You Are Not Swindled As In 
August." "The Man Who Stays Away From The Polls Helps To 
Elect Grant." 117 The Republicans were confident. They could rely 
on getting out almost the same vote which had brought them victory 
in August. 

When election day finally came, Grant's victory was overwhelming. 
His popular majority was more than 760,00c, 1 18 and he received 272 
electoral votes to Greeley's 66. 11Q In North Carolina there was never 
any doubt of the result. 

With evident chagrin, a Conservative-Democratic editor wrote, 
"Gone by the board! Money wins. Corruption Triumphant! Four 
years more of the blessing of Radicalism, and four years after that! 
A Clean sweep! It never rains but it pours!" 120 Said another, "North 
Carolina has gone Radical by ten or fifteen thousand majority. This 
fact can not fail to be gratifying to those who staid [sicl at home." m 

The official figures showed that in North Carolina Grant had re- 
ceived 94,304 votes to Greeley's 70,322. 12 " Grant's total was onlv 
3,828 less than Caldwell's had been, but Greeley's vote was 25,912 
less than Merrimon's. Since Grant's majority over Greeley was only 
23,982, this stay-at-home vote theoretically could have given the State 
to Greeley. 

In their national campaign, the Liberal Republicans started out 
with high hopes, but they had been overwhelmingly defeated. In 
North Carolina indifference, dissatisfaction, and despair among the 
Conservative-Democrats and Liberal Republicans resulted in an easy 
victory for Grant. 123 It is not surprising to find this entiy in Major 



^Constitution of the Greeley and Brown Club (Raleigh: Sentinel Book and Job 
Print, 1872), passim. 

117 Greensboro Patriot, October 30, 1872. 

118 Edward S. Ellis, The History of Our Country (Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: The 
History Company, 8 volumes, 1899), V, 1,388. 

n0 Robert Selph Henry, The Story of Reconstruction (New York: Bobbs-Merrill 
Company, 1938), 471. 

120 Greensboro Patriot, November 6, 1872. 

^Carolina Watchman, November 7, 1872. 

^Connor, Manual, 1913, 987-988, 1,001-1,002. Other sources give varying totals for 
the returns of this election. See Andrew C. McLaughlin and Albert Bushnell (eds.), 
Cyclopaedia of American Government (New York: D. Appleton and Company, 3 
volumes, 1914), III, 33. 

123 Hamilton, Reconstruction, 592. 



360 The North Carolina Historical Review 

G. W. F. Harpers diary, "Tues. 5th. Cloudy, cold. . . . Presidential 
Election. Small turn out and but little interest manifested." m 

And so ended the important election year of 1872 in the Old North 
State. The anti-Grant forces had been beaten decisively in November, 
but mostly because they did not care for their candidate. They were 
more interested in the August election, and in this contest they had 
won at least a partial victory. Their chief disappointment was in 
losing the race for governor by such a small margin. 

All in all, they should have been more than satisfied, because the 
fundamental struggle in the campaigns of 1872 was over control of 
the State government. The "alliance" had been able to maintain the 
dominance which they had secured by the victory of 1870. 



124 Diary of Major G. W. F. Harper, November 5, 1872, Southern Historical 
Collection. 



THE FOUNDING OF NEW BERN: A FOOTNOTE 

Edited by Fred J. Allred and Alonzo T. Dill* 

The following documents from the State Archives of the Canton 
of Bern describe the deportation of a party of Swiss "undesirables" 
to North Carolina in 1710. About 100 of these Swiss joined between 
300 and 400 Germans, moving in the same year from the war-ravaged 
Palatinate, in founding under the leadership of the Bernese nobleman, 
Christoph von Graff enried, the City of New Bern. 

The German migration to North Carolina, Pennsylvania, and else- 
where has been treated at some length. 1 The Swiss migration has 
received little attention in English-language publications, though 
it forms a chapter in a German-language history of the Bernese 
Anabaptists. 2 The former North Carolina Historical Commission in 
1920 published Graffenried's accounts of the founding of the New 
Bern colony, including a few letters of the Swiss settlers, but the 
emphasis is chiefly on the Palatines and Graffenried's dealing with 
the English. 3 

The Swiss deportation was carried out in part as a commercial 
venture by Georg Ritter and Company, a colonizing and silver- 
prospecting group in which Graffenried and other Bernese were 
financially interested. The documents below describe the diplomatic 
and financial arrangements and certain precautions taken by the 
government of Bern in agreement with Ritter and Company and with 
an Anabaptist commission or committee. Unfortunately no list of the 

* Dr. Allred is a Professor in the Department of Modern Languages, North Caro- 
lina State College, and Mr. Dill is Public Relations Manager of the Chesapeake Cor- 
poration of Virginia, West Point, Virginia. 

The publication of the translation of records in the Archives of the Canton of 
Bern is with the permission of F. Hausler, Archiviste, Staatsarchiv des Kantons 
Bern, Switzerland. 

1 See for example, W. A. Knittle, Early Eighteenth Century Palatine Emigration 
(Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: Dorrance and Company, 1937). 

2 Ernst Miiller, Geschichte der Bemischen Tailfer nach den Urkunden Dargestellt 
(Frauenfeld, Germany: J. Hubers Verlag, 1895), 252-279, hereinafter cited as Muller, 
Bemischen Tailfer. 

'Vincent H. Todd in Cooperation with Julius Goebel, Christoph von Graffenried's 
Account of the Founding of New Bern (Raleigh: The North Carolina Historical Com- 
mission [State Department of Archives and History], 1920), hereinafter cited as Todd 
and Goebel, von Graff enrieoVs Founding of New Bern. 






362 The North Carolina Historical Review 

deported persons seems to survive, but the compilation of such a 
list is implicit in these records. 4 , 

The Swiss party as conceived was to have consisted of 101 paupers 
or squatters (Landsassen) and about 50 Anabaptists (Wiedertatifer) 
plus a dozen leaders who were to conduct them down the Rhine 
River to Rotterdam. There they were to sail, rendezvous with a convoy 
in England, and journey to North Carolina. Nearly all of the poor 
families completed the journey, but most of the religious group broke 
away in Holland and were permitted to seek refuge with friends in 
Holland or neighboring German states at the insistence of a merciful 
and tolerant Dutch government. However, one or more of the 
Anabaptist families apparently reached New Bern. 5 

The crime of the deported paupers is obvious; they had no money 
and were a drain on the industrious Swiss. Nor were they wholly un- 
willing to be colonists; they had little to lose in seeking a new life in 
America. Because of the somewhat voluntary nature of their going, 
the Dutch government made no objection to their being put aboard 
ship in a Dutch port. The Anabaptists were a different case. The crime 
of these people was their faith. 

The Anabaptists have been called the left wing of the Reformation. 
In Switzerland the sect formed from Zwingli's evangelical movement 
in Zurich, but broke with him about 1523 to pursue their fundamenta- 
list ideas. They denied the efficacy of infant baptism; hence the name 
Anabaptist or Wiedertatifer, "baptized again." They maintained, for 
their own way of life, "a voluntary and benevolent communism" in 
the holding of property. 6 They believed in freedom of worship and 
separation of church and state. Most of the civil governments of 
Europe, including England's, took action at various times to suppress 
the sect. 

The reluctance of these people to swear an oath, to serve as civil 
officers, to condone capital punishment, or to pay taxes for ecclesiasti- 
cal and military purposes, made them "undesirables." They regarded 
the taking of interest as usury and the bearing of arms in defense of 
the state as a violation of their pacifist principles. These views brought 
them into conflict with the Swiss laws of conscription and the Pro- 
testant ethic in favor of interest which was to make the Swiss the 



* The German lists survive and have been published. See "Board of Trade List of 
Palatines, May 3, 1709," New York Genealogical and Biographical Records, XL 
(1909), and XLI (1910). 

5 At least one Swiss letter from New Bern appears to have been written by an 
Anabaptist family. Todd and Goebel, von Graffenried's Founding of New Bern, 
307-315. 

Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics (Edinburgh, Scotland: 12 volumes and 
index, 1925-1926), I, 406-412. 



The Founding of New Bern 363 

bankers of all Europe. Most if not all of the Anabaptists referred to 
in the documents below were serving prison terms for disloyalty to 
the government. 7 

It is believed that these documents have not until now been trans- 
lated into English or published. They consist of entries from the 
Council Records and from the German Letter-Book. The Council 
Records represent actions of the City Council and instructions to the 
clerks in preparing orders and dispatches. The Letter-Book— one in 
the German language, as no doubt there were others in French and 
Italian— contains copies of the dispatches sent to envoys, cantonal 
officials, and others, and reflects the memoranda of the Council 
Records. 

Here in the jargon of "officialese" of the period— the Amtssprache 
which Adolf Eichmann, of a later day, testified he knew so well— is 
the story of the deportation of the Bernese Anabaptists and their 
fellows in misery, the poor families. 

[Council Records 41/166] 
February 25, 1710 

To the honorable gentlemen, Justice Kilchberger, 
Saltz-Director Lerber and Councillor Frisching: — 8 

Whereas the apothecary Herr Ritter and his associates plan to under- 
take their journey to America right way 9 and have offered to take with 
them, in return for travel expenses, not only [poor] families from here, 
but also able-bodied Baptist people 10 from the Canton, you, honored sirs, 
have in your wisdom approved this, and do acknowledge herewith that 
Herr Ritter and his associates shall be paid 500 thalers 11 on behalf of the 
poor families chosen to go with him, to the number of 101 persons. 

Since providing the same transportation and provisions for the Ana- 
baptists would be expensive because of the necessity for keeping them 
under guard and other circumstances, 45 thalers shall be paid per person. 
However, the last half of the full amount will be paid out according to the 
number of Anabaptists actually being transported to America. 



7 Muller, Bernischen Tailfer, 266. 

8 Emanuel Kilchberger was associated with Graff enried and Ritter in the coloniz- 
ing company. Todd and Goebel, von GraffenrieoVs Founding of New Bern, 292. 
Frisching and Lerber have not been identified. Possibly the "Saltz-Director" was 
an official managing the precious supply of salt. 

9 The colonists left Bern on March 18, 1710. See below, note 22. 

10 The words "Baptist" and "Anabaptist" are used interchangeably in these docu- 
ments, though the modern Baptists bear no relation to the Wiedertailfer. The mean- 
ing seems to be that the poor families will come from the immediate locality of Bern, 
while the Anabaptists are being collected for deportation from the cantonal area 
{Land) . 

11 It is difficult to relate the value of the thaler to modern currency. The official 
weight of the thaler was 25.9 grams of silver, worth about 83 cents at the U. S. 
Treasury sale price of silver. 



364 The North Carolina Historical Review 

This is set forth so that you, honored sirs, may understand this and 
inform those persons who are interested. 



To the estimable gentlemen of the Baptist Commission : — 

We wish to inform you that we are well aware that expenses and 
financial loss will be incurred in transporting the Baptists. Therefore we 
wish you to reflect on how and from what source this expenditure will be 
paid back. 



To the honorable Treasurer, Von Wattenweil: — 

You are instructed to pay the sum to Herr Hitter and to account for 
it to our worthy Council. 



To the estimable gentlemen of the Baptist Commission: — 

With regard to from whom the 45 thalers promised for each of the 
Baptists sent to America is to be obtained, the honorable Council finds 
that if the Baptists to be transported should have the means to pay 
transportation, then each should pay his own, but that those who lack this 
amount should be paid for from the incoming rents of the properties in 
the communities from which the Baptists come. 

Moreover, before the Baptists are sent away, it should be impressed 
upon them most seriously that if they should betake themselves again into 
this country and be caught here, they will get into serious trouble, and 
even their lives will be in jeopardy. 12 We want to make this point clear. 

[Council Records 41/229] 

March 5, 1710 

To Justice Kilchberger and his Committee : — 

The apothecary Herr Ritter desires to conclude the arrangements on 
behalf of the Baptists and the subjects of the Council incident to his 
departing for America. Therefore, honored sirs, you will consider sum- 
moning Herr Ritter to arrange with him what Baptists he wishes to take, 
as well as how the money shall be provided. If you, honored sirs, approve, 
please inform us. 



12 Bern had banished the Anabaptists, under penalty of death if they returned, as 
early as 1528. At one time adult baptizing was punishable by drowning. Encyclo- 
paedia of Religion and Ethics, I, 407. 



The Founding of New Bern 365 

[Council Records 41/279] 



March 11, 1710 



To Justice Kilchberger, Saltz-Director Lerber 
And Councillor Frisching: — 

Because of the fact that the total monies for travel expenses for the 
Baptists being sent to America, and also for some of the poor families 
here, have exceeded our competence [to authorize], we have placed this 
question before the highest authorities, who meet tomorrow to hear to 
what extent and to what conclusion will be the decision. 

Therefore, you, honored sirs, are requested to return the memorandum 
we received today and to deliver your opinion on this subject tomorrow. 
In addition, you must consider what is necessary to facilitate the ex- 
pulsion of these people, especially how they can obtain the required docu- 
ments and passports at the Chancellery, and then inform Herr Ritter 
about approved instructions. 



[Council Records 41/281] 

March 11, 1710 

To his Excellency, the French Ambassador : — 

To request permission for transporting the Baptists and a number of 
German subjects here 13 to Pennsylvania, and to obtain passports, as 
[in the file] in the German Letter-Book. 



To his Excellency. Herr von Trautsmansdorf:- 
Ibid. 



[German Letter-Book 41/397] 

March 11, 1710 

To his Excellency, the Imperial Ambassador, 
Herr von Trautsmansdorf: — 

Request for passport. 
Your Excellency, etc. : — 

A few of our people and subjects, numbering approximately 120 per- 



M This seems to indicate that some of the Palatine Germans had sought refuge in 
Bern from the Louis XIV wars. Many were transported to Pennsylvania, but Euro- 
pean ideas of American geography were so vague that the reference to Pennsylvania 
is not conclusive. The following letter, for example, refers to sending the Anabaptists 
to the West Indies, though North Carolina clearly is meant. 



366 The North Carolina Historical Review 

sons, have given us to understand that they, along with their families, 
intend to go to the West Indies, and we consider it necessary and proper to 
send with them some of our disloyal subjects Who belong to the Baptist 
sect, amounting to 50 men. 

Therefore, we most amicably request your Excellency to grant passport 
to the leaders of these people, about 12 men in all, and also, if it is not 
inconvenient, a letter of recommendation to the generals and commanders 
of the Rhine fortifications, so that these people may pass more securely 
and safely to reach their intended destination. Since their departure is 
to take place the 18th of this month, may it please your Excellency kindly 
to send us the necessary documents. 

We doubt not your favorable consideration of this request, and so 
assure your Excellency that in every event we shall remember your assist- 
ance most gratefully. Wherewith we commend your Excellency to the 
care of the Almighty. 

Your Excellency, 

Obediently yours, 

The Mayor and Council of the City of Bern 

To his Excellency of the French Embassy, 
Count de Luc: — 

Ut supra, mutates muta 



[Council Records 41/285] 

March 12, 1710 

Let our worthy Council and citizens be assembled 
by the usual ringing of bells. 

To the worthy gentlemen, Justice Kilchberger, 
Saltz-Director Lerber and Councillor Frisching: — 

Concerning your memorandum of this date on the contract with Herr 
Ritter and interested parties for the deportation of the Baptists to 
America, our worthy Council and citizens have officially decreed as 
follows : 

1. First, Herr Ritter and the interested parties are obligated to take 
the Anabaptists entrusted to them to Carolina, and to take all possible 
measures for embarking them on the transport vessels. 

2. The above persons are likewise to provide for, take care of and 
transport the additional colonists to the aforesaid Carolina. 

For their good work [in transporting the Anabaptists] they shall have 
their necessary and honorable subsistence, for which purpose 45 Reichs- 
thalers per colonist, graciously appropriated by our Council, are to be 
used by them to provide for each colonist as well as possible. 

3. To facilitate this passage, honored sirs, it should be understood 
that, in addition to the passports requested, there shall be paid to them 



The Founding of New Bern 367 

45 thalers for each person as soon as papers are shown certifying the 
colonists are put aboard the transport vessels in Holland — half this sum 
to be paid now and the rest after proof of the possession of these docu- 
ments by the interested parties, who must guard these persons on the 
trip, so that, if bj 7 - their own negligence, some are left behind, we will not 
be obligated to pay the promised funds. 

4. Finally, in regard to the artisans permitted to go with them, five 
thalers' duty shall be paid on each of these, young or old, it being under- 
stood that these people, when they settle in Virginia and Carolina, shall 
be maintained and cared for like the people in other free colonies. 

Our worthy Council and citizens wish to entrust you with carrying out 
the above conditions, and if more passports are needed, everything 
necessary will be done to procure the same, so that these deported 
Anabaptists shall earn their livelihood and be well treated by going to a 
country where they will find others of their kind and by working together. 
If, however, they are thus cared for and, contrary to expectations, one or 
another should return to this country, that person will be surely and 
severely punished and may even be put to death. 



To the Justice-Treasurer, Von Wattenweil:- 
The above to be reported to him. 



[Council Records 41/301] 

March 15, 1710 

To the worthy gentleman, the Justice-Treasurer 
Von Wattenweil: — 

Since it has just been agreed by the Council and citizens that 45 thalers 
per person will be paid to the worthy Herr Ritter and others interested in 
transporting the Baptists to Carolina — one-half here and the other half 
after documentary proof that these persons have been put on board the 
transport vessels — Herr Ritter has requested that some advance of money 
should be made to him now so he can purchase necessary supplies. 

Therefore, your Excellency is kindly requested to pay immediately to 
Herr Ritter a suitable sum on account, since purchases on credit would 
entail a loss of money in the form of interest. 



[Council Records 41/306] 

March 15, 1710 

To the honorable Justice Kilchberger 
and his Committee: — 

It has been reported that various ones among your people have been 



368 The North Carolina Historical Review 

asking from time to time for expense money in anticipation of their 
setting out for America. 

The Council, in the press of business, wishes to be relieved of such 
duties, and desires to grant to Herr Ritter the authority in his discretion 
to take suitable care of these people who have no means and are a burden 
to the country, so that travel expenses of from two to six thalers may be 
awarded to them and they may be sent out of this country. 14 



To the Chiefs of the General Hospital 
and the Insel. separately: — 15 

Since according to the decision of the authorities the imprisoned Bap- 
tists will embark on their journey next Tuesday, it is necessary for them 
to be allowed in the open air each day in the yard of the Insel and the 
General Hospital and churchyard, so up until their departure you are 
commanded to arrange that, when the guards are told, they should let 
the Baptists outside for three or four hours daily and again take them 
[into custody] and lock them up. 



To the local Commandant: — 

You are ordered to provide a suitable number of men with an officer to 
guard these people and to deliver them to the proper authorities. 



To the Chief Bailiff:— 

You are commanded to order Bailiff Langhanss to be present with this 
guard and to pay strict attention to these Baptists so that none of them 
shall escape. 



To the worthy gentlemen, Justice Kilchberger 
and his Committee : — 

With regard to the question raised — whether those of your people 
who are to watch over the Baptists shall have the aforesaid travel expense 



14 One Swiss estimated the cost of his journey from Rotterdam to Carolina at 34 
thalers, so the "two to six thalers" was a pittance. Todd and Goebel, von Graff enried's 
Founding of New Bern, 313. ....... 

15 The Insel ("Island") was evidently a place of isolation or quarantine, possibly 
even a prison. Its high walls are shown on a map of this period, not far from the 
spire of the General Hospital of the Holy Spirit (Oberspital zum Heiligen Geist). 
Frederick de Wit, Theatrum Praecipuarum Totius Europae Urbium (Amsterdam, 
1695?). The City of Bern is depicted on Map No. 8. 



The Founding of New Bern 



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